Coterel gang
The Coterel gang (also Cotterill,[1] fl. c. 1328 – 1333)[2] was a 14th-century armed group that flourished in the North Midlands of England. It was led by James Coterel—after whom the gang is named—supported by his brothers Nicholas and John. It was one of several such groups that roamed across the English countryside in the late 1320s and early 1330s, a period of political upheaval with an associated increase in lawlessness in the provinces. Coterel and his immediate supporters were members of the gentry, and according to the tenets of the day were expected to assist the crown in the maintenance of law and order, rather than encourage its collapse.
Basing themselves in the peaks of Derbyshire and the heavily wooded areas of north Nottinghamshire (such as Sherwood Forest) the Coterels frequently cooperated with other groups, including the Folvilles. Membership of the Coterel gang increased as its exploits became more widely known; most of the new members were recruited locally, but others came from as far away as Shropshire. Despite repeated attempts by the crown to suppress the Coterels, their criminal activities increased; by 1330 they had committed murder, extortion, kidnap, and ran protection rackets across the Peak District. They do not seem to have ever been particularly unpopular with the populace, and the secular and ecclesiastical communities provided them with supplies, provisions and logistical support.
Possibly their most famous offence took place in 1332. A
The King was politically distracted by the outbreak of the
Background
Political context
The Coterel gang was active during a period of political factionalism within central government. The king,
In 1322 Lancaster had rebelled against Edward and his favourites, but had been defeated and executed.
Members of their own family were "contrariants"—opposed to the Despensers and Edward II—but this did not prevent the Coterel brothers stealing from members of that party whenever the opportunity arose. For example, after the Battle of Boroughbridge in 1322—when the contrariant nobles fought Edward II and lost—the Coterels ambushed fleeing survivors of the losing side, and robbed them of horses and armour. On another occasion they stole "a quantity of silver plate",[10] only to be ambushed themselves by a small force of Welsh who in turn relieved them of their loot.[10][note 1]
The Coterel family
The Coterel family has been described as "not only numerous, but also litigious".
Origins
There is no firm evidence as to James Coterel's precise motives for embarking on his career in crime. Perhaps, suggests the medievalist
Activities
The Coterels and their associates were a "greenwood gang", as they favoured making their hide-outs in the local woods.[30][note 4] They cooperated with similar groups, most notably with the Folvilles,[33] and when Eustace Folville hid out in Derbyshire—"during his enforced absences"[17] from Leicestershire—James Coterel was later described as his leader,[17][note 5] although strictly the Coterels were of a lower social status[19] (Maurice Keen wrote that James Coterel "might have ranked as a minor gentleman",[24] while Folville was a knight).[24] Either way, the Coterels did not merely have contacts within the gentry class; they were members of it.[34] They were known to hide out on the "wild forests of the High Peak"[35]—James Coterel was called "the king of the Peak"[36]—with spies keeping a look-out for the sheriff's men; they avoided capture this way on at least one occasion.[35] The Coterels had a strategy of never staying more than a month in the same place; they did return, intermittently, to various safe houses.[37] One of the areas they concentrated on was around the village of Stainsby, where the Sauvage family was based and on whose manor the Coterels often made their headquarters.[22]
Another gang, led by James Coterel and his brothers, terrorized Derbyshire and Nottinghamshire, including Sherwood Forest, from 1328 to 1332. These were no common criminals but "gentlemen," probably the younger sons of landed gentry, who, when they were not committing crimes such as robbery, extortion, and murder, often by hire, were serving in Edward III's wars in Scotland and France while holding public office as bailiffs and even MPs.[32]
Thomas Ohlgren
Meanwhile, King Edward II had continued alienating his nobility, and by 1326 both his wife,
Peak of activity
The high point of the gang's activity was between March 1331 and September 1332.
