Critical race theory
The examples and perspective in this deal primarily with the United States and do not represent a worldwide view of the subject. (November 2023) |
Critical race theory (CRT) is an
CRT is also used in sociology to explain social, political, and legal structures and power distribution as through a "lens" focusing on the concept of race, and experiences of
CRT began in the United States in the
Academic critics of CRT argue it is based on
Definitions
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In his introduction to the comprehensive 1995 publication of critical race theory's key writings, Cornel West described CRT as "an intellectual movement that is both particular to our postmodern (and conservative) times and part of a long tradition of human resistance and liberation."[29] Law professor Roy L. Brooks defined critical race theory in 1994 as "a collection of critical stances against the existing legal order from a race-based point of view".[30]
Gloria Ladson-Billings, who—along with co-author William Tate—had introduced CRT to the field of education in 1995,[31] described it in 2015 as an "interdisciplinary approach that seeks to understand and combat race inequity in society."[32] Ladson-Billings wrote in 1998 that CRT "first emerged as a counterlegal scholarship to the positivist and liberal legal discourse of civil rights."[33]
In 2017, University of Alabama School of Law professor Richard Delgado, a co-founder of critical race theory,[citation needed] and legal writer Jean Stefancic define CRT as "a collection of activists and scholars interested in studying and transforming the relationship among race, racism, and power".[34] In 2021, Khiara Bridges, a law professor and author of the textbook Critical Race Theory: A Primer,[11] defined critical race theory as an "intellectual movement", a "body of scholarship", and an "analytical toolset for interrogating the relationship between law and racial inequality."[20]
The 2021 Encyclopaedia Britannica described CRT as an "intellectual and social movement and loosely organized framework of legal analysis based on the premise that race is not a natural, biologically grounded feature of physically distinct subgroups of human beings but a socially constructed (culturally invented) category that is used to oppress and exploit people of colour."[17][35]
Tenets
Scholars of CRT say that race is not "biologically grounded and natural";[9][10] rather, it is a socially constructed category used to oppress and exploit people of color;[35] and that racism is not an aberration,[36] but a normalized feature of American society.[35] According to CRT, negative stereotypes assigned to members of minority groups benefit white people[35] and increase racial oppression.[37] Individuals can belong to a number of different identity groups.[35] The concept of intersectionality—one of CRT's main concepts—was introduced by legal scholar Kimberlé Crenshaw.[38]
The concept of
According to Encyclopedia Britannica, tenets of CRT have spread beyond academia, and are used to deepen understanding of socio-economic issues such as "poverty, police brutality, and voting rights violations", that are affected by the ways in which race and racism are "understood and misunderstood" in the United States.[35]
Common themes
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Richard Delgado and Jean Stefancic published an annotated bibliography of CRT references in 1993, listing works of legal scholarship that addressed one or more of the following themes: "critique of liberalism"; "storytelling/counterstorytelling and 'naming one's own reality'"; "revisionist interpretations of American civil rights law and progress"; "a greater understanding of the underpinnings of race and racism"; "structural determinism"; "race, sex, class, and their intersections"; "essentialism and anti-essentialism"; "cultural nationalism/separatism"; "legal institutions, critical pedagogy, and minorities in the bar"; and "criticism and self-criticism".[41] When Gloria Ladson-Billings introduced CRT into education in 1995, she cautioned that its application required a "thorough analysis of the legal literature upon which it is based".[33]
Critique of liberalism
First and foremost to CRT legal scholars in 1993 was their "discontent" with the way in which liberalism addressed race issues in the US. They critiqued "liberal jurisprudence", including
In his influential 1984 article, Delgado challenged the liberal concept of meritocracy in civil rights scholarship.[52] He questioned how the top articles in most well-established journals were all written by white men.[53]
Storytelling/counterstorytelling and "naming one's own reality"
This refers to the use of narrative (
One of the prime tenets of liberal jurisprudence is that people can create appealing narratives to think and talk about greater levels of justice.[54] Delgado and Stefancic call this the empathic fallacy—the belief that it is possible to "control our consciousness" by using language alone to overcome bigotry and narrow-mindedness.[55] They examine how people of color, considered outsiders in mainstream US culture, are portrayed in media and law through stereotypes and stock characters that have been adapted over time to shield the dominant culture from discomfort and guilt. For example, slaves in the 18th-century Southern States were depicted as childlike and docile; Harriet Beecher Stowe adapted this stereotype through her character Uncle Tom, depicting him as a "gentle, long-suffering", pious Christian.[56]
Following the American Civil War, the African-American woman was depicted as a wise, care-giving "Mammy" figure.[57] During the Reconstruction period, African-American men were stereotyped as "brutish and bestial", a danger to white women and children. This was exemplified in Thomas Dixon Jr.'s novels, used as the basis for the epic film The Birth of a Nation, which celebrated the Ku Klux Klan and lynching.[58] During the Harlem Renaissance, African-Americans were depicted as "musically talented" and "entertaining".[59] Following World War II, when many Black veterans joined the nascent civil rights movement, African Americans were portrayed as "cocky [and] street-smart", the "unreasonable, opportunistic" militant, the "safe, comforting, cardigan-wearing" TV sitcom character, and the "super-stud" of blaxploitation films.[60]
The empathic fallacy informs the "time-warp aspect of racism", where the dominant culture can see racism only through the hindsight of a past era or distant land, such as South Africa.
