Croatia–Russia relations

Source: Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.
Croatia–Russia relations
Map indicating locations of Croatia and Russia

Croatia
Russia
Diplomatic mission
Croatian embassy in MoscowRussian embassy in Zagreb
Envoy
Tomislav Car[1][2]
(since January 2019)		Andrey Nesterenko
(since 21 August 2020[3])

embassy in Moscow and honorary consulates in Kaliningrad, Novosibirsk, and Sochi.[4] Russia has an embassy in Zagreb and honorary consulates in Pula and Split
.

While geographically not close, Croatia and Russia are both

language heritage. Both countries are full members of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe. Croatia is a popular tourist destination with Russian travelers in spite of a drastic drop in the numbers after 2014 following the Russo-Ukrainian War that caused political tension between Russia and the European Union, to which Croatia had acceded in 2013.[5]

At the end of 2016, Russian experts were cited as judging Russian–Croatian relations to be "cold" due to conflicting interests and alliances, primarily due to Croatia aligning itself with NATO, the United States, and the European Union in international affairs.[6]

Background

See also: Russians of Croatia; Russia–Serbia relations § Inter-war period, Russian emigration; and Soviet Union–Yugoslavia relations

Cultural and personal ties between Russia and persons from the territory of modern Croatia date far back prior to Croatian independence in 1991, such as a trip to Moscow by Croatian Catholic missionary Juraj Križanić in 1659 who later was exiled to Tobolsk in Siberia where he spent 16 years writing manuscripts that promoted Pan-Slavism.

Against the backdrop of the Illyrian movement, a pan-South-Slavist movement, regarded in Croatian historiography as part of the Croatian national revival (Hrvatski narodni preporod), some prominent Croats in the 19th century (the lands of modern Croatia then being largely part of the Austrian Empire, later Austria-Hungary) sought to develop a stronger relationship with Russia because "they saw in Imperial Russia a world power and brotherly Slavic nation from which they had hoped to gain help during the Croatian National Revival."[7]

Croatian

Alexander Stepanovich Popov in 1877: "You in Moscow know very well for how long South Slavs had been waiting for salvation. You also know that the eyes of the Slavs are fixed on you and that our hearts are full with you".[12]

While Russia's

Nicholas II of Russia in 1897 heralded a secret agreement between the two empires to honour and seek to maintain the status quo in the Balkans.[15][16]

In

Russian offensive in June 1916.[17][18][19]

During the

USSR until June 1940. Zagreb and some other Croatian cities had numerous military, religious, educational and professional Russian establishments, all of which were closed down in May 1945, after the imposition of the Communist regime in Croatia. Most of those few Russians who had failed to leave for the West, were subjected to reprisals and prosecution, or forced to leave for the USSR.[22][23]

During the

German Army, under Croatian officers Viktor Pavičić and later Marko Mesić) was the only non-German military unit that was assigned to fight inside the city itself (unlike the Italian and Romanian troops) and went on to distinguish itself, in the Battle of Stalingrad, but nonetheless surrendered along with the German 6th Army in early February 1943.[24] The Luftwaffe's Croatian Air Force Legion was in active combat against the Soviets from October 1941 until July 1944.[24] Kriegsmarine's Croatian Naval Legion was active along the Soviet coast of the Black Sea and was from May 1942 based in Mariupol on the northern coast of the Sea of Azov[25] (the city had been captured virtually without a fight by the LSSAH
on 8 October 1941).

At the end of the

1st Cossack Cavalry Division and the 2nd Cossack Cavalry Division merged into the XV SS Cossack Cavalry Corps in February 1945 under German command and manned mainly by Cossacks from the USSR, from 1943 conducted successful tactical operations in Croatia against both Communist guerrillas and — from late 1944 — the Red Army.[27][28] Also fighting on the territory of the NDH from October 1944 — against the Communist partisans and the Soviet troops — were the retreating units of the Russian Protective Corps, whose commander, Russian general Boris Shteifon
, died in Zagreb on 30 April 1945.

The defeat of the NDH in mid-May 1945 was followed by

Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia, the People's Republic of Croatia
being one of its constituent republics. The USSR maintained a consulate general in Zagreb.

