Conservatism in Hong Kong

Source: Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.

Part of a series on
Conservatism
Variants
Principles
Intellectuals
Works
Politicians
Organizations
Religion
Personal variants
National variants
Historical background
Related ideologies
Related topics

Conservatism in

libertarian
thoughts on economic policies.

During the transition period that began during the Sino-British Joint Declaration of 1984, the business elites were joined by pro-Communist traditional leftists in a strategic "unholy alliance" to resist the rise of the demand for democratisation and liberalisation, in order to secure continued political stability and economic prosperity while maintaining a good relationship with the central government in Beijing when the handover eventually happened in 1997. It has also broadened its popular support and become the backbone of today's pro-Beijing camp, which has been the major supporting force of the SAR administration led by the indirectly elected Chief Executive.

Early colonial period

Laissez-faireism

As the British

free port of Hong Kong and taking advantage as the gateway to the vast Chinese market, Hong Kong merchants, the local Chinese elites so-called compradors, had taken the leading role in investment and trading opportunities by serving as middlemen between European and indigenous population in China and Hong Kong,[1] in the principles of laissez-faire classical liberalism
, which has since dominated the discourse of the economic philosophy of Hong Kong.

Hong Kong was previously rated the world's freest economy, a title bestowed on it by

libertarian economist Milton Friedman.[3][4]

Traditional conservatism

Cecil Clementi, Governor of Hong Kong who instilled traditional conservatism in Hong Kong education.

Hong Kong as a predominant Chinese society has its own

Confucian teachings. The conservatism of the Chinese elites was further protected under the British colonial rule in the early collaborative colonial regime between the Chinese elites and British colonialists. To facilitate its governance of the colonised, the colonial government helped consolidate the gentry's power to preserve conservative cultural values in the wake of progressive movements about Chinese nationalism such as the May Fourth Movement in 1919 and the subsequent New Culture Movement in the 1920s in China.[5]

As

Communist
influences.

Post-war period

Utilitarian familism

Post-war Hong Kong saw an influx of refugees fleeing from the

high-income economy sustaining growth rates (in excess of 7 percent a year). Hong Kong industrialised rapidly from the mid-1950s to the 1990s when Hong Kong was dubbed one of the "Four Asian Tigers". To explain the "economic miracle", sociologist Lau Siu-kai deployed the concept of "utilitarian familism", which summarises the general attitudinal orientations that were manifest in the post-war Chinese immigrants whose materialism made them the ideal economic beings.[8] For them, the utilitarian impulse was preceded by their attachment to traditional Chinese familistic values. The pre-conditional "minimally-integrated socio-political system" in the post-war colony where the polity and the society are seen as mutually secluded and the Hong Kong people were allegedly more interested in family than in politics, turning always to their familial relatives for help, instead of making demands on the government.[8]

Positive non-interventionism

Main article: Positive non-interventionism

government intervention and taxation, while at the same time providing regulatory and physical infrastructure designed to facilitate market-based decision making. The policy was continued by subsequent Financial Secretaries, including Sir Philip Haddon-Cave, who said that "positive non-interventionism involves taking the view that it is normally futile and damaging to the growth rate of an economy, particularly an open economy, for the Government to attempt to plan the allocation of resources available to the private sector and to frustrate the operation of market forces," although he stated that the description of Hong Kong as a laissez-faire
society was "frequent but inadequate".

free market economy.[4] Shortly before his death in 2006, The Wall Street Journal published his "Hong Kong Wrong – What would Cowperthwaite say?" which criticised then Chief Executive Donald Tsang for having abandoned "positive non-interventionism" by defining "small government" as less than 20 per cent of GDP.[9]

Fiscal conservatism has remained the dominant economic philosophy in Hong Kong throughout its history, enjoying different labels including "consensus capitalism" (Financial Secretary Hamish Macleod, 1991–95), "minimum intervention, maximum support" (Donald Tsang) and "proactive market enabler" (Antony Leung, early 2000s). The basic principle of fiscal conservatism was followed by Financial Secretary John Tsang from 2007 to 2017.[10]

Anti-communism

The mainland refugees in Hong Kong also consisted a sizeable number of the

Hong Kong 1956 riots.[11] 59 people were killed and 740 had been arrested, mainly for rioting and looting.[12]

Conservative rural leaders, business elites, film production companies including the

Tang Chun-i also attempted the promote the Confucian teachings and Chinese traditional values.[13] The New Asia College was later incorporated into the Chinese University of Hong Kong
in 1963.