Since racism makes people feel uncomfortable, the empathic fallacy helps the dominant culture to mistakenly believe that it no longer exists, and that dominant images, portrayals, stock characters, and stereotypes—which usually portray minorities in a negative light—provide them with a true image of race in America.[citation needed] Based on these narratives, the dominant group has no need to feel guilty or to make an effort to overcome racism, as it feels "right, customary, and inoffensive to those engaged in it", while self-described liberals who uphold freedom of expression can feel virtuous while maintaining their own superior position.[66]
Standpoint epistemology
This is the view that members of racial minority groups have a unique authority and ability to speak about racism. This is seen as undermining dominant narratives relating to racial inequality, such as legal neutrality and personal responsibility or bootstrapping, through valuable first-hand accounts of the experience of racism.[67]
Revisionist interpretations of American civil rights law and progress
Interest convergence is a concept introduced by Derrick Bell in his 1980 Harvard Law Review article, "Brown v. Board of Education and the Interest-Convergence Dilemma".[68] In this article, Bell described how he re-assessed the impact of the hundreds of NAACP LDF de-segregation cases he won from 1960 to 1966, and how he began to believe that in spite of his sincerity at the time, anti-discrimination law had not resulted in improving Black children's access to quality education.[69] He listed and described how Supreme Court cases had gutted civil rights legislation, which had resulted in African-American students continuing to attend all-black schools that lacked adequate funding and resources.[68] In examining these Supreme Court cases, Bell concluded that the only civil-rights legislation that was passed coincided with the self-interest of white people, which Bell termed interest convergence.[68][70][71]
One of the best-known examples of interest convergence is the way in which American geopolitics during the Cold War in the aftermath of World War II was a critical factor in the passage of civil rights legislation by both Republicans and Democrats. Bell described this in numerous articles, including the aforementioned, and it was supported by the research and publications of legal scholar Mary L. Dudziak. In her journal articles and her 2000 book Cold War Civil Rights—based on newly released documents—Dudziak provided detailed evidence that it was in the interest of the United States to quell the negative international press about treatment of African-Americans when the majority of the populations of newly decolonized countries which the US was trying to attract to Western-style democracy, were not white. The US sought to promote liberal values throughout Africa, Asia, and Latin America to prevent the Soviet Union from spreading communism.[72] Dudziak described how the international press widely circulated stories of segregation and violence against African-Americans.
The
Intersectional theory
This refers to the examination of race, sex, class, national origin, and sexual orientation, and how their intersections play out in various settings, such as how the needs of a Latina are different from those of a Black male, and whose needs are promoted.[41][78][further explanation needed] These intersections provide a more holistic picture for evaluating different groups of people. Intersectionality is a response to identity politics insofar as identity politics does not take into account the different intersections of people's identities.[79]
Essentialism vs. anti-essentialism
Delgado and Stefancic write, "Scholars who write about these issues are concerned with the appropriate unit for analysis: Is the black community one, or many, communities? Do middle- and working-class African-Americans have different interests and needs? Do all oppressed peoples have something in common?" This is a look at the ways that oppressed groups may share in their oppression but also have different needs and values that need to be analyzed differently. It is a question of how groups can be essentialized or are unable to be essentialized.[41][80][further explanation needed]
From an essentialist perspective, one's identity consists of an internal "essence" that is static and unchanging from birth, whereas a non-essentialist position holds that "the subject has no fixed or permanent identity."[81] Racial essentialism diverges into biological and cultural essentialism, where subordinated groups may endorse one over the other. "Cultural and biological forms of racial essentialism share the idea that differences between racial groups are determined by a fixed and uniform essence that resides within and defines all members of each racial group. However, they differ in their understanding of the nature of this essence."[82] Subordinated communities may be more likely to endorse cultural essentialism as it provides a basis of positive distinction for establishing a cumulative resistance as a means to assert their identities and advocacy of rights, whereas biological essentialism may be unlikely to resonate with marginalized groups as historically, dominant groups have used genetics and biology in justifying racism and oppression.