Social scientists concurred that for most people in Croatia, a constituent republic of Yugoslavia until 1991 where the equality of ethnic

Serbs and Croats, as constituent nations, was formally recognized in every aspect,[29] the dominant political narrative that tended to determine voting at elections, perpetuated their respective families′ political affiliation during WWII: either with Tito's Communist partisans, or supporters of the Nazi-backed Ustasha regime of the NDH, a schism in Croatia's society that had grown even wider since the consensus-based political goal of acceding to the EU was accomplished in 2013.[30] A number of prominent Croats in Socialist Yugoslavia had close ties with the USSR and these people's influence in the government of independent Croatia that emerged in 1991 continued thereafter.[31][32]

History

1990s

See also: Croatian War of Independence
Croatian President Stjepan Mesić and Russian President Vladimir Putin in Moscow in 2002
Dmitri Medvedev in Moscow
in 2010

According to the allegations in the Croatian press, in violation of the

Večernji List published an article in which businessmen Zvonko Zubak, owner of a company that was Croatia's main weapons supplier during the war, claimed that Russian Ambassador to Croatia Anvar Azimov had summoned him to the Russian Embassy asking for an "inventory of all arms that arrived to Croatia via Russia between 1992 and 1997"; the article cited Azimov as allegedly stating that Croatia "should be reminded of who was arming and rescuing it during the embargo". The inventory, that Večernji List has seen, cites 16,000 tonnes of various Russian weapons, including two MiG 21 jets, few squadrons of transport and assault helicopters, including Mil Mi-24, and anti-aircraft systems, including the S-300 missile system.[36][37] In April 2017, former Croatian president Ivo Josipović said that "during the war, Russia helped Croatia, not only with weaponry, but also politically".[38] In April 2017, Russian Foreign Ministry officials rejected such allegations as false.[39][40][41]

On 4 November 1996, Russian President Yeltsin awarded Croatian President Franjo Tuđman with Medal of Zhukov.[42]

During the 1990s, major fortunes were made in Russia by some Croatian nationals such as Danko Končar, who attributed his business success in Russia, among other things, to his "normal human contact" with the FSB, Russia's successor agency to the USSR's KGB.[43][44]

2000—2020

In the 2000s and early 2010s, consecutive presidents of Croatia, Stjepan Mesić and Ivo Josipović, made multiple official and working visits to Russia.[45][46]

According to former Croatian ambassador to Russia Božo Kovačević, Russia's leadership stopped taking the Croatian government seriously by the end of the 2000s, as they had realised that successive governments of Croatia had been consciously deceiving their Russian counterparts when pledging cooperation on the Druzhba Adria pipeline project, whose eventual rejection by the Croatian side Kovačević puts down primarily to pressure on the part of the U.S.[47] Instead, in order to create a powerful instrument of influence and secure Russian capture of Croatia's political establishment, Russia embarked on its tried-and-tested strategy of weakening the market position of a national oil and gas company, namely INA d.d., whose dominant role in the Croatian gas market had by 2017 been assumed by the Prvo Plinarsko Društvo (PPD) gas trading company, a proxy for importing Gazprom’s gas[48][49][50] (PPD is owned by the Energia Naturalis Group[51]). Among other things, by extending a loan, PPD financed the 2014–15 presidential election campaign of Kolinda Grabar-Kitarović, who went on to win the election.[50][52] In the opinion of Denis Kuljiš, Russia had always sought to exercise control over Croatia′s president as it was understood that Croatia′s government "must take orders from Brussels".[53] Additionally, Russian state-controlled oil company Zarubezhneft attempted, in the early 2010s, to get hold of INA's oil exploration concessions and to this end set up the Russian-Croatian company, Zarubezhneft Adria, with a minority stake owned by Croatian state-controlled crude oil transportation company JANAF (Jadranski naftovod).[54] JANAF's consecutive CEOs, Ante Markov and Dragan Kovačević, were reputed to have close ties to Russia and lobby Russia's business interests in Croatia.[54][55]