The Coterel gang were the subject of multiple presentments throughout their short career,[57] and committed at least two murders as well as extortions[note 12] and kidnappings around the Peak District,[7] running protection rackets,[19] and generally involving themselves in the feuds of their neighbours.[2] Until mid-1331 the group had made a name for themselves by committing extreme acts of violence; it seems that from then they made it a policy to avoid violence where possible and concentrate on more financially profitable schemes.[59] They became particularly involved in extortion, and Hanawalt has described their technique as being refined: they possessed "such an evil reputation for extortion that they only had to send a letter threatening damage to life, limb, and property in order to extort money".[58]
... These plunderers, kidnappers and murderers nevertheless appear in a matrix of affinities and patronage coextensive with the local gentry.[60]
Howard Kaminsky
This was the gang's method with the
They did all this with apparent
Kidnapping of Richard Willoughby
The kidnap of Richard Willoughby has been described by historians Anthony Musson and Mark Ormrod as a "daring and very high-profile event".[68] He was captured in Melton Mowbray on 14 January 1332[56] and spirited away while on a judicial commission in the East Midlands.[18] The Coterels, accompanied by members of the Folville gang,[18] numbered between 20 and 30 men.[56] In exchange for Willougby's life, they demanded 1,300 marks for his release.[note 15] Willoughby was a wealthy man, and raised the necessary amount by the following day.[18][note 16] Clearly, says Hanawalt, the risks associated with attacking such a prominent individual were deemed to be acceptable in expectation of such large amounts.[58] The Folvilles received 300 marks of the ransom.[30] It is likely that the Coterels and their associates were motivated at least in part by the fact that many of them would have come up against Willoughby on previous occasions[71] in his capacity as a puisne judge[72] who was regularly active on commissions of oyer and terminer in the region.[73] It is known that in June 1329 he investigated the pillaging of the Earl of Lancaster's lands by the Coterels, and in 1331 he heard the complaint of the vicar of Bakewell over his eviction by the gang.[74] Willoughby was notoriously corrupt[70][75]—the royal yearbooks would later report Willoughby as selling the laws of the land "as if they were cattle or oxen"[76][77]—and according to the near-contemporary Knighton's Chronicon, the Coterel associates had much to feel aggrieved about:[71] Willoughby had been the judge in several cases against members of the group.[24] He was, says Bellamy, "thus a fit subject for humiliation".[78] His kidnap was almost certainly the chance for revenge "for some wrong or imagined wrong once suffered"[74] as much as, if not more than, financial gain.[74]
The distribution of the ransom took place in one of Sir Robert Touchet's manors at Markeaton Park; Touchet was a prominent Midlands landowner,[79] and was probably the Coterels' chief patron.[16] With his brother, Edmund Touchet—who was parson of nearby Mackworth—he knew and approved of the Coterel scheme. These men, who provided the gang with material assistance when it was required, were an exemplar of the kind of support the Coterels enjoyed locally.[79] The kidnapping of Willoughby was not merely a local outrage, but, says the historian John Aberth, for the crown it was "an unprecedented assault on the dignity of its bench and the authority of its law".[72] In Derbyshire, there was a "widespread lack of sympathy" for the judge.[30]
Royal response
In response to Willoughby's kidnapping, the King despatched a "powerful" judicial commission to the north Midlands in March 1332.
A jury of presentment, composed of men from the hundreds of Wirksworth and Appeltree, sat in September 1332,[note 17] and claimed that the gang was known to collaborate with Robert Bernard, backed by the Chapter of Lichfield Cathedral.[17] This commission documented the Coterels' activities minutely, and, Anthony Musson says, it is "a tribute to the functioning of the judicial machinery" of the county in the midst of a severe break down in order that it was able to do so.[87][note 18]
Support for the gang
The Coterels poached, ambushed, had a spy in Nottingham, ill-treated clerics, were pursued by bounty hunters and the sheriff, operated in Sherwood, entered royal service, had as an ally a member of the gentry who had lost his inheritance, were retained at one time by a local magnate and wore his livery, and were pardoned by the King.[89]
John Bellamy
The Coterels received a strong degree of support from among the regional public generally
