Conservatism in Peru
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Conservatism in Peru (Spanish: Conservadurismo) is a broad system of conservative political beliefs in Peru, characterized by support for Catholic values, social stability and social order. Peruvian conservatism has encompassed a wide range of theories and ideologies in the last two hundred years. In contrast with nearly nations like Colombia or Chile, Peru has not developed a concrete conservative political tradition.[1]
Peru is considered to be one of the most conservative nations in Latin America,
History
Beginnings of the Republic
The weakness of political parties in Peruvian politics has been recognized throughout the nation's history, with competing leaders fighting for power following the collapse of the
Bartolomé Herrera is considered the most influential conservative thinker of 19th-century Peru.
Responding to criticism in the press, Herrera would write:[11]
"[T]he people, that is, the sum total of individuals of every age and condition, DO NOT HAVE THE CAPACITY NOR THE RIGHT TO MAKE LAWS"
Thus, Herrera believed that humans could not even interpret natural law, let alone make laws themselves.[11] He would also supported the caudillo Ramón Castilla, who ruled Peru through the 1800s, believing that his authority helped stabilize Peru.[11] Herrera temporarily resigned from public life in 1853 after the Congress of Peru blocked a concordat he drafted for Pope Pius IX.[11] He reappeared in 1860 to become a member and president of Congress, creating a draft of the 1860 Constitution of Peru that supported an undemocratic, elitist agenda that included excluding citizenship for a large percentage of Peruvians, a president chosen through indirect election, a thirty-member senate that was overseen by businessmen who held judicial power and a chamber of deputies who dealt with legislature.[11] After his proposal was rejected, he angrily resigned from office and stayed out of public life.[11]
During the time of the Chincha Islands War, guano extraction in Peru led to the rise of an even wealthier aristocracy that established a plutocracy.[10] A wealthy oligarchy was then created that used candidate-based political parties to control economic interests; a practice that continues to the present day.[10] This oligarchy was supported by the Catholic Church, which would ignore inequalities in Peru and instead assist governments with appeasing the impoverished majority.[10] The education system in Peru was also created by the authoritarian governments of conservatives to segregate against indigenous Peruvians, instilling the belief of a hierarchal society and training indigenous groups to live their lives as peasants or soldiers.[12] Combatting ideologies of indigenismo of the majority and the elite holding Europhile values would arise at the end of the nineteenth century and into the twentieth century.[10]
Generation of 1900
The Generation of 1900 (Spanish: Generación del 1900) was an influential group of writers, historians and philosophers who created modern Peruvian
The writings of Manuel González Prada provided much of the inspiration for nationalist reform in Peru following the War of the Pacific, though he would embrace anarchism instead of liberalism, believing the latter prevented the necessary reform for Peru.[14] Intellectuals in Peru would seek to create their own nationalist movement, though initially they had complications with deciding its direction since the bases of Peruvian society relied on an authoritarian religious system that accepted natural law, which had been imposed since Spanish colonial period, resulting with intellectuals avoiding secularism altogether.[14] The group then became limited, fixating on the past while other nations focused on more progressive concerns.[14]
Members of the Generation of 1900 were primarily influenced by the aristocratic
According to historian Fernán Altuve, this generation of intellectuals, who would put an end to the liberal-positivist consensus on the interpretation of Peruvian political thought in Peru, were the first generation to give importance to conservative thinking in Peruvian history, rescuing important conservative figures like Bartolomé Herrera or Blas Ostoloza.[15]
Odría and Belaúnde era
Through the early twentieth century, the Peruvian Armed Forces held political power in Peru.[16] Manuel A. Odría led a coup against José Luis Bustamante y Rivero in 1948, leading a far-right government until 1956.[17] His regime would adopt a populist, nationalist and pragmatic character. In the same year, Fernando Belaúnde founded the center-right Acción Popular party. He would later become president in 1963 and held a doctrine called "The Conquest of Peru by Peruvians", which promoted the exploitation of resources in the Amazon rainforest and other outlying areas of Peru through conquest,[18] stating "only by turning our vision to the interior, and conquering our wilderness as the United States once did, will South America finally achieve true development".[16] In 1964 in an incident called the Matsé genocide , the Belaúnde administration targeted the Matsés after two loggers were killed, with the Peruvian armed forces and American fighter planes dropping napalm on the indigenous groups armed with bows and arrows, killing hundreds.[18][19] Belaúnde was removed from office by a military coup led by general Juan Velasco Alvarado in 1968.