2018 FIFA World Cup Final, which Croatia lost to France 4–2, the Luzhniki Stadium, Moscow.[56]

In February 2015, the Milanović government went ahead with the pre-planned Russian-Croatian Economic Forum held in Moscow, thus defying the publicly made warning against doing so on the part of the U.S.; the Croatian delegation was led by the minister of economy Ivan Vrdoljak.[57][58][59] At the beginning of 2016, Russian ambassador to Croatia Anvar Azimov complained publicly that none of the ten Croatian ministers invited by him to attend various events in Russia had visited Russia.[60] At the end of 2016, Russian experts were cited as assessing Russian–Croatian relations as "cold".[6]

In September 2016, Jutarnji list reported that Croatia had expelled one Russian diplomat suspected of spying. An unnamed source, described as "a former Croatian diplomat who was well familiar with the situation in Russia", stated that he knew for a fact that "the Russians were very hurt" and that they responded by expelling one Croatian diplomat.[61] An article published in the Foreign Affairs magazine in July 2017 referred to Andrej Plenković′s government as "currently the West’s strongest ally against Russian expansion in the Balkans."[62][63]

The visit to Russia by Croatia's president Kolinda Grabar-Kitarović in October 2017 was seen by Russian commentators as a sign of tentative warming of relations that had been ″semi-frozen″ on the official level since 2009.[64] President Grabar-Kitarović stressed the prospects of economic cooperation between the countries.[65]

On 26 March 2018, Croatia expelled one Russian diplomat as a show of solidarity with the

Croat member of the BiH Presidency, Dragan Čović became a close political ally of the Bosnian Serb leader and Member of the Presidency, Milorad Dodik, who is known to enjoy support of Russia's leadership in his attempts to undermine the BiH statehood.[77][71]

According to Croatian political observer Boris Rašeta, Russia's influence in Croatia had been steadily in the ascendant and, prior to Andrej Plenković's chairmanship of the HDZ, the party's leadership had enjoyed strong support in the Kremlin.

Bandić's party fared poorly.[82] Stipe Mesić went on participating actively in Croatia's official foreign policy into 2021.[83]

According to the statistics of the Croatian Ministry of the Interior published in early 2019, in the period from 2000 until 2017, sixty-six Russian nationals had been granted Croatian citizenship in the expedited procedure as provided for by Article 12 of the Law on Croatian Citizenship; some of these persons are believed to be members of Vladimir Putin′s inner circle of friends.[84][85][86]

On 1 April 2019, Russia's

Sberbank announced it had formally acquired ownership of ″about 40 per cent of the net assets of Fortenova Group".[87][88] The latter was set up as part of the debt-for-equity swap deal agreed upon between the government-appointed extraordinary administration of the demised Agrokor, the biggest privately owned company in the Balkans founded by Ivica Todorić, and its creditors such as Sberbank and VTB Bank.[89][90] The deal was viewed by experts as having given Vladimir Putin ″indirect leverage on the Croatian economy and on the largest firm in the former Yugoslavia″,[91] Croatia’s Centre for Development Cooperation writing that "Russia ha[d] bought itself a NATO country".[92][93] Sberbank's pointman for Agrokor had been Maxim Poletaev, whose wife, Yelena, was granted Croatian citizenship in 2015.[94][95] Maxim Poletaev became chairman of Fortenova's board of directors.[90] By having PPD acquire 6,4 per cent of Fortenova Group in early 2020, Russian business achieved majority control of the company.[50]

Since 2020

political movement (DPMŠ) that emerged at the end of 2010s and was hailed as Croatia's Third Way party was reported to be financed by and have strong personal connections to, PPD and its owner, Pavao Vujnovac.[96][52][97] The DPMŠ-led coalition came in third in the Croatian parliamentary election
held in July 2020.