While on the run, local people kept the men supplied with material support as well as information.[94] Such peripheral supporters were always far more numerous than the gang itself, and it has been estimated that the Coterels could rely on around 150 such supporters[23] (57 of whom were from the villages of Bakewell and Mackworth alone).[95] Such support was not wholly based on fear,[96] but neither did people believe that outlaws were romantic figures out to help the community; perhaps, says Hanawalt, "respect and a reluctant admiration" was the prevailing attitude of the populace.[97] For example, Walter Aune delivered a quantity of food to them in the woods on one occasion.[note 21] On another he delivered the rents from Richard le Sauvage's Stainsby manor to Sauvage while the latter was hiding out with the Coterels.[94] When the gang was hiding out in Bakewell they were brought sustenance by local man Nicholas Taddington; Taddington also showed them secret paths around the countryside.[98] Occasionally they had to actively forage for food, and Pymme is known to have sent his servants and members of his household out for this purpose.[98]
The Coterel gang enjoyed support within local officialdom as well, including at least six
Later events
The Coterels and their men received few, if any, legal penalties, and James Coterel was eventually pardoned of all "extortions, oppressions, receivings of felons, usurpations, and ransoms"[18] in 1351, probably at the instigation of Queen Philippa, whose patronage he seems to have enjoyed even during his days of criminality.[18][note 22] The few members of the gang who were eventually brought before the King's Bench in 1333 were acquitted, and the three Coterel brothers seem to have continued receiving the patronage of Lichfield Cathedral, while Barnard retained both his employment at Oxford University[8] and his church living until his death in 1341.[60]
Many members of the band appear to have undertaken royal service in Scotland and in the
Scholarship
The Coterel gang has been described by a late 20th-century historian as being the locus of an "apparent disregard for the law which has been shown as emanating from the Midlands",[111] demonstrating the degree to which the crown lacked control over the provinces.[112] They have also been identified as accelerating the legal concept of conspiracy, which was in its infancy.[113] Royal authority had been weakened by its appearance of powerlessness in the face of the Coterels' widespread and systematic lawlessness.[94] The Coterels' activities show how "interwoven the criminal, the military, and the royal administrative" could be; sometimes, says Carter Revard, "the outlaw of one year could be the brave soldier of the next".[114][note 24]
The Coterels were "unique to th[eir] time and location",
Fictional connections
It would be wrong to romanticize. The Folvilles, the Coterels and their like were tough, brutal and unscrupulous men, some way removed from their more refined counterparts of the ballads. Their attacks were particularly directed against the rich; they specialized in extortion ... Such victims were probably selected, not from any tender respect for 'social justice', but rather from a well-judged sense of where the best pickings lay.[117]
John Maddicott
The medievalist John Bellamy has drawn attention to the degree to which the tales of
Similarities have been noticed between the tales of Robin Hood and the activities of such armed groups as the Coterels, particularly in their attacks upon authority figures;[97] the pavage imposed by Hood's gang is similar to the tribute extorted by the Coterels.[120] The tale of Adam Bell was similarly shaped by the Coterels' and Folvilles' activities.[121]
An unprincipled abbot of St Mary's, York, who lent money to knights and others; a chief justice who, as a Yorkshireman, may well have been retained by the abbot and who had some reputation for the illicit use of power; and a corrupt sheriff of Nottingham, detested both by the gentry and by the lesser men of his county and finally outlawed for his misdeeds.[2]
Maddicott describes the capture of Willoughby as very much "a feat reminiscent of the world of ballads"[2] and the gang's popularity as "close to the standing of Robin Hood and his men as folk heroes".[2] The people who actively supported and aided the Coterels in Derbyshire, says Maddicott, were also those who, another time, were the audience of the Hood ballads.[123] After all, he says, they did take from the rich, "even if they did not give to the poor, and if the rich were also royal officials, like Willoughby, such retribution may have seemed well deserved".[117] David Feldman likewise describes the Coterels and their supporters as "disgruntled gentry with an eye for the main chance" who set themselves up as Robin Hood types, except, like Maddicott, Feldman reiterates that what they "robbed from the rich never reached the poor".[34] They possessed a certain "gentrified behaviour", as it has been called, along with the more usual brutality of the gangs, which dovetail in the ballads.[124]
Coterel's ally Robert Ingram has been proposed as the original inspiration for the