Essentialism is the idea of a singular, shared experience between a specific group of people. Anti-essentialism, on the other hand, believes that there are other various factors that can affect a person's being and their overall life experience. The race of an individual is viewed more as a social construct that does not necessarily dictate the outcome of their life circumstances. Race is viewed as "a social and historical construction, rather than an inherent, fixed, essential biological characteristic."[83][84] Anti-essentialism "forces a destabilization in the very concept of race itself…"[83] The results of this destabilization vary on the analytic focus falling into two general categories, "... consequences for the analytic concepts of racial identity or racial subjectivity."[83]
Structural determinism, and race, sex, class, and their intersections
This refers to the exploration of how "the structure of legal thought or culture influences its content" in a way that determines social outcomes.[41][85] Delgado and Stefancic cited "empathic fallacy" as one example of structural determinism—the "idea that our system, by reason of its structure and vocabulary, cannot redress certain types of wrong."[86] They interrogate the absence of terms such as intersectionality, anti-essentialism, and jury nullification in standard legal reference research tools in law libraries.[87]
Cultural nationalism/separatism
This refers to the exploration of more radical views that argue for
Legal institutions, critical pedagogy, and minorities in the bar
Black–white binary
The black–white binary is a paradigm identified by legal scholars through which racial issues and histories are typically articulated within a racial binary between black and white Americans. The binary largely governs how race has been portrayed and addressed throughout US history.[89] Critical race theorists Richard Delgado and Jean Stefancic argue that anti-discrimination law has blindspots for non-black minorities due to its language being confined within the black–white binary.[90]
Applications and adaptations
Scholars of critical race theory have focused, with some particularity, on the issues of
Critical race theorists have also argued in favor of affirmative action. They propose that so-called merit standards for hiring and educational admissions are not race-neutral and that such standards are part of the rhetoric of neutrality through which whites justify their disproportionate share of resources and social benefits.[92][93][94]
In his 2009 article "Will the Real CRT Please Stand Up: The Dangers of Philosophical Contributions to CRT", Curry distinguished between the original CRT key writings and what is being done in the name of CRT by a "growing number of white feminists".[95] The new CRT movement "favors narratives that inculcate the ideals of a post-racial humanity and racial amelioration between compassionate (Black and White) philosophical thinkers dedicated to solving America's race problem."[96] They are interested in discourse (i.e., how individuals speak about race) and the theories of white Continental philosophers, over and against the structural and institutional accounts of white supremacy which were at the heart of the realist analysis of racism introduced in Derrick Bell's early works,[97] and articulated through such African-American thinkers as W. E. B. Du Bois, Paul Robeson, and Judge Robert L. Carter.[98]
History
Early years
Although the terminology critical race theory began in its application to laws, the subject emerges from the broader frame of
In the 1970s, as a professor at Harvard Law School Bell began to critique, question and re-assess the civil rights cases he had litigated in the 1960s to desegregate schools following the passage of Brown v. Board of Education.[68] This re-assessment became the "cornerstone of critical race theory".[69] Delgado and Stefancic, who together wrote Critical Race Theory: a Introduction in 2001,[102] described Bell's "interest convergence" as a "means of understanding Western racial history".[103] The focus on desegregation after the 1954 Supreme Court decision in Brown—declaring school segregation unconstitutional—left "civil-rights lawyers compromised between their clients' interests and the law". The concern of many Black parents—for their children's access to better education—was being eclipsed by the interests of litigators who wanted a "breakthrough"[103] in their "pursuit of racial balance in schools".[104] In 1995, Cornel West said that Bell was "virtually the lone dissenter" writing in leading law reviews who challenged basic assumptions about how the law treated people of color.[29]
In his Harvard Law Review articles, Bell cites the 1964
Bell began to work for the NAACP LDF shortly after the
At Harvard, Bell developed new courses that studied American law through a racial lens. He compiled his own course materials which were published in 1970 under the title Race, Racism, and American Law.[112] He became Harvard Law School's first Black tenured professor in 1971.[104]
During the 1970s, the courts were using legislation to enforce affirmative action programs and busing—where the courts mandated busing to achieve racial integration in school districts that rejected desegregation. In response, in the 1970s,
Bell resigned in 1980 because of what he viewed as the university's discriminatory practices,[28] became the dean at University of Oregon School of Law and later returned to Harvard as a visiting professor.
