Criollo people
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In Hispanic America, criollo (Spanish pronunciation: [ˈkɾjoʎo]) is a term used originally to describe people of full Spanish descent born in the viceroyalties. In different Latin American countries, the word has come to have different meanings, mostly referring to the local-born majority.
Historically, they have been misportrayed as a social class in the hierarchy of the overseas colonies established by Spain beginning in the 16th century, especially in Hispanic America. They were locally-born people–almost always of Spanish ancestry, but also sometimes of other European ethnic backgrounds.[1][2]
Their identity was strengthened as a result of the
Origin
The word criollo and its Portuguese cognate crioulo are believed by some scholars, including the eminent Mexican anthropologist Gonzalo Aguirre Beltrán, to derive from the Spanish/Portuguese verb criar, meaning "to breed" or "to raise"; however, no evidence supports this derivation in early Spanish literature discussing the origin of the word.[5] In Spanish colonies, an español criollo was an ethnic Spaniard who had been born in the colonies, as opposed to an español peninsular born in Spain.[6]
Spaniards born in the Spanish East Indies were called insulares. Whites born in colonial Brazil, with both parents born in the Iberian Peninsula, were known as mazombos.
Colonial society
Europeans began arriving in Latin America during the Spanish conquest; and during the colonial period most European immigration was Spanish. In the 19th and 20th centuries millions of European and European-derived populations from
Criollo culture
The criollos allowed a syncretism in their culture and gastronomy, and they, in general, felt more identified with the territory where they were born than with the Iberian peninsula.[
The mixed religious or secular music appears since the 16th century in Spanish and indigenous languages. Baroque music is imported from Spain but with European and African instruments (such as
Actually, there were no relevant black artists during the colony; also, one must consider the fact that many of the pure blacks were
Also, Mexican historian Federico Navarrete comments: that "if they received the surname of the white father and incorporated them into their family, those children counted as American whites having the same rights, regardless of the race",[19] Also, a fact is in every marriage, including the most mixed, they are characterized, portrayed and named the caste product that was according to their ancestry, and if this can not, according to their appearance and color.[20]
In several documents mention that indigenous people called Criollos with the same name as one of their gods. For example, Juan Pablo Viscardo relates (1797) that the Indigenous (from Peru) call to the Criollos 'Viracocha';[21] also, he says that Criollos are born in the middle of the Indigenous, are respected, and also loved by many, that they speak the language of the natives (in addition to Spanish) and used to Indigenous customs.[21]
After suppressing the Túpac Amaru II Uprising of 1780 in the viceroyalty of Peru, evidence began against the criollos ill will from the Spanish Crown, especially for the Oruro Rebellion prosecuted in Buenos Aires, and also for the lawsuit filed against Dr. Juan José Segovia, born in Tacna, and Colonel Ignacio Flores, born in Quito, who had served as President of the Real Audiencia of Charcas and had been Governor Mayor of La Plata (Chuquisaca or Charcas, current Sucre).[22]
Criollos and the wars of independence
Until 1760, the Spanish colonies were ruled under laws designed by the Spanish
Modern colloquial uses
The word criollo retains its original meaning in most Spanish-speaking countries in the Americas. In some countries, however, the word criollo has over time come to have additional meanings, such as "local" or "home-grown". For instance, comida criolla in Spanish-speaking countries refers to "local cuisine", not "cuisine of the criollos". In Portuguese, crioulo is also a racist slang term referring to blacks.[23][24]
In some countries, the term was extended or changed over the years:
- In Argentina, criollo is used for people whose ancestors were already present in the territory in the colonial period, regardless their race. The exception are dark-skinned blacks and current indigenous (while non-indigenous amerindians usually also are referred as criollos).
- In syncretic culture of the Pacific Coast, a mixture of Spanish, African, Indigenous, and Gitano elements. Its meaning is, therefore, more similar to that of "Louisiana Creole people" than to the criollo of colonial times.
- In the U.S. territory of Puerto Rico, natives of the town of Caguas are usually referred to as criollos; professional sports teams from that town are also usually nicknamed Criollos de Caguas ("Caguas Creoles"). Caguas is located near Puerto Rico's Cordillera Central mountain area.
- In mongrel dog, or something traditional to the country or its citizens.
- In Cuba, Puerto Rico and Colombia, the word Criollo has similar meanings to those of Venezuela.