Perhaps more likely that the character of Robin Hood may well have taken the career of some real outlaw, such as James Coterel ... given him a fictitious name, and embroidered his progress in a series of episodes peopled with identifiable villains and set against real backgrounds in Barnsdale and Sherwood Forest.[117]
See also
Notes
- ^ The looting of Contrariants' estates was not confined to the Coterel gang: in the period between their defeat at Boroughbridge and the arrival of royal officials to administer them, lands were pillaged on a widespread scale, especially by "ordinary" (that is, those not involved in organised crime) people. Similar destruction had taken place on the lands of those supporters of Simon de Montfort after his defeat in 1265 following the Second Barons' War.[11] Similar destruction later occurred to Despenser's lands following his execution in 1326. The Coterels had the advantage in these activities that they could wreak havoc faster and so much more systematically.[12]
- ^ Sauvage had already established himself as a criminal in his own right, and an extortioner par excellence, who had recently extracted £20 from William Amyas and £40 from Geoffrey Luttrell, both leading Nottinghamshire gentry.[19] Before joining the Coterel gang, he had already committed two murders in Derby, various crimes in Oxford, had escaped to London, been arrested there, escaped again, and returned to Derbyshire, where he allied with Coterel.[26]
- Bartholomeus Anglicus, a contemporary monk and commentator, as saying "For often in woods thieves are hid, and often in their awaits and deceits passing men come and are spoiled and robbed and often slain."[30]
- ^ The Folville gang is as, if not even more, infamous than the Coterels: six brothers who all turned to crime, the eldest and their leader, Eustace "was the most notorious; he committed three or four murders—one of which was of a baron of the Exchequer—a rape, and three robberies between 1327 and 1330".[19]
- ^ Historians agree that hostility towards Edward was universal. W. H. Dunham and C. T. Wood ascribed this to Edward's "cruelty and personal faults",[38] suggesting that "very few, not even his half-brothers or his son, seemed to care about the wretched man"[38] and that none would fight for him.[38] A contemporary chronicler described Edward as rex inutilis, or a "useless king".[39]
- Gaol delivery roll from the last years of the previous century explains how the local "constables of the peace of the King, by rite and authority of their office and according to the law and custom of the realm ... have jurisdiction and power to attach malefactors and disturbers of the peace and those who are pursued by the hue and cry for felony and homicide".[43] Bellamy notes that this was the only time in Coterel's career that he was attached at law.[41]
- ^ John Bellamy notes that this was "a large sum even allowing for probable exaggerations of the Earl of Lancaster's executors who reported the loss".[44]
- ^ It was a policy of Edward III to use members of these groups against each other, and to take advantage of pre-existing feuds.[46] De Wennesley was eventually to join the Coterel gang himself and was arrested in 1332.[47]
- ^ A medieval English mark was an accounting unit equivalent to two-thirds of a pound.[53]
- entailed his manor of Stainsby on his wife before joining Coterel.[54]
- ^ A favoured method of extortion was simple but effective. It would be arranged for the intended victim to receive a severe (but not life-threatening) beating, following which, he would be approached by others and offered protection from any future attacks.[58]
- indentured labour and land transactions. The term comes from the medieval English "indenture of retainer".[62] The contract was written in duplicate on the same sheet, with the copies separated by cutting along a jagged line—toothed (in Latin "indenture")—so that the teeth of the two parts could later be refitted to confirm authenticity, known as a chirograph.[63]
- ^ In law this was called "extortion by false letters and counterfeit seals".[64]
- ^ To put this figure in some context, when Gilbert de Clare, 8th Earl of Gloucester died in 1314, his estate was valued at around 4,000 marks annually, and in 1337, when King Edward III created a raft of new earls, their titles were each endowed with an income of 666 marks yearly. When in 1314 Humphrey de Bohun, 4th Earl of Hereford was captured by the Scottish at the Battle of Bannockburn, he was subsequently granted 1,000 marks to cover his costs by the king.[69]
- ^ Because he had been on the King's business at the time of the kidnap, he was subsequently granted an annuity of 100 marks in compensation.[18] Willoughby made his family "the wealthiest non-baronial family" in Derbyshire.[70] His career in royal service came to an end in 1340 when the King imprisoned him on charges of corruption, forcing Willoughby to pay 1,200 marks for a pardon and his freedom.[18]