While he was absent from Harvard, his supporters organized protests against Harvard's lack of
One of these students was Kimberlé Crenshaw, who had chosen Harvard in order to study under Bell; she was introduced to his work at Cornell.[118] Crenshaw organized the student-led initiative to offer an alternative course on race and law in 1981—based on Bell's course and textbook—where students brought in visiting professors, such as Charles Lawrence, Linda Greene, Neil Gotanda, and Richard Delgado,[104] to teach chapter-by-chapter from Race, Racism, and American Law.[119][120][114][115]
Critical race theory emerged as an intellectual movement with the organization of this boycott; CRT scholars included graduate law students and professors.[22]
Alan Freeman was a founding member of the Critical Legal Studies (CLS) movement that hosted forums in the 1980s. CLS legal scholars challenged claims to the alleged value-neutral position of the law. They criticized the legal system's role in generating and legitimizing oppressive social structures which contributed to maintaining an unjust and oppressive class system.[22] Delgado and Stefancic cite the work of Alan Freeman in the 1970s as formative to critical race theory.[121] In his 1978 Minnesota Law Review article Freeman reinterpreted, through a critical legal studies perspective, how the Supreme Court oversaw civil rights legislation from 1953 to 1969 under the Warren Court. He criticized the narrow interpretation of the law which denied relief for victims of racial discrimination.[122] In his article, Freeman describes two perspectives on the concept of racial discrimination: that of victim or perpetrator. Racial discrimination to the victim includes both objective conditions and the "consciousness associated with those objective conditions". To the perpetrator, racial discrimination consists only of actions without consideration of the objective conditions experienced by the victims, such as the "lack of jobs, lack of money, lack of housing".[122] Only those individuals who could prove they were victims of discrimination were deserving of remedies.[47] By the late 1980s, Freeman, Bell, and other CRT scholars left the CLS movement claiming it was too narrowly focused on class and economic structures while neglecting the role of race and race relations in American law.[123]
Emergence as a movement
reliable, independent, third-party sources. (November 2021) ) |
In 1989,
Afterward, legal scholars began publishing a higher volume of works employing critical race theory, including more than "300 leading law review articles" and books.[124]: 108 In 1990, Duncan Kennedy published his article on affirmative action in legal academia in the Duke Law Journal,[125] and Anthony E. Cook published his article "Beyond Critical Legal Studies" in the Harvard Law Review.[126] In 1991, Patricia Williams published The Alchemy of Race and Rights, while Derrick Bell published Faces at the Bottom of the Well in 1992.[120]: 124 Cheryl I. Harris published her 1993 Harvard Law Review article "Whiteness as Property" in which she described how passing led to benefits akin to owning property.[127][128] In 1995, two dozen legal scholars contributed to a major compilation of key writings on CRT.[129]
By the early 1990s, key concepts and features of CRT had emerged. Bell had introduced his concept of "interest convergence" in his 1973 article.[100] He developed the concept of racial realism in a 1992 series of essays and book, Faces at the bottom of the well: the permanence of racism.[36] He said that Black people needed to accept that the civil rights era legislation would not on its own bring about progress in race relations; anti-Black racism in the US was a "permanent fixture" of American society; and equality was "impossible and illusory" in the US. Crenshaw introduced the term intersectionality in the 1990s.[130]
In 1995, pedagogical theorists Gloria Ladson-Billings and William F. Tate began applying the critical race theory framework in the field of education.
As of 2002[update], over 20
CRT has also been taught internationally, including in the United Kingdom (UK) and Australia.[135][failed verification][136] According to educational researcher Mike Cole, the main proponents of CRT in the UK include David Gillborn, John Preston, and Namita Chakrabarty.[137]
Philosophical foundations
CRT scholars draw on the work of
Standpoint theory, which has been adopted by some CRT scholars, emerged from the first wave of the women's movement in the 1970s. The main focus of feminist standpoint theory is epistemology—the study of how knowledge is produced. The term was coined by Sandra Harding, an American feminist theorist, and developed by Dorothy Smith in her 1989 publication, The Everyday World as Problematic: A Feminist Sociology.[140] Smith wrote that by studying how women socially construct their own everyday life experiences, sociologists could ask new questions.[141] Patricia Hill Collins introduced black feminist standpoint—a collective wisdom of those who have similar perspectives in society which sought to heighten awareness to these marginalized groups and provide ways to improve their position in society.[40]
Critical race theory draws on the priorities and perspectives of both critical legal studies (CLS) and conventional civil rights scholarship, while also sharply contesting both of these fields.
Criticism
Academic criticism
According to the
In a 1997 book, law professors
Public controversies
Critical race theory has stirred controversy in the United States for promoting the use of
Before 1993, the term "critical race theory" was not part of public discourse.[28] In the spring of that year, conservatives launched a campaign led by Clint Bolick[155] to portray Lani Guinier—then-President Bill Clinton's nominee for Assistant Attorney General for Civil Rights—as a radical because of her connection to CRT. Within months, Clinton had withdrawn the nomination,[156] describing the effort to stop Guinier's appointment as "a campaign of right-wing distortion and vilification".[157] This was part of a wider conservative strategy to shift the Supreme Court in their favor.[158][159][160][161]
In 2010, a
2020s challenges
Since 2020, efforts have been made by conservatives and others to challenge critical race theory (CRT) being taught in schools in the United States.