Post-Velasco era
Following the
21st century
Former
During the presidencies of Ollanta Humala, Pedro Pablo Kuczynski and Martín Vizcarra, Congress was dominated by the opposition Popular Force, the party created by the daughter of the former Peruvian president Alberto Fujimori, Keiko Fujimori, and opposed many of the actions performed by the presidents.[29][30][31] During the government of Pedro Castillo, conservative groups in Peru used social media to spread fake news and for the incitement of violence, especially on TikTok.[32]
Themes
Hispanismo
Peruvian conservative philosopher
Anti-leftism
Madrid Charter
The far-right Spanish political party,
Terruqueo
In the 1990s, president
Environment
Environmental degradation occurred in Peru since businesses take advantage of deregulation to attain more growth.[27][48] The conservative Congress of Peru refused to ratify the Escazú Agreement regarding environmental rights, arguing that it would violate the sovereignty of Peru and interfere with the economy.[27]
Neoliberalism
Hernando de Soto, the founder of one of the first neoliberal organizations in Latin America, Institute for Liberty and Democracy (ILD), began to receive assistance from Ronald Reagan's administration, with the National Endowment for Democracy's Center for International Private Enterprise (CIPE) providing his ILD with funding and education for advertising campaigns.[49][50][51] Between 1988 and 1995, de Soto and the ILD were mainly responsible for some four hundred initiatives, laws, and regulations that led to significant changes in Peru's economic system.[52][53]
The Lima Consensus as established during the Fujimori administration focused on
Consensus policies are supported by the economic elite and some of the middle class, with supporters advocating for deregulation, privatization and the removal of
Media
Peru's media organizations control the
El Comercio Group is the largest media conglomerate in Peru and one of the largest in South America, owning 80% of newspapers, receiving 65% of online readers and generating 57% of revenue among Peru's largest media organizations.[60][61][62][63] Although they initially opposed the Fujimori clan in other instances, especially against Alberto Fujimori,[64][65] El Comercio Group has typically supported right-wing political candidates, including President Alan García and Keiko Fujimori.[58][66]
References
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- ^ "Peru's Precarious Politics — The Crisis Deepens". Inter-American Dialogue. 2023-01-10. Retrieved 2023-06-06.
the right in Peru also has authoritarian tendencies, while the left consists of a mix between ideological and pragmatic elements
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In contrast to the liberals, conservatives were essentially reactionary authoritarians. ... Herrera emerged as the leading spokesman of Peruvian conservatism. As opposed to contemporary liberal thinkers, Herrera called for greater reliance on authority, opted for order over liberty, and argued for greater ecclesiastical influence in worldly affairs. Political authority derived from God, ... The Constitution of 1860 was a compromise between the 1856 charter, which many Peruvians found too radical, and the authoritarian proposal of Herrera.
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- ^ Neira, p. 444
- ^ a b Dourojeanni, Marc J. (12 June 2017). "Belaúnde en la Amazonía". Centro Amazónico de Antropología y Aplicación Práctica (CAAAP) (in Spanish). Retrieved 14 October 2021.
- ^ LR, Redacción (9 June 2018). "Terrorista "José" amenaza con más ataques a las fuerzas del orden". La República (in Spanish). Archived from the original on 10 June 2021. Retrieved 27 May 2021.
- ^ "Operation Condor | international campaign | Britannica". www.britannica.com. Retrieved 2023-03-25.
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the military's growing frustration over the limitations placed upon its counterinsurgency operations by democratic institutions, coupled with the growing inability of civilian politicians to deal with the spiraling economic crisis and the expansion of the Shining Path, prompted a group of military officers to devise a coup plan in the late 1980s. The plan called for the dissolution of Peru's civilian government, military control over the state, and total elimination of armed opposition groups. The plan, developed in a series of documents known as the "Plan Verde," outlined a strategy for carrying out a military coup in which the armed forces would govern for 15 to 20 years and radically restructure state-society relations along neoliberal lines.
- ISBN 978-0-7391-1358-5.
important members of the officer corps, particularly within the army, had been contemplating a military coup and the establishment of an authoritarian regime, or a so-called directed democracy. The project was known as 'Plan Verde', the Green Plan. ... Fujimori essentially adopted the 'Plan Verde,' and the military became a partner in the regime. ... The autogolpe, or self-coup, of April 5, 1992, dissolved the Congress and the country's constitution and allowed for the implementation of the most important components of the 'Plan Verde.'
- ^ Rospigliosi, Fernando (1996). Las Fuerzas Armadas y el 5 de abril: la percepción de la amenaza subversiva como una motivación golpista. Lima, Peru: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos. pp. 46–47.