- ^ These records are of the 1332–1333 presentments held before Richard de Grey, Henry de Grey, John Darcy, Nicholas de Langeford, John de Twyford and Richard de la Pole, keepers of the peace.[84] They consist of a roll of 13 membranes, have been fully translated from the original Latin and transcribed by the Historical Manuscripts' Commission in 1911, who published them as part of their Report on the Manuscripts of Lord Middleton Preserved at Wollaton Hall, Nottinghamshire, pp. 272–283.[85][86]
- ^ Musson points out that the amount of time the jury devoted to investigating the Coterels is demonstrated by the amount of the roll devoted to it. The roll is held by The National Archives in Kew, classification JUST 1:1411b. The Folvilles are recorded on membranes two to six, and the Coterels are on seven and eight.[88]
- Rufford Priory assaulted, robbed and kidnapped Thomas of Holm, and demanded a ransom of £200. On another occasion, the rector of Manchester "invited a couple and their daughter to dine; but after dinner, two of the rector's servants came and seized the daughter, beat her so that her ribs were broken and put her in the rector's bed. He spent the night with her; she died a month later of her injuries."[90]
- ^ The Prior of Lenton and the Dean and Chapter of Litchfield's support for James Coterel was one of the few things they agreed on—they had repeatedly clashed over possession of various High Peak district advowsons, and the fact that they came together over Coterel illustrates how highly he was regarded by them. James Coterel would later act as a tax collector for the priory, and "was even entrusted with one arrest warrant in 1336 and another in 1350, when he and six others were instructed to find and capture three monks of Lenton"[18] who had absconded from their House.[18]
- ^ Aune was unlikely to have been acting out of fear or as because of threats; one of James Coterel's closest allies was Walter's brother Sir William Aune.[98]
- ^ Payling suggests that this is likely because James brother Nicholas was bailiff of Philippa's Derbyshire liberty, although Nicholas did not, says Payling, "acquit himself well in that office, since he was summoned before the King's Council to answer a charge of embezzlement in 1359".[18]
- ^ The King, meanwhile, continued and expanded his policy of pardoning criminals in return for military service: "thousands" were issued during his reign, says the medievalist Andrew Ayton,[109] with "several thousand" recorded during the siege of Calais of 1346–1347. Although Ayton notes that "many of the pardons were of a general nature, suggesting that in some cases they had been sought as a precautionary measure rather than to deal with the legal consequences of specific crimes", there was sufficient concern domestically that the House of Commons complained to Edward that "many murders, woundings, robberies, homicides, rapes and other felonies and misdeeds without number are done and maintained in the kingdom because the evildoers are granted charters of pardon ... to the great destruction of the people".[110]
- ^ King Edward III's policy of pardoning has been the subject of much debate among historians. It has been estimated that many pardons—ranging from 900 to possibly well over a thousand—were granted to returning soldiers between 1339 and 1340 (all in acknowledgement of participation in the Flanders' campaign): of these, it has been suggested that around three-quarters were murderers.[80] John Bellamy has suggested that the King's intention was not only to avail himself of a large pool of men willing to fight, but to remove them from the theatre by sending them abroad, and, hopefully, drain their energies for the future.[119] The practice was unpopular with contemporaries: petitions had been submitted to parliament in 1328, 1330, 1336 and 1340 against it.[80]
- ^ In a similar comparison to that between Robin Hood and James Coterel, there was a real Friar Tuch—one Richard Stafford, a chaplain, who was known as Frere Tuck, and, like the Coterels, "was never tried in a court, perhaps because ... he never bothered to appear".[125]
References
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- ^ a b c d e f g h i j Maddicott 1978, p. 294.
- ^ a b National Archives 1331.
- ^ Powicke 1956, p. 114.
- ^ a b Le Baker 2012, p. 11.
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- ^ a b c Gregory-Abbott 2009, p. 76.
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- ^ a b c Fryde 1979, p. 150.
- ^ Prestwich 2005, pp. 117–121.
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- ^ a b c Rogers 1941, p. 617 n.7.
- ^ Johnson 2004, p. xx.
- ^ Hanawalt 1974, p. 14.
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- ^ a b c d e f Prestwich 2005, p. 512.
- ^ a b c Musson & Ormrod 1999, p. 80.
- ^ King 1991, p. 67.
- ^ a b Crook 1987, p. 51.
- ^ a b c Bellamy 1973, p. 72.
- ^ a b c d Keen 2000, p. xxviii.
- ^ a b c Bellamy 1973, p. 70.
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- ^ a b c d e f Gregory-Abbott 2009, p. 75.
- ^ Bellamy 1973, p. 79.
- ^ Bellamy 1964, p. 699 n.1.
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- ^ Vollmer 2005, p. 154.
- ^ a b c Ohlgren 2000, p. 18.
- ^ Bellamy 1964, p. 698.
- ^ a b c Feldman 1988, p. 114.
- ^ a b Firth Green 1999, p. 187.
- ^ Ormrod 2011, p. 108.
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- ^ a b c Dunham & Wood 1976, p. 739.
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- ^ a b c Bellamy 1964, p. 701.
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- ^ Musson 2001, p. 135.
- ^ a b c d Bellamy 1973, p. 80.
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- ^ a b c Hanawalt 1975, p. 10.
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- ^ a b Kaminsky 2002, p. 78.
- ^ Hanawalt 1979, p. 92.
- ^ Morgan 2001, p. 126.
- ^ Blanchette 2012, p. 97.
- ^ Waugh 1977, p. 866 n.127.
- ^ a b Gray 1999, p. 36.
- ^ Hanawalt 1979, p. 90.
- ^ Wiltshire 2005, p. 62.
- ^ Musson & Powell 2009, p. 75.
- ^ Prestwich 2003, pp. 66, 126.
- ^ a b Richmond 2002, p. 7.
- ^ a b Spraggs 2001, p. 19.
- ^ a b Aberth 1996, p. 66.
- ^ Kaeuper 1988, p. 128.
- ^ a b c Bellamy 1973, p. 78.
- ^ Bubenicek & Partington 2015, p. 171.
- ^ Payling 1991, p. 33.
- ^ Hanna & Turville-Petre 2010, p. 5.
- ^ Bellamy 1964, p. 708.
- ^ a b Spraggs 2001, p. 20.
- ^ a b c d Aberth 1992, p. 297.
- ^ a b Bellamy 1964, p. 710.
- ^ a b Bellamy 1973, p. 85.
- ^ Feldman 1988, p. 113.
- ^ Bellamy 1964, p. 702 n.3.
- ^ Musson & Powell 2009, pp. 78–79.
- ^ Historical Manuscripts Commission 1911, pp. 272–283.
- ^ a b Musson 2001, p. 266.
- ^ Musson 2001, p. 266 n.53.
- ^ Bellamy 1973, p. 88.
- ^ a b Prestwich 2005, p. 514.
- ^ Bellamy 1964, p. 704.
- ^ Hanawalt 1975, p. 16 n.49.
- ^ Bellamy 1964, p. 709.
- ^ a b c d Scattergood 1994, p. 171.
- ^ Bellamy 1964, p. 703.
- ^ Dobson 1997, p. 29.
- ^ a b Hanawalt 1999, p. 279.
- ^ a b c Bellamy 1973, p. 81.
- ^ Bellamy 1973, p. 82.
- ^ Post 1985, pp. 91–92.
- ^ a b Harris 1977, p. 237.
- ^ a b c Stones 1957, p. 127.
- ^ a b Bellamy 1973, p. 6.
- ^ Ohlgren 2000, p. 8 n.20.
- ^ Stones 1957, p. 129.
- ^ a b Bellamy 1973, p. 86.
- ^ Bellamy 1964, p. 711.
- ^ a b c Bellamy 1973, p. 87.
- ^ Ayton 2007, p. 199 n.199.
- ^ Ayton 2007, pp. 194–195.
- ^ Musson 2001, p. 65.
- ^ Bothwell 2004, p. 4.
- ^ a b Rose 2017, p. 128.
- ^ Revard 2005, p. 155.
- ^ Revard 2005, p. 157 n.15.
- ^ Waugh 1999, pp. 49–50.
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- ^ a b Shippey 2013, p. 84.
- ^ Bellamy 1964, pp. 712–713.
- ^ Gray 1999, pp. 36–37.
- ^ Pollard 2004, p. 193.
- ^ a b Keen 2000, p. xxix.
- ^ Maddicott 1978, p. 295.
- ^ Ohlgren 2000, p. 19.
- ^ a b Gregory-Abbott 2009, p. 85.
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