Following the 2020 protests of the murders of Ahmaud Arbery and George Floyd as well as the killing of Breonna Taylor, school districts began to introduce additional curricula and create diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI)-positions to address "disparities stemming from race, economics, disabilities and other factors."[168] These measures were met with criticism from conservatives, particularly those in the Republican Party. Critics have described these criticisms to be part of a cycle of backlash against what they view as progress toward racial equality and equity.[169]
Outspoken critics of critical race theory include former U.S. president Donald Trump, conservative activist Christopher Rufo, various Republican officials, and conservative commentators on Fox News and right-wing talk radio shows.[170] Movements have arisen from the controversy; in particular, the No Left Turn in Education movement, which has been described as one of the largest groups targeting school boards regarding critical race theory. In response to the unfounded assertion that CRT was being taught in public schools, dozens of states have introduced bills that limit what schools can teach regarding race, American history, politics, and gender.[171]Subfields
Within critical race theory, various sub-groupings focus on issues and nuances unique to particular ethno-racial and/or marginalized communities. This includes the intersection of race with disability, ethnicity, gender, sexuality, class, or religion. For example, disability critical race studies (DisCrit), critical race feminism (CRF), Jewish Critical Race Theory (HebCrit,[172] pronounced "Heeb"), Black Critical Race Theory (Black Crit), Latino critical race studies (LatCrit[173]), Asian American critical race studies (AsianCrit[174]), South Asian American critical race studies (DesiCrit[175]), Quantitative Critical Race Theory (QuantCrit[176]), Queer Critical Race Theory (QueerCrit[177]), and American Indian critical race studies or Tribal critical race theory (sometimes called TribalCrit[174]). CRT methodologies have also been applied to the study of white immigrant groups.[178] CRT has spurred some scholars to call for a second wave of whiteness studies, which is now a small offshoot known as Second Wave Whiteness (SWW).[179] Critical race theory has also begun to spawn research that looks at understandings of race outside the United States.[180][181]
Disability critical race theory
Another offshoot field is disability critical race studies (DisCrit), which combines disability studies and CRT to focus on the intersection of disability and race.[182]
Latino critical race theory
Latino critical race theory (LatCRT or LatCrit) is a research framework that outlines the social construction of race as central to how people of color are constrained and oppressed in society. Race scholars developed LatCRT as a critical response to the "problem of the
, and women of color.In Critical Race Counterstories along the Chicana/Chicano Educational Pipeline, Tara J. Yosso discusses how the constraint of POC can be defined. Looking at the differences between Chicana/o students, the tenets that separate such individuals are: the intercentricity of race and racism, the challenge of dominant ideology, the commitment to social justice, the centrality of experience knowledge, and the interdisciplinary perspective.[184]
LatCRTs main focus is to advocate social justice for those living in
First, CRT proposes that white supremacy and racial power are maintained over time, a process that the law plays a central role in. Different racial groups lack the voice to speak in this
Secondly, LatCRT work has investigated the possibility of transforming the relationship between law enforcement and racial power, as well as pursuing a project of achieving racial emancipation and anti-subordination more broadly.[185] Its body of research is distinct from general critical race theory in that it emphasizes immigration theory and policy, language rights, and accent- and national origin-based forms of discrimination.[186] CRT finds the experiential knowledge of people of color and draws explicitly from these lived experiences as data, presenting research findings through storytelling, chronicles, scenarios, narratives, and parables.[187]
Asian critical race theory
Asian critical race theory looks at the influence of race and racism on Asian Americans and their experiences in the US education system.[188] Like Latino critical race theory, Asian critical race theory is distinct from the main body of CRT in its emphasis on immigration theory and policy.[186]
Tribal critical race theory
Critical Race Theory evolved in the 1970s in response to Critical Legal Studies.[189] Tribal Critical Theory (TribalCrit) focuses on stories and values oral data as a primary source of information.[189] TribalCrit builds on the idea that White supremacy and imperialism underpin US policies toward Indigenous peoples.[189] In contrast with CRT, it argues that colonization rather than racism is endemic to society.[189] A key tenet of TribalCrit is that Indigenous people exist within a US society that both politicizes and racializes them, placing them in a "liminal space" where Indigenous self-representation is at odds with how others perceive them.[189] TribalCrit argues that ideas of culture, information, and power take on new importance when inspected through a Native lens.[189] TribalCrit rejects goals of assimilation in US educational institutions, and argues that understanding the lived realities of Indigenous peoples is dependent on comprehending tribal philosophies, beliefs, traditions, and visions for the future.[189]
Critical philosophy of race
The Critical Philosophy of Race (CPR) is inspired by both Critical Legal Studies and Critical Race Theory's use of interdisciplinary scholarship. Both CLS and CRT explore the covert nature of mainstream use of "apparently neutral concepts, such as merit or freedom."[52]
See also
- Anti-bias curriculum
- Cultural Marxism conspiracy theory
- Cultural hegemony
- Institutional or systemic racism
- Judicial aspects of race in the United States
- Racism in the United States
- Slavery in the United States
- White privilege
Notes
- ^ Wallace-Wells, Benjamin (June 18, 2021). "How a Conservative Activist Invented the Conflict Over Critical Race Theory". The New Yorker. Retrieved June 19, 2021.
- ISSN 0190-8286. Retrieved June 19, 2021.
- ^ a b c Iati, Marisa (May 29, 2021). "What is critical race theory, and why do Republicans want to ban it in schools?". The Washington Post.
Rather than encouraging white people to feel guilty, Thomas said critical race theorists aim to shift focus away from individual people's bad actions and toward how systems uphold racial disparities.
- ^ Kahn, Chris (July 15, 2021). "Many Americans embrace falsehoods about critical race theory". Reuters. Retrieved January 22, 2022.
- S2CID 151160318.
- ^ Yosso, Tara; Solórzano, Daniel G (2005). "Conceptualizing a critical race theory in sociology". In Romero, Mary (ed.). The Blackwell Companion to Social Inequalities.