In Mexico
Colonial period
As early as the sixteenth century in the colonial period in
Despite being descendants of Spanish colonizers, many criollos in the period peculiarly "regarded the Aztecs as their ancestors and increasingly identified with the Indians out of a sense of shared suffering at the hands of the Spanish." Many felt that the story of the Virgin of Guadalupe, published by criollo priest Miguel Sánchez in Imagen de la Virgen María (Appearance of the Virgin Mary) in 1648, "meant that God had blessed both Mexico and particularly criollos, as "God's new chosen people."[28] By the eighteenth century, although restricted from holding elite posts in the colonial government, the criollos notably formed the "wealthy and influential" class of major agriculturalists, "miners, businessmen, physicians, lawyers, university professors, clerics, and military officers." Because criollos were not perceived as equals by the Spanish peninsulares, "they felt they were unjustly treated and their relationship with their mother country was unstable and ambiguous: Spain was, and was not, their homeland," as noted by Mexican writer Octavio Paz.[26]
They [criollos] felt the same ambiguity in regard to their native land. It was difficult to consider themselves compatriots of the Indians and impossible to share their pre-Hispanic past. Even so, the best among them, if rather hazily, admired the past, even idealized it. It seemed to them that the ghost of the Roman empire had at times been embodied in the Aztec empire. The criollo dream was the creation of a Mexican empire, and its archetypes were Rome and Tenochtitlán. The criollos were aware of the bizarre nature of their situation, but, as happens in such cases, they were unable to transcend it — they were enmeshed in nets of their own weaving. Their situation was cause for pride and for scorn, for celebration and humiliation. The criollos adored and abhorred themselves. [...] They saw themselves as extraordinary, unique beings and were unsure whether to rejoice or weep before that self-image. They were bewitched by their own uniqueness.[26]
Independence movement
As early as 1799, open riots against Spanish colonial rule were unfolding in Mexico City, foreshadowing the emergence of a fully-fledged independence movement. At the conspiración de los machetes, soldiers and criollo traders attacked colonial properties "in the name of Mexico and the Virgen de Guadalupe." As news of Napoleon I's armies occupying Spain reached Mexico, Spanish-born peninsulares such as Gabriel de Yermo strongly opposed criollo proposals of governance, deposed the viceroy, and assumed power. However, even though Spaniards maintained power in Mexico City, revolts in the countryside were quickly spreading.[29]
Ongoing resentment between criollos and peninsulares erupted after Napoleon I deposed Charles IV of Spain of power, which, "led a group of peninsulares to take charge in Mexico City and arrest several officials, including criollos." This, in turn, motivated criollo priest Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla to begin a campaign for Mexican independence from Spanish colonial rule. Launched in Hidalgo's home city of Dolores, Guanajuato, in 1810, Hidalgo's campaign gained support among many "Amerindians and Mestizos, but despite seizing a number of cities," his forces failed to capture Mexico City. In the summer of 1811, Hidalgo was captured by the Spanish and executed. Despite being led by a criollo, many criollos did not initially join the Mexican independence movement, and it was reported that "fewer than one hundred criollos fought with Hidalgo," despite their shared caste status. While many criollos in the period resented their "second-class status" compared to peninsulares, they were "afraid that the overthrow of the Spanish might mean sharing power with Amerindians and Mestizos, whom they considered to be their inferiors." Additionally, due to their privileged social class position, "many criollos had prospered under Spanish rule and did not want to threaten their livelihoods."[28]
Criollos only undertook direct action in the Mexican independence movement when new Spanish colonial rulers threatened their property rights and church power, an act which was "deplored by most criollos" and therefore brought many of them into the Mexican independence movement.
Post-independence
Mexican independence from Spain in 1821 resulted in the beginning of criollo rule in Mexico as they became "firmly in control of the newly independent state." Although direct Spanish rule was now gone, "by and large, Mexicans of primarily European descent governed the nation."[31] The period was also marked by the expulsion of the peninsulares from Mexico, of which a substantial source of "criollo pro-expulsionist sentiment was mercantile rivalry between Mexicans and Spaniards during a period of severe economic decline," internal political turmoil, and substantial loss of territory.[32] Leadership "changed hands 48 times between 1825 and 1855" alone, "and the period witnessed both the Mexican-American War and the loss of Mexico's northern territories to the United States in the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo and the Gadsden Purchase." Some credit the "criollos' inexperience in government" and leadership as a cause for this turmoil. It was only "under the rule of noncriollos such as the Indian Benito Juárez and the Mestizo Porfiro Díaz" that Mexico "experienced relative [periods of] calm."[28]
By the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the criollo identity "began to disappear," with the institution of mestizaje and Indigenismo policies by the national government, which stressed a uniform homogenization of the Mexican population under the Mestizo identity. As a result, "although some Mexicans are closer to the ethnicity of criollos than others" in contemporary Mexico, "the distinction is rarely made." During the Chicano movement, when leaders promoted the ideology of the "ancient homeland of Aztlán as a symbol of unity for Mexican Americans, leaders of the 1960s Chicano movement argued that virtually all modern Mexicans are Mestizos."[28]
In the United States
As the United States
Regional subgroups of Hispanos were named for their geographic location in the so-called "internal provinces" of New Spain:
- Californios in Las Californias ("The Californias"), and later Alta California("Upper California")
- Nuevomexicanos in Spanish New Mexico, and later Mexican New Mexico(Nuevo México)
- Tejanos in Spanish Texas, and later Mexican Texas (Tejas)
- Isleños ("Islanders"), are named after their geographic origin in the Old World, namely the Canary Islands. In the US today, this group is primarily associated with the state of Louisiana.