The Nationalist–Communist rivalry was also part of the broader picture of the Cold War. Besides funding the conservative Chinese cultural institutions such as the New Asia College and the Yale-China Association, the United States also encouraged and took advantage of the anti-Communist activities of the Kuomintang. During the 1950s, the Third Force was created by the Central Intelligence Agency as an anti-communist movement of Chinese, which posed a problem for the British authorities, who although ideologically aligned with the United States to keep Hong Kong non-Communist, had officially recognised the Chinese Communist regime in 1950 and were highly sensitive about provoking Beijing.[14]

Run up to 1997

The 1980s: Rise of conservative bloc

As the Sino-British negotiation for the Hong Kong sovereignty after 1997 began in the early 1980s, the business elites sought the way to maintain the status quo of Hong Kong. They initially supported the British

Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher's efforts in insisting the validity of the Treaty of Nanking of 1842. However, Deng Xiaoping, the Chinese paramount leader insisted in restoring sovereignty in Hong Kong in 1997, but guaranteed the "capitalist system and way of life shall remain unchanged for 50 years," which was later written in the Article 5 of the Hong Kong Basic Law.[15]

Besides its "Old Left" Beijing loyalists in the colony which were represented by the

pro-Nationalists, as part of their "United Front" strategy. Many tycoons and professionals were appointed to various bodies such as the Hong Kong Basic Law Drafting Committee (BLDC) and Basic Law Consultative Committee (BLCC) to draft the future mini-constitution of Hong Kong. In the wake of the rise of the liberal lobby which demanded a faster democratisation, the conservative bloc formed the Business and Professional Group of the Basic Law Consultative Committee and the Group of 89 led by tycoon Vincent Lo
in 1986 to counter the liberal movement.

The business elites were concerned about the potential tax increases which might have been introduced by a democratic legislature to fund an expansion of the social budget, fiscal conservatism became an integral feature of the Basic Law, which writes the SAR "shall follow the principle of keeping the expenditure within the limits of revenues in drawing up its budget, and strive to achieve a fiscal balance, avoid deficits and keep the budget commensurate with the growth rate of its gross domestic product" as written in Article 107, reflecting Beijing's and business bloc's interest in having a politically and economically conservative Hong Kong.[16]

The business and professional bloc favoured close limited on the franchise, the retention of an elite system of the government, the avoidance of party politics, and the maintenance of an independent judiciary.

electoral college,[18] in contrary to the more progressive proposal of the pro-democratic members of the Consultative Committee.[19] After the Tiananmen Square crackdown in 1989, the Group of 89 softened its stance slightly with respect to direct elections and reopened negotiations with the pro-democracy camp which led to the outcome of the "compromise model". However the compromise model divided the group between the one who favoured compromise and the ones who favoured the pro-Beijing model put forward by the New Hong Kong Alliance (NHKA).[17]

The 1990s

Resistance to the liberal surge

Allen Lee, founding chairman of the Liberal Party.

In the light of the first ever

Legislative Council direct election, the conservatives in the BLDC and BLCC formed several organisations. The Business and Professionals Federation of Hong Kong (BPF) headed by Vincent Lo was formed in 1990. The Liberal Democratic Federation of Hong Kong (LDF) led by Hu Fa-kuang and Maria Tam was formed in November 1990 with the support of the grassroots organisations Progressive Hong Kong Society (PHKS) and the Hong Kong Civic Association (HKCA). The LDF actively participated in the 1991 three-tier elections but was defeated in the liberal landslide led by the United Democrats of Hong Kong (UDHK) and Meeting Point (MP) alliance. The New Hong Kong Alliance led by Lo Tak-shing
was formed in 1989 by the conservative wing of the BLDC and BLCC group.

To curb the rise of the liberal force in the legislature, 21 appointed and indirectly elected Legislative Council members from the

New China News Agency (NCNA).[21]

The conservatives strongly opposed the

1995 fully elected legislature, the Beijing government set up the Provisional Legislative Council
(PLC) with conservative majority.