- ^ Borter, Gabriella (September 22, 2021). "Explainer: What 'critical race theory' means and why it's igniting debate". Reuters. Retrieved January 22, 2022.
- ^ Gillborn 2015, p. 278.
- ^ a b c d Curry 2009a, p. 166.
- ^ S2CID 240846071.
- ^ a b Bridges 2019.
- ^ Ruparelia 2019, pp. 77–89.
- S2CID 146634183.
- ^ Crenshaw 1991; Crenshaw 1989.
- ^ a b Ansell 2008, pp. 344–345.
- ^ a b Crenshaw 2019, pp. 52–84.
- ^ a b c d e f g "Critical race theory". Encyclopaedia Britannica. September 21, 2021. Archived from the original on November 22, 2021.
- ^ Ansell 2008, pp. 344–345; Bridges 2019, p. 7; Crenshaw et al. 1995, p. xiii.
- ^ Ansell 2008, p. 344; Cole 2007, pp. 112–113: "CRT was a reaction to Critical Legal Studies (CLS) ... CRT was a response to CLS, criticizing the latter for its undue emphasis on class and economic structure, and insisting that 'race' is a more critical identity."
- ^ a b Bridges 2021, 2:06.
- ^ a b Crenshaw et al. 1995, p. xxvii. "Indeed, the organizers coined the term 'Critical Race Theory' to make it clear that our work locates itself in intersection of critical theory and race, racism and the law."
- ^ a b c d e Ansell 2008, p. 344.
- ^ Cabrera 2018, p. 213.
- from the original on June 18, 2021.
- ^ Caroline Kelly (September 5, 2020). "Trump bars 'propaganda' training sessions on race in latest overture to his base". CNN.
- ^ Duhaney, Patrina (March 8, 2022). "Why does critical race theory make people so uncomfortable?". The Conversation. Retrieved March 15, 2022.
- ^ Bump, Philip (June 15, 2021). "Analysis | The Scholar Strategy: How 'critical race theory' alarms could convert racial anxiety into political energy". The Washington Post. Archived from the original on June 22, 2021.
- ^ a b c Harris 2021.
- ^ a b c West 1995, p. xi.
- ^ Brooks 1994, p. 85.
- ^ Ladson-Billings & Tate 1995.
- ^ Gillborn 2015; Ladson-Billings 1998.
- ^ a b Ladson-Billings 1998, p. 7.
- ^ Cabrera 2018, p. 211; Delgado & Stefancic 2017, p. 3.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i "Examine critical race theory (CRT)". Encyclopaedia Britannica. Video with transcript. Archived from the original on November 24, 2021.
- ^ a b c d Bell 1992.
- ^ McCristal-Culp 1992, p. 1149.
- ^ Hancock 2016, p. 192; Crenshaw 1989.
- ^ Cesario 2008, pp. 201–212; Bell 1980.
- ^ a b Harnois 2010; Collins 2009.
- ^ a b c d e f g Delgado & Stefancic 1993.
- ^ Kennedy 1995; Kennedy 1990.
- ^ Delgado & Stefancic 1993, p. 462.
- ^ Delgado & Stefancic 1993; Strickland 1997.
- ISBN 978-0-631-18078-4.
- ^ a b c Crenshaw 1988, p. 103.
- ^ a b c d Crenshaw 1988, p. 104–105.
- ^ a b Crenshaw 1988, p. 104.
- ^ a b Crenshaw 1988, p. 106.
- ^ Kennedy 1990, p. 705.
- ^ Bonilla-Silva 2020; Bonilla-Silva 2010, p. 26.
- ^ a b Alcoff 2021.
- ^ Alcoff 2021; Delgado 1984.
- ^ Delgado & Stefancic 1992, p. 1276.
- ^ Delgado & Stefancic 1992, p. 1261.
- ^ Delgado & Stefancic 1992, pp. 1262–1263.
- ^ Delgado & Stefancic 1992, p. 1263–1264.
- ^ Delgado & Stefancic 1992, pp. 1264–1265.
- ^ Delgado & Stefancic 1992, p. 1266.
- ^ Delgado & Stefancic 1992, pp. 1266–1267.
- ^ a b Delgado & Stefancic 1992, p. 1278.
- ^ Delgado & Stefancic 1992, p. 1279.
- ^ Delgado & Stefancic 1992, pp. 1284–1285.
- ^ Delgado & Stefancic 1992, pp. 1286–1287.
- ^ Delgado & Stefancic 1992, p. 1282.
- ^ Delgado & Stefancic 1992, p. 1288.
- ^ Leonardo 2013, pp. 603–604; Ansell 2008, p. 345.
- ^ a b c d Bell 1980.
- ^ a b c d Wright & Cobb 2021.
- ^ Shih, David (April 19, 2017). "A Theory To Better Understand Diversity, And Who Really Benefits". Code Switch. NPR. Retrieved October 20, 2021.
- S2CID 218483077.