- Floridanos in Spanish Florida
See also
- Academia Antártica
- Caguas, Puerto Rico - the "Criollo City"
- Conquistadores
- Creole peoples
- Criollismo
- Currency lads and lasses
- Encomienda (1492–1542)
- European diaspora
- Hispanics
- Latin Americans of Spanish descent
- List of Criollos
- Vecino (historical use)
- White Hispanic Americans
- White Hispanics
- White Angolans
- White Brazilians
Notes
References
- ISBN 0-8223-1374-X.
- ISBN 978-0-292-71245-4.
- ^ Mike Duncan (12 June 2016). "Revolutions Podcast" (Podcast). Mike Duncan. Retrieved 28 August 2016.
- ^ "Criollo, criolla | Diccionario de la lengua española".
- ISBN 978-0-8204-7934-7.
- ^ Genealogical historical guide to Latin America – Page 52
- ^ a b San Miguel, G. (November 2000). "Ser mestizo en la nueva España a fines del siglo XVIII: Acatzingo, 1792" [Being a mestizo in New Spain at the end of the 18th century: Acatzingo, 1792]. Cuadernos de la Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales. Universidad Nacional de Jujuy (in Spanish) (13): 325–342.
- ISBN 9789682301063. Retrieved September 12, 2017.
- ^ Hardin, Monica Leagans (2006). Household and Family in Guadalajara, Mexico, 1811 1842: The Process of Short Term Mobility and Persistence (Thesis). p. 62.
- ^ Bernand, Carmen (December 2009). "Músicas mestizas, músicas populares, músicas latinas: gestación colonial, identidades republicanas y globalización" [Mestizo music, popular music, Latin music: colonial gestation, republican identities and globalization]. Co-herencia (in Spanish). 6 (11): 87–106.
- ^ ISBN 92-3-103439-1.
- ^ Miguel Vega Carrasco (3 February 2015). "La "coartación" de esclavos en la Cuba colonial". descubrirlahistoria.es.
- .
- ^ a b Gene A. Smith, Texas Christian University, Sanctuary in the Spanish Empire: An African American officer earns freedom in Florida, National Park Service
- ^ a b "Fort Mose. America's Black Colonial Fortress of Freedom". Florida Museum of Natural History. 9 August 2017.
- ISBN 978-1-108-48064-2.
- ^ Proctor, III, Frank "Trey" (2006). Palmer, Colin A. (ed.). "Coartacion". Encyclopedia of African-American Culture and History. Detroit: Macmillan Reference USA. 2: pp= 490–493
- ^ Federico Navarrete (12 October 2017). "Criollos, mestizos, mulatos o saltapatrás: cómo surgió la división de castas durante el dominio español en América". BBC.
- ^ Carlos López Beltrán. "Sangre y Temperamento. Pureza y mestizajes en las sociedades de castas americanas" (PDF). National Autonomous University of Mexico.
- ^ a b María Luisa Rivara de Tuesta (Juan Pablo Vizcardo y Guzmán). Ideólogos de la Emancipación peruana (PDF). p. 39.
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ignored (help) - .
- ^ "Portugal: Autarca proíbe funcionária de falar crioulo – Primeiro diário caboverdiano em linha". A Semana. Archived from the original on 2015-11-25. Retrieved 2015-11-24.
- ^ "Racismo na controversa UnB – Opinião e Notícia". Opiniaoenoticia.com.br. Retrieved 2015-11-24.
- ^ "Retrato de la familia Fagoaga-Arozqueta". electronic magazine Imágenes of the Institute of Aesthetic Research of the National Autonomous University of Mexico.
- ^ ISBN 9780821217979.
- ISBN 9780804734837.
- ^ ISBN 9780761474036.
- ISBN 9781566563499.
- ISBN 9780890968673.
- ^ Levinson, I (2002). Armed Diplomacy: Two Centuries of American Campaigning. DIANE. pp. 1–2.
- ISBN 9780822985242.
Bibliography
- Will Fowler. Latin America, 1800–2000: Modern History for Modern Languages. Oxford University Press, 2000. ISBN 978-0-340-76351-3
- Carrera, Magali Marie (2003). Imagining Identity in New Spain: Race, Lineage, and the Colonial Body in Portraiture and Casta Paintings. Joe R. and Teresa Lozano Long Series in Latin American and Latino Art and Culture. Austin: University of Texas. ISBN 978-0-292-71245-4.
- https://web.archive.org/web/20111003084354/http://www.rena.edu.ve/cuartaEtapa/literatura/ModerCriollismo.html
Further reading
- José Presas y Marull (1828). Juicio imparcial sobre las principales causas de la revolución de la América Española y acerca de las poderosas razones que tiene la metrópoli para reconocer su absoluta independencia. (original document) [Fair judgment about the main causes of the revolution of Spanish America and about the powerful reasons that the metropolis has for recognizing its absolute independence]. Burdeaux: Imprenta de D. Pedro Beaume.