Following the valedictory visit that Russian ambassador to Croatia

GRU) as being the culprits.[99][100] President Zoran Milanović's verbal attacks on the Plenković government as well as criticism of the U.S.′ policies voiced by him in the autumn of 2020 earned him praise from Russia's pro-government media.[101][102]

Russian foreign minister Sergey Lavrov′s visit to Croatia that was to take place in late October 2020 was cancelled without any formal announcement and explanation from the Russia side, whereas his planned visit to Serbia was made longer.[103] Russian media suggested the reason for calling off the previously announced[104] stop in Zagreb within Lavrov's tour of the Balkans was Croatian prime minister Andrej Plenković's refusal to receive the Russian minister.[105] However, the Croatian prime minister's office and the Croatian foreign minister dismissed such allegations saying the visit was postponed at the Russian side's request due to the epidemiological situation at the Russian Embassy in Zagreb.[106][107] During Lavrov's visit to Zagreb that finally took place in mid-December 2020, Croatian foreign minister Gordan Grlić-Radman praised his Russian counterpart as a poet whose poems had been published shortly prior.[108][109] Several weeks later, Russian ambassador Andrey Nesterenko in an interview referred to Grlić-Radman as "Lavrov′s friend"[110]

The floating

LNG terminal in Omišalj that began operations on 1 January 2021 had been hailed as a way for Croatia to ease its dependence on natural gas imported from Russia as well as bring greater gas diversity and competition to Central and Eastern Europe.[111][112]

On 25 January 2022, against the backdrop of a renewed flare-up of confronation between Russia and the West over Ukraine, Croatia's president Zoran Milanović, whose prior public statements and foreign policy moves Croatian political analyst Davor Gjenero had attributed to Milanović being beholden to Russia's geopolitical agenda in the region,[113][114] told the press that the crisis over Ukraine was due to the U.S.′ foreign policy and domestic politics; he also said that an "arrangement to meet Russia′s security interests" ought to be found and that he guaranteed that no Croatian troops would be dispatched in case of an escalation.[115][116][117] On the same day, prime minister Plenković reacted to those statements by saying that on hearing those he thought it was being said "by some Russian official"; he also offered apologies to Ukraine and reiterated that Croatia supported Ukraine's territorial integrity.[118] Politico commented on Milanović's statements by writing: "In the midst of the Ukraine crisis comes a surprise military maneuver — a Croatian confusion operation."[119] The foreign ministry of Ukraine summoned Croatian ambassador Anica Djamić, whereafter the ministry issued a comment that said, "[...] Zoran Milanović's statements retransmit Russian propaganda narratives, do not correspond to Croatia's consistent official position in support of Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity, harm bilateral relations and undermine unity within the EU and NATO in the face of current security threats in Europe. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine demands a public refutation of these insulting statements by the President of Croatia, as well as non-repetition in the future."[120][121]

Following the

Russian invasion of Ukraine, Croatia joined other countries in spring 2022 in declaring a number of Russian diplomats Persona non grata. In March 2022, the Government of the Russian Federation listed Croatia, along with the other EU states, as one of "foreign states and territories that commit unfriendly actions against Russia, its companies, and citizens".[122][123]

In July 2022, the government of Russia added Croatia to "the list of countries committing unfriendly actions vis-à-vis Russia, particularly vis-à-vis its diplomatic and consular missions abroad"; the move specified that Croatia would not henceforth be allowed to hire staff for its diplomatic representations in Russia[124][125]

Croatian President Zoran Milanović continued with his pro-Russian statements, stating in January 2023, "It is perfectly clear that Crimea will never again be part of Ukraine"[126][127] whereas in October 2023 Lloyd Austin United States Secretary of Defense congratulated Croatia on it supply of military and humanitarian assistance to Ukraine.[128]

Economic ties

According to Croatian National Bank's data, Russia has invested €390.5 million in Croatia between 1993 and 2016, while Croatia invested €101 million in Russia in the same period.[65]

Croatia exports mainly food, drugs, shaving products, flasks for metal foundry and telecommunications equipment, while Russia exports oil, oil and petroleum gases, accounting 90 percent of imports from Russia to Croatia, mineral and chemical fertilizers, aluminum wrought and boilers for steam production.[129] In 2008, according to Croatia's official statistics, trade between the countries totalled at 3.38bln US dollars.[46] Due to mutual sanctions between the European Union and Russia introduced in 2014, the trade between Russia and Croatia declined in 2015 for 40%. According to the Federal Customs Service of Russia, the trade turnover between Croatia and Russia amounted $1.23 billion with Russian exports decreasing by 35%, amounting $988.4 million, and Croatian exports amounting $238 million, decreasing by 43.7%.[130] In 2016, trade between two countries amounted c. $810 million.[131] In 2017, trade between two countries amounted $807 million, and in the first half of 2018 rose by 64%.[132]