Those with power rarely concede it without interest convergence. Racism benefits some groups, and those groups are reluctant to move against it. They will take or allow anti-racist actions most often when it also confers their benefits. In the US context, the forward movement for civil rights has typically only occurred when it is materially in the interest of the White majority.
- ^ Bell 1989, p. [page needed]; Dudziak 2000, p. [page needed].
- ^ Dudziak 2000; Ioffe 2017.
- ^ a b Dudziak 2000.
- ^ Delgado & Stefancic 2017, pp. 25–26; Dudziak 1988.
- ^ Dudziak 1997.
- ^ Ioffe 2017.
- ^ Delgado & Stefancic 2012, pp. 51–55.
- ^ Crenshaw 1991.
- ^ Delgado & Stefancic 2017, pp. 63–66.
- S2CID 49215486.
- PMID 28611723.
- ^ ProQuest 218827114.
- ^ "Race and Racial Identity". National Museum of African American History and Culture. Retrieved December 1, 2022.
- ^ Delgado & Stefancic 2012, pp. 26, 155.
- ^ Delgado & Stefancic 2001, p. 26.
- ^ Delgado & Stefancic 2001, p. 27.
- ^ Jones 2002, pp. 9–10.
- JSTOR 3481059.
- ^ Delgado & Stefancic 2017, p. 76.
- ISBN 978-0-429-50294-1.
- ^ Delgado 1995.
- ^ Kennedy 1990.
- ^ Williams 1991.
- ^ Curry 2009b, p. 1.
- ^ Curry 2009b, p. 2.
- ^ Curry 2011, p. [page needed].
- ^ Curry 2009b, p. [page needed].
- ^ Delgado & Stefancic 1998a, p. 467; Delgado & Stefancic 2001, p. 30; Bell 1976.
- ^ a b Delgado & Stefancic 1998a; Bell 1980.
- ^ Friedman, Jonathan (November 8, 2021). Educational Gag Orders: Legislative Restrictions on the Freedom to Read, Learn, and Teach (Report). New York: PEN America. Archived from the original on November 9, 2021.
- ^ Delgado & Stefancic 2001.
- ^ a b Delgado & Stefancic 1998a, p. 467.
- ^ a b c Jackson, Lauren Michele (July 7, 2021). "The Void That Critical Race Theory Was Created to Fill". The New Yorker. Retrieved November 8, 2021.
- ^ Bell 1976; Bell 1980.
- ^ a b Cobb, Jelani (September 13, 2021). "The Man Behind Critical Race Theory". The New Yorker. Retrieved November 14, 2021.
- ^ a b Wright & Cobb 2021; Bell 1976; Bell 1980.
- ^ "Montgomery Bus Boycott". Civil Rights Movement Archive.
- JSTOR 272323.
- JSTOR 3504874.
- ^ Gotanda 1991.
- ^ Bell 1970.
- ^ Bell 1979a.
- ^ a b Crenshaw et al. 1995, pp. xix–xx.
- ^ ISBN 978-1-6239-6678-2.
When Bell departed from Harvard to lead the University of Oregon School of Law, Harvard's law students of color demanded that another faculty member of color be hired to replace him.
- ^ Crenshaw et al. 1995, p. xx: "The liberal white Harvard administration responded to student protests, demonstrations, rallies, and sit-ins—including a takeover of the Dean's office—by asserting that there were no qualified black scholars who merited Harvard's interest."
- JSTOR 1341357.
- ^ Cook et al. 2021, c.14:36.
- ^ Cook et al. 2021.
- ^ ISBN 978-1-3176-7095-7.
- ^ Delgado & Stefancic 2001, p. 30.
- ^ a b Freeman, Alan David (January 1, 1978). "Legitimizing Racial Discrimination through Antidiscrimination law: A Critical Review of Supreme Court Doctrine". Minnesota Law Review. 62 (73).
- ^ Yosso 2005, p. 71.
- ISBN 978-0-8077-6583-8.
- ^ Kennedy 1990; Kennedy 1995.
- JSTOR 1341453.
- ^ Harris 1993.
- ^ Warren, James (September 5, 1993). "'Whiteness as Property'". Chicago Tribune.
- ^ Crenshaw et al. 1995, p. xiii.
- ^ Gillborn 2015; Crenshaw 1991.
- ^ Curry 2008, pp. 35–36; Ladson-Billings 1998, pp. 7–24; Ladson-Billings & Tate 1995.
- ISBN 978-1-4833-4980-0.
- ^ Harris 2002, p. 1216: "Over twenty American law schools offer courses in Critical Race Theory or include Critical Race Theory as a central part of other courses. Critical Race Theory is a formal course in a number of universities in the United States and in at least three foreign law schools."
- ^ Delgado & Stefancic 2017, pp. 7–8.
- ^ "Critical Race Theory". Centre for Research in Race and Education; University of Birmingham. Retrieved June 25, 2021.
- ^ Quinn, Karl (November 6, 2020). "Are all white people racist? Why Critical Race Theory has us rattled". The Sydney Morning Herald. Retrieved June 26, 2021.
- S2CID 144325161.