Consensus capitalism and caring capitalism

Financial Secretary of Hong Kong between 1991 and 95, coined the term "consensus capitalism", suggesting that the community had reached a consensus on the merits of Hong Kong's brand of capitalism, which was to "encourage free enterprise and competition, while promoting equity and assistance for those who need it......because the community righty expects a fair deal for everyone, and in particular that raw competition be tempered by help for those less able to compete." To Macleod, capitalism "provides the greater likelihood of maximising economic performance and defending political liberty while securing something approaching equality of opportunity."[22]

Donald Tsang, Macleod's successor as Financial Secretary also coined the term "caring capitalism" in 1996, which describe the governments's approach of giving priority to economic growth and then using the new-found wealth to develop social infrastructure and welfare services.[22]

Early handover period

Tung administration

Since the

Tsang Yok-sing into the Executive Council in 2002 under the new Principal Officials Accountability System. The Tung administration was characterised by Confucian paternalist values and conservative governance, as well as the civil service which was conservative in its outlook.[23]

The

Financial Secretary Antony Leung redefined the overall policy as "big market, small government" and that the government should be a "proactive market enabler" who took "appropriate measures to secure projects beneficial to economy as a whole when the private sector is not ready." In 2004, Financial Secretary Henry Tang coined another new term of "market leads, government facilitates."[24]

The continuing economic recession, the

2004 Legislative Council election
.

Tsang administration

Donald Tsang, Financial Secretary (1995–2001) and Chief Executive (2005–12).

In March 2005, Tung resigned as Chief Executive for health reasons, and was succeeded by

District Council members to elect six of the expanded 70-member Legislative Council in 2008. The bill was ultimately defeated by the pan-democracy camp as they argued the Tsang's reform blueprint was too conservative while the conservatives accused the liberals of being obstinate.[26]

In 2006, Tsang proclaimed that "positive non-interventionism" was "past tense" for Hong Kong, which the role of the government was to "facilitate what the market does." Tsang's statement drew criticism locally and internationally, notably from economic philosopher

Nobel Laureates Milton Friedman who had highly praised Hong Kong's free market economy, Edmund Phelps and a famous economist from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences.[24] Friedman published the article "Hong Kong wrong" on The Wall Street Journal in October 2006 shortly before he died, criticising Tsang for abandoning positive non-interventionism.[27] The Heritage Foundation, a conservative Washington think tank, formally removed Hong Kong's designation as a bastion of economic freedom. Tsang later vowed his government's commitment to "small government".[28]

In the

2007 Chief Executive election, Tsang faced challenged from a liberal candidate, Civic Party legislator Alan Leong. With the conservative dominance of the Election Committee, Tsang defeated Leong 649 to 123 votes.[29] In the constitutional reform package in 2010, the Tsang government reached a breakthrough with the pro-democratic Democratic Party
after the Democrats reached an agreement with the Beijing representatives to pass the modified reform package.

Leung administration

More than one conservative candidates ran in the

Central Government Liaison Office
, the election divided the conservative bloc into a Tang camp and a Leung camp. After the election, Beijing called for a reconciliation of the two camps.

James Tien was ejected from the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) after he called on Chief Executive CY Leung to resign during the 2014 Hong Kong protests.[30] Economic Synergy, the breakaway group from the Liberals, formed the Business and Professionals Alliance for Hong Kong (BPA) with the Professional Forum legislators in 2012, while Regina Ip, former Secretary for Security who was in charge of the Article 23 legislation in 2003 formed in the New People's Party
(NPP) in 2011. Together with DAB and FTU, the BPA and NPP formed a loose pro-government coalition.

In 2014, the conservative

restriction on the nomination process of the Chief Executive also triggered the 79-day occupy movement, as proposed by the pro-democracy group Occupy Central with Love and Peace. To counter the occupy movement, the conservative activists led by former radio host Robert Chow also formed the Alliance for Peace and Democracy to launch signature campaigns to oppose the occupy movement.[31] By the time, many pro-government activist groups began to emerge such as Voice of Loving Hong Kong
, Caring Hong Kong Power and Hong Kong Youth Care Association, often with ultra-patriotic and militant rhetorics.