In March 2017, more than a third of the debt incurred by

Sberbank and VTB Bank. The Russian ambassador to Croatia Anvar Azimov's public threat to Agrokor in February 2017 was seen by Croatian and regional analysts as a sign that Agrokor's problems had a geopolitical dimension and were being instrumentalized by Russia to expand its influence and exert pressure.[133][134][135][136][137] At an extradition hearing in the London court on 7 November 2017, Agrokor's owner Ivica Todorić’s lawyer stated that the criminal case against his client was linked to “perceived Russian influence” and ″ar[ose] in part from the involvement of Russian banks and financing.”[138]

In 2021 Croatia exported goods worth $272m to Russia with medication being the main component, Russia shipped goods worth $818m in return, with crude oil being the main product.[139]

Tourism

In 2012, over 203,000 Russian citizens visited Croatia.[140] After Croatia joined the EU in 2013, it was forced to introduce visas for Russian, Ukrainian and Turkish nationals, which consequentially led to the decline in arrivals of Russian tourists. In 2016, according to the Russian statistics, the number totaled upward of 55,000 persons.[131]

Resident diplomatic missions

  • Croatia has an embassy in Moscow.
  • Russia has an embassy in Zagreb.
  • Embassy of Croatia in Moscow
    Embassy of Croatia in Moscow