- ^ Curry 2011, p. 4.
- ^ Gordon 1999.
- ^ Borland, Elizabeth. "Standpoint theory". Encyclopaedia Britannica. Retrieved November 22, 2021.
- ISBN 978-0-13-800270-1.
- ^ Harris 1994, pp. 741–743.
- ^ Crenshaw et al. 1995, p. xxiv: "To the emerging race crits, rights discourse held a social and transformative value in the context of racial subordination that transcended the narrower question of whether reliance on rights alone could bring about any determinate results"; Harris 1994, p. [page needed].
- ^ Bell 1995, p. 899.
- ^ Mallon 2007.
- ^ Hacking 2003.
- ^ Delgado & Stefancic 2017, p. 102.
- ^ Cabrera 2018, p. 213; Farber & Sherry 1997a.
- ^ a b Cabrera 2018, p. 213.
- SSRN 2666047.
- JSTOR 3480866.
Therefore, the authors suggest, the radical critique of merit has the wholly unintended consequence of being anti-Semitic and possibly racist.
- ^ Farber & Sherry 1997a.
- ^ Delgado & Stefancic 2017, pp. 103–104.
- ^ Ansell 2008, pp. 345–346.
- ^ Holmes 1997.
- ^ Harris 2021; Locin & Tackett 1993.
- ^ Apple, R. W. (June 5, 1993). "THE GUINIER BATTLE; President Blames Himself for Furor Over Nominee". The New York Times.
- ^ Totenberg, Nina (July 5, 2022). "The Supreme Court is the most conservative in 90 years". NPR. Retrieved June 11, 2023.
- ^ Kruzel, John (May 4, 2022). "Conservative court strategy bears fruit as Roe faces peril". The Hill. Retrieved June 11, 2023.
- ^ Hurley, Lawrence; Chung, Andrew; Hurley, Lawrence (July 1, 2022). "Explainer: How the conservative Supreme Court is reshaping U.S. law". Reuters. Retrieved June 11, 2023.
- ^ Rhodes, Christopher. "The Federalist Society: Architects of the American dystopia". www.aljazeera.com. Retrieved June 11, 2023.
- ^ Ansell 2008, p. 346.
- ^ Rosen 1996.
- ^ Russell 1997, Note 67, p. 791.
- ^ S2CID 144670114.
- ^ Winerip, Michael (March 19, 2012). "Racial Lens Used to Cull Curriculum in Arizona". The New York Times. Archived from the original on July 8, 2017.
- ^ Depenbrock, Julie (August 22, 2017). "Federal Judge Finds Racism Behind Arizona Law Banning Ethnic Studies". All Things Considered. NPR. Archived from the original on July 6, 2019.
- ^ Carr (2022).
- ^ Wilson (2021).
- ^ Dawsey & Stein (2020); Lang (2020); Waxman (2021); Education Week (2021).
- ^ Gross (2022).
- S2CID 219923352.
- ^ Yosso 2005, p. 72; Delgado & Stefancic 1998b.
- ^ a b Yosso 2005, p. 72.
- ^ Harpalani 2013.
- ^ Castillo, Wendy; Gillborn, David (March 9, 2022). "How to "QuantCrit:" Practices and Questions for Education Data Researchers and Users".
- ^ Gil De Lamadrid, Daniel (2023). "QueerCrit: The Intersection of Queerness and the Black-White Binary". Academia.
- ^ Myslinska 2014a, pp. 559–660.
- ^ Jupp, Berry & Lensmire 2016.
- ^ Myslinska 2014b.
- ^ See e.g., Levin 2008.
- ^ Annamma, Connor & Ferri 2012.
- ^ a b c Treviño, Harris & Wallace 2008.
- ^ Yosso 2006, p. 7.
- ^ Yosso 2005.
- ^ a b Delgado & Stefancic 2001, p. 6.
- ^ Yosso 2006.
- S2CID 149949621.
- ^ S2CID 145515195.
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Further reading
- ISBN 978-1-5663-9347-8.
- Dixson, Adrienne D.; Rousseau, Celia K., eds. (2006). Critical Race Theory in Education: All God's Children Got a Song. New York: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-95292-7.
- Epstein, Kitty Kelly (2006). A Different View of Urban Schools: Civil Rights, Critical Race Theory, and Unexplored Realities. Peter Lang. ISBN 978-0-8204-7879-1.
- Fortin, Jacey (November 8, 2021). "Critical Race Theory: A Brief History". The New York Times.
- Gillborn, David; Dixson, Adrienne D.; Ladson-Billings, Gloria; Parker, Laurence; Rollock, Nicola; Warmington, Paul, eds. (2018). Critical Race Theory in Education (1st ed.). Routledge. ISBN 978-1-138-84827-6.
- Goldberg, David Theo (May 2, 2021). "The War on Critical Race Theory". Boston Review.
- Taylor, Edward (Spring 1998). "A Primer on Critical Race Theory: Who are the critical race theorists and what are they saying?". Journal of Blacks in Higher Education (19): 122–124. JSTOR 2998940.