Lam administration

After Leung surprisingly declared he would not seek for re-election, Chief Secretary

ultraconservative on his fiscal policy was challenged by Lam's call for a "new fiscal philosophy" to adopt more proactive approach in investing for Hong Kong and relieving people's burdens with the record-breaking fiscal surplus.[32] However, Lam was seen more politically conservative and was labelled as "CY 2.0" who would follow Leung's hardline and divisive policies, as compared to Tsang who called for reconciliation with the opposition camp.[33] The pro-democrats supported Tsang as they saw Tsang as the "lesser evil" of the two.[34]
As a result, Lam won in the election with the alleged support of the Liaison Office.

National security law and autocratisation

See also: Neoauthoritarianism (China)
Part of a series on
Conservatism in China
Ideologies
Principles
History
Intellectuals
Works
Politicians
Extant parties

Mainland China (neoauthoritarian)

Hong Kong (pro-Beijing)

Hong Kong (pro-ROC)

Macau (pro-Beijing)

Republic of China (Taiwan)

Historical parties

Hong Kong (pro-Beijing)

Republic of China (Taiwan)

Alliances
Organisations
Media

Mainland China (neoauthoritarian)

Hong Kong (pro-Beijing)

Republic of China (Taiwan)

Overseas

Former

By region
Variants and movements
Related topics

Since the ascendance of

Beijing's Liaison Office in Hong Kong, raised concerns among the Hong Kong public.[35] The paper asserts its "comprehensive jurisdiction" over the territory. "The high degree of autonomy of the HKSAR [Hong Kong Special Administrative Region] is not full autonomy, nor a decentralised power," it says. "It is the power to run local affairs as authorised by the central leadership."[36] It also stresses that "loving the country is the basic principle for Hong Kong's administrators," who also have a responsibility to safeguard "the country's sovereignty, security and development interests and [to ensure] the long-term prosperity and stability of Hong Kong." It also asserts the necessity "to stay alert to the attempt of outside forces to use Hong Kong to interfere China's domestic affairs, and prevent and repel the attempt made by a very small number of people who act in collusion with outside forces to interfere with the implementation of 'one country, two systems' in Hong Kong."[37]

In the following years, the kidnappings of the Causeway Bay Books staffs who published books critical of Xi Jinping and the Communist Party and the abduction of a Hong Kong-residing Chinese billionaire Xiao Jianhua raised alarm of the increasingly blur border between Hong Kong and mainland China.[38] In 2019, Chief Executive Carrie Lam push for the extradition bill which would establish a mechanism for transfers of fugitives between Hong Kong and mainland China, which raised concerns among various sectors of Hong Kong which feared it would further erosion of Hong Kong's separate legal system and its built-in safeguards for civil liberties, as well as damage to Hong Kong's business climate.[39] The opposition to the bill turned into an unprecedented city-wide protests throughout the latter half of 2019, in which the SAR government responded with heavy-handed crackdown.

In June 2020, the

conservative think tank The Heritage Foundation also dropped Hong Kong from its annual "Index of Economic Freedom" in which Hong Kong had topped the list for a quarter century in 2021, explaining that it "measures economic freedom only in independent countries where governments exercise sovereign control of economic policies."[46]

Western observers attributed the shift of Beijing's policies toward Hong Kong to a new group of Chinese "

Nazi German legal theorist Carl Schmitt who served as Adolf Hitler's "crown jurist".[47] Chen Duanhong, a law professor at Peking University, directly cited Schmitt in defense of the national security law in 2018, arguing that the state had the right to suspend constitutional norms, especially provisions for civil rights, "when the state is in dire peril." has made a similar case. Jiang Shigong also employed Schmitt's ideas extensively in his 2010 book China's Hong Kong to resolve tensions between sovereignty and the rule of law in favour of the Chinese Communist Party and provided rationale for the autocratisation in Hong Kong.[47]

Conservative localism

Main article: Localism in Hong Kong

A strain of conservatism was found in the emerging

Simplified Chinese in daily use and in schools. As a cultural traditionalist, Chin cited British colonial governor Cecil Clementi's fostering of local traditional culture in the 1920s, arguing that, thanks to British colonialism, "Hong Kong's culture today is both more modern and more authentically Chinese — or more rooted in ancient traditions — than the culture of mainland China," where orthodox religious customs and traditional written Chinese were abandoned under the Communist regime.[49]