See also

Notes

  1. ^ О встрече заместителя Министра иностранных дел Российской Федерации А.В.Грушко с Послом Республики Хорватии в России Т.Царом. mid.ru, 16 January 2019.
  2. ^ Diplomatic Missions and Consular Offices of Croatia / Russian Federation (The) official web site of the Foreign Ministry of Croatia.
  3. ^ Указ Президента Российской Федерации от 21.08.2020 № 519 «О Чрезвычайном и Полномочном После Российской Федерации в Республике Хорватии»
  4. ^ Diplomatske misije i konzularni uredi RH u svijetu
  5. ^ "Dramatičan pad broja turista iz Rusije u Hrvatskoj".
  6. ^
    Gazeta.ru
    , 13 December 2016.
  7. ^ Otokar Keršovani, History of Croatia
  8. ^ Eugen Kvaternik: Gorke uspomene "Hervatska", 1870.
  9. ^ Dr N.Z. Bjelovučić. Dr. Eugen Kvaternik
  10. ^ Dragutin Pavličević. Eugen Kvaternik o istočnom pitanju (1859-1868). Zagreb, 1995, pp. 87–88, 93.
  11. ^ Dragutin Pavličević. Eugen Kvaternik u hrvatskoj politici i publicistici 1859.-1871. godine. Zagreb, 1997.
  12. ^ "Grada Za Povijest Hrvatsko-Ruskih Veza U Drugoj Polovini Xix Stoljeca" (PDF). Historiografija.hr. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2016-03-04. Retrieved 2016-11-07.
  13. ^ Vuk Vuksanovic. Serbs Are Not “Little Russians”. The American Interest, 26 July 2018.
  14. ^ «У России всего три союзника — армия, флот, сербы». EurAsia Daily, 27 August 2017.
  15. ^ a b Enciklopedija Jugoslavije 1968, p. 456.
  16. ^ "Русско-австрийское соглашение". www.hrono.info.
  17. Vecernji list
    D.o.o, № 82, January 2018, pp. 15, 19.
  18. ^ Jevgenij Paščenko. «Hrvatski grobovi 1914-1918. Karpati, Galicija, Bukovina». Zagreb, 2016, pp. 44—46.
  19. ^ Nikola Tominac. «LIČANI U "VELIKOM RATU": Zimska bitka za Karpate, siječanj – travanj 1915».
  20. ^ ″Препродаја блага у београдској залагаоници: Из тајних архива УДБЕ: РУСКА ЕМИГРАЦИЈА У ЈУГОСЛАВИЈИ 1918–1941.″ // Politika, 6 December 2017, p. 13.
  21. ^ ″Политика митрополита Антонија: Из тајних архива УДБЕ: РУСКА ЕМИГРАЦИЈА У ЈУГОСЛАВИЈИ 1918–1941.″ // Politika, 16 January 2018, p. 21.
  22. ISBN 9789535832706
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  23. ISBN 953-7130-36-3
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  24. ^ a b How Croatian military units fought against the USSR in WWII, 26 February 2021.
  25. ^ Hrvatska pomorska legija na Crnom moru 1941.-1944., 27 March 2014.
  26. ISBN 0-253-34656-8
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  27. ^ Mladenko Colić. Pregled operacija na jugoslovenskom ratištu: 1941-1945. — Beograd: Vojnoistorijski Institut, 1988, pp. 298—305.
  28. ^ Александров К. М. Русское казачество во Второй мировой войне: трагедия на Драве, декабрь 1944 г. Новый часовой, 2001, pp. 118—139.[circular reference]
  29. ^ Yugoslavia Through Documents: From Its Creation to Its Dissolution edited by Snežana Trifunovska, page 477, it says: "at the Second and Third sessions of the National Anti-Fascist Council of the Peoples Liberation of Croatia (ZAVNOH),...,the equality of the Serbs and the Croats, as constituent peoples of the federal unit of Croatia, were recognized in every respect."
  30. ^ As its government falls, Croatia is fighting about Communists and fascists again: A Balkan problem child is unable to stop squabbling, even on the football pitch The Economist, 21 June 2016.
  31. ^ Boris Rašeta. Moskovska veza od Josipa Broza do danas. // 24sataExpress, 16 December 2016.
  32. ^ Romano Bolković: Ruska Hrvatska
  33. ^ "Hrvatsku naoružali Rusi: Jeljcin odobrio 150 letova transportera - Večernji.hr". Vecernji.hr. 2013-06-15. Retrieved 2016-05-01.
  34. ^ "Rusi naoružali Hrvatsku". Glassrpske.com. 2013-06-16. Retrieved 2016-05-01.
  35. ^ "'Ja sam svjedok. Rusi su za vrijeme Domovinskog rata naoružavali Hrvate, a ne Srbe'".
  36. ^ "Postoji previše svjedoka da bi se ogromne pošiljke ruskog naoružanja Hrvatskoj sada tretirale kao 'fatamorgana'".
  37. ^ "Novi ruski pritisak na Hrvatsku: Isporučili smo vam S-300, gdje su nestale rakete?".
  38. ^ "'Srbija se uznemirila jer činjenica o ruskom naoružavanju Hrvatske ruši mit da je Rusija njihov ekskluzivni prijatelj'". 16 April 2017.
  39. ^ В МИД России прокомментировали сообщения о поставках С-300 в Хорватию RIA Novosti, 19 April 2017.
  40. ^ "Заявление А.В.Чепурина агентству "Танюг" - Посольство Российской Федерации в Республике Сербии". www.ambasadarusije.rs.
  41. ^ «С-300 из Украјине преко Загреба завршио у САД.» Politika, 19 April 2017, p. 1, 6.
  42. ^ "Tuđmana je Boris Jeljcin 1996. godine odlikovao "Medaljom Žukov"".
  43. ^ Danko Končar: 'Moj financijski uspon dogodio se preko noći'. Nacional, 15 May 2011.
  44. ^ Misteriozne milijarde Danka Končara: Kako je postao najbogatiji Hrvat. Dnevno, 28 August 2018.
  45. ^ Визиты президентов Хорватии в Россию. Досье TASS, 17 October 2017.
  46. ^ a b Межгосударственные отношения России и Хорватии. Справка RIA Novosti, 11 May 2010.
  47. ^ Večernji list, 29 October 2017, p. 14–15: Intervju: Božo Kovačević.
  48. ^ "The Croatian energy sector has been plundered and captured". faktograf.hr. 28 February 2020.
  49. ^ "The Croatian energy company you (probably) didn't hear about but you should: Prvo Plinarsko Društvo". 18 October 2018. Archived from the original on 28 February 2019. Retrieved 17 May 2020.
  50. ^ a b c Filip Raunić (23 January 2020). "RUSKI OBRUČ OKO HRVATSKE: Kontroliraju plin, žele naftu, a upravo su dobili