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The coup of April 5, 1992, carried out by high-ranking military felons who used the President of the Republic himself as their figurehead, had as one of its stated objectives a guaranteed free hand for the armed forces in the anti-subversion campaign, the same armed forces for whom the democratic system – a critical Congress, an independent judiciary, a free press – constituted an intolerable obstacle.
- "Spymaster". Australian Broadcasting Corporation. August 2002. Retrieved 29 March 2023.
Lester: Though few questioned it , Montesinos was a novel choice. Peru's army had banished him for selling secrets to America's CIA, but he'd prospered as a defence lawyer – for accused drug traffickers. ... Lester: Did Fujmori control Montesinos or did Montesinos control Fujimori? ... Shifter: As information comes out, it seems increasingly clear that Montesinos was the power in Peru.
- Keller, Paul (26 October 2000). "Fujimori in OAS talks PERU CRISIS UNCERTAINTY DEEPENS AFTER RETURN OF EX-SPY CHIEF". Financial Times.
Mr Montesinos ... and his military faction, ... for the moment, has chosen to keep Mr Fujimori as its civilian figurehead
- "THE CRISIS OF DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE IN THE ANDES" (PDF). Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. 2001. Retrieved 25 March 2023.
Alberto Fujimori,... as later events would seem to confirm—merely the figurehead of a regime governed for all practical purposes by the Intelligence Service and the leadership of the armed forces
- "Questions And Answers: Mario Vargas Llosa". Newsweek. 9 January 2001. Retrieved 25 March 2023.
Fujimori became a kind of, well, a figurehead
- "Spymaster". Australian Broadcasting Corporation. August 2002. Retrieved 29 March 2023.
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- ^ * Arroyo Menéndez 2020: "To the extent that VOX fits with the concepts and theoretical explanations about radical right-wing parties and authoritarian populists, we would have a prior set of variables and factors that could explain the vote for this party."
- Cabezas, Marta (1 January 2022). "Silencing Feminism? Gender and the Rise of the Nationalist Far Right in Spain". S2CID 244923080.
the nationalist far-right party Vox
- García Rada, Aser (15 January 2021). "Spain will become the sixth country worldwide to allow euthanasia and assisted suicide". British Medical Journal. 372.
the far right Vox opposed the law
- Wheeler, Duncan (2020). "Vox in the Age of COVID-19: The Populist Protest Turn in Spanish Politics". Journal of International Affairs. 73 (2). New York City: 173–184.
This provided an opportunity for Vox, a far-right populist party
- Mudde, Cas (2019). The Far Right Today. John Wiley & Sons. pp. 40, 41, 174. ISBN 978-1-5095-3685-6.
- Ferreira 2019, p. 73
- Mudde, Cas (12 November 2019). "Nativism is driving the far-right surge in Europe – and it is here to stay". The Guardian.
- Gould, Robert (2019). "Vox España and Alternative für Deutschland: Propagating the Crisis of National Identity". Genealogy. 3 (4): 64.
- Cabezas, Marta (1 January 2022). "Silencing Feminism? Gender and the Rise of the Nationalist Far Right in Spain".
- Ribera Payá, Pablo; Díaz Martínez, José Ignacio (16 July 2020). "The end of the Spanish exception: the far right in the Spanish Parliament". European Politics and Society. 22 (3): 410–434. S2CID 225618005.
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It was in this context that Martha Chávez, ... accused demonstrators of being linked to the terrorist left ... As absurd as it may seem, this kind of attack is common in Peru, and recently there is even a name for it: terruqueo, the mostly groundless accusation of being connected to once powerful communist terrorist organizations. ... After the end of the conflict, the term came to be used carelessly and often as a racially charged political insult, targeting progressive or left-wing politicians or activists, organizations committed to the defense of human rights, and, at least historically, people of indigenous origin.
- S2CID 247116260.[permanent dead link]
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- S2CID 251877338. Retrieved 18 January 2023.
terruqueo, ou seja, a construção artificial, racista e conveniente de um inimigo sociopolítico para deslegitimar formas de protesto social
- S2CID 247116260.[permanent dead link]
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Works cited
- Arroyo Menéndez, Millán (2020). "Las causas del apoyo electoral a VOX en españa". Política y Sociedad. 57 (3). S2CID 241063503.
- Ferreira, Carles (2019). "Vox como representante de la derecha radical en España: un estudio sobre su ideología" [Vox as Representative of the Radical Right in Spain: A study of its Ideology]. Revista Española de Ciencia Política (in Spanish). 51 (51): 73–98. ISSN 2173-9870.