Chin saw Hong Kong as the true claimant of the traditional Chinese culture and saw the Hong Kong–Chinese cultural distinction as the Confucian notion of

British Overseas Territory were also set up.[52]

List of conservative parties

New Hong Kong Alliance

Liberal Democratic Federation of Hong Kong

Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong

Breakfast Group to Professional Forum

Liberal Party

  • 1993: Formation of the Liberal Party
  • 2008: Some members left and formed the ⇒ Economic Synergy

Hong Kong Progressive Alliance

  • 1994: Formation of the Hong Kong Progressive Alliance
  • 1997: The Liberal Democratic Federation of Hong Kong merged into the ⇒ Hong Kong Progressive Alliance
  • 2005: The party merged into the ⇒ Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong

Economic Synergy

  • 2009: Formation of the Economic Synergy
  • 2012: The group merged into ⇒ Business and Professionals Alliance for Hong Kong

New People's Party

Business and Professionals Alliance for Hong Kong

  • 2012: Formation of the Business and Professionals Alliance for Hong Kong

Conservative figures and organisations

See also

Other ideologies in Hong Kong

References

  1. ISBN 1134630948
    .
  2. ^ Hunt, Katie (12 January 2012). "Is Hong Kong really the world's freest economy?". BBC.
  3. ^ Ingdahl, Waldemar (22 March 2007). "Real Virtuality". The American. Archived from the original on 3 October 2014. Retrieved 20 February 2008.
  4. ^
    ISBN 0-15-633460-7
    .
  5. ^ Law, Wing Sang (2009). Collaborative Colonial Power: The Making of the Hong Kong Chinese. Hong Kong University Press. pp. 27–8.
  6. ^ a b Law, Wing Sang (2009). Collaborative Colonial Power: The Making of the Hong Kong Chinese. Hong Kong University Press. pp. 106–7.
  7. ^ Carroll, John M. (2009). Edge of Empires: Chinese Elites and British Colonials in Hong Kong. Harvard University Press. p. 140.
  8. ^ a b Chen, Kuan-Hsing (2005). Trajectories: Inter-Asia Cultural Studies. Routledge. p. 99.
  9. ^ Friedman, Milton (6 October 2006). "Dr. Milton Friedman". Opinion Journal. Retrieved 20 February 2008.
  10. ^ Ren, Hai (2010). Neoliberalism and Culture in China and Hong Kong: The Countdown of Time. Routledge. p. 21.
  11. ^ Tsang, Steve (1995). Government and Politics. Hong Kong University Press. p. 289.
  12. ISBN 9780824812690
    .
  13. ^ Chou, Grace Ai-Ling (2011). Confucianism, Colonialism, and the Cold War: Chinese Cultural Education at Hong Kong's New Asia College, 1949-63. BRILL. p. 201.
  14. ^ Aldrich, Richard J.; Rawnsley, Ming-Yeh (2013). The Clandestine Cold War in Asia, 1945-65: Western Intelligence, Propaganda and Special Operations. Routledge. p. 67.
  15. ISBN 0-7391-0492-6
    .
  16. ISBN 9780203401927
    .
  17. ^ a b Davies, Stephen; Roberts, Elfed (1990). Political Dictionary for Hong Kong. MacMillan Publishers. pp. 181–2.
  18. ISBN 9780824812690
    .
  19. ^ Loh, Christine (2010). Underground front. Hong Kong University Press. p. 160.
  20. ^ 九七過渡: 香港的挑戰. Chinese University Press. 1997. p. 63.
  21. ^ Loh, Christine (2010). Underground Front: The Chinese Communist Party in Hong Kong. Hong Kong University Press. p. 305.
  22. ^ a b Lau, Chi Kuen (1997). Hong Kong's Colonial Legacy. Chinese University Press. pp. 79–80.
  23. ^ Ash, Robert (2003). Hong Kong in Transition: One Country, Two Systems. Routledge. p. 4.
  24. ^ a b Yeung, Rikkie (2008). Moving Millions: The Commercial Success and Political Controversies of Hong Kong's Railway. Hong Kong University Press. p. 30.
  25. ^ "【蘋話當年】2003年民建聯區選大敗 曾鈺成辭任主席". Apple Daily. 24 November 2014.
  26. ^ Lo, Sonny Shiu-hing (2008). The Dynamics of Beijing-Hong Kong Relations: A Model for Taiwan?. Hong Kong University Press. pp. 68–9.
  27. ^ Friedman, Milton (6 October 2006). "Hong Kong Wrong". The Wall Street Journal.
  28. ^ Tsang, Donald (18 September 2006). "Big Market, Small Government".
  29. ^ Chan, Ming K. (2008). China's Hong Kong Transformed: Retrospect and Prospects Beyond the First Decade. City University of HK Press. p. 139.
  30. ^ James Tien faces CPPCC expulsion, RTHK, 28 October 2014
  31. ^ Wong, Alan (21 July 2014). "Campaign Tries Tapping into Hong Kong's 'Silent Majority'". The New York Times. Hong Kong. Retrieved 15 August 2014.
  32. ^ "The 2018-2019 Budget".
  33. ^ "Hong Kong leadership race rivals point fingers over records in office". South China Morning Post. 14 March 2017.
  34. ^ "'Long Hair' Leung Kwok-hung enters chief executive race, urging allies not to vote for 'lesser evils'". South China Morning Post. 8 February 2017.
  35. ^ "撰文撐中央干預港事務 強世功幕後黑手" [Author supports central government intervention in Hong Kong affairs: Jiang Shigong, the dark force behind the scenes]. Apple Daily (in Chinese). 12 June 2014. Retrieved 25 July 2019.
  36. ^ Kaiman, Jonathan (25 June 2014). "Hong Kong's unofficial pro-democracy referendum irks Beijing". The Guardian.
  37. ^ Gu, Yu (2015). Hong Kong's Legislature under China's Sovereignty: 1998-2013. Hotei Publishing. p. 229.
  38. ^ DAVID LAGUE, JAMES POMFRET and GREG TORODE (20 December 2019). "How murder, kidnappings and miscalculation set off Hong Kong's revolt - A REUTERS SPECIAL REPORT". Reuters. Archived from the original on 19 January 2020. Retrieved 21 December 2019.
  39. ^ "Fears over Hong Kong-China extradition plans". BBC. 8 April 2019. Archived from the original on 14 June 2019. Retrieved 29 May 2019.
  40. ^ a b Lily Kuo (29 May 2020). "China threatens 'countermeasures' against UK over Hong Kong crisis". The Guardian. Archived from the original on 3 June 2020. Retrieved 3 June 2020.
  41. ^ "Hong Kong National Security Law Promulgated, Came into Effect June 30, 2020". Morrison & Foerster. 1 July 2020. Archived from the original on 2 July 2020. Retrieved 2 July 2020.
  42. ^ Grundy, Tom (10 November 2020). "US hits four more officials over Hong Kong freedoms". Agence France-Press. Archived from the original on 10 November 2020. Retrieved 10 November 2020.
  43. ^ "Legislation Summary: Hong Kong National Security Law". NPC Observer. 30 June 2020. Archived from the original on 2 July 2020. Retrieved 2 July 2020.
  44. ^ Mason, Jeff; Holland, Steve (15 July 2020). "China vows retaliation after Trump ends preferential status for Hong Kong". Reuters. Archived from the original on 5 August 2020.
  45. ^ "U.S. Rescinds Special Treatment for Hong Kong. What's Next for the Island?". NPR.org. Archived from the original on 5 August 2020. Retrieved 11 August 2020.
  46. ^ "Heritage Foundation drops Hong Kong from 'economic freedom' index". Nikkei Asia. 4 March 2021.
  47. ^ a b Chang, Che (1 December 2020). "The Nazi Inspiring China's Communists". The Atlantic.
  48. ^ Hung, Ho Fung (3 November 2014). "Three Views of Local Consciousness in Hong Kong 香港 地元の意識、三つの視点". The Asia-Pacific Journal. 12 (44).
  49. ^ Chin, Wan (14 June 2015). "A Federation for Hong Kong and China". The New York Times.
  50. ^ Lau, Stuart (10 June 2013). "Independent thinker Horace Chin treads bold path". South China Morning Post.
  51. ^ Kwok, Benny (22 April 2016). "Father of HK independence movement to run in September". Harbour Times.
  52. ^ "保守黨 Conservative Party". Facebook.
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Conservatism_in_Hong_Kong&oldid=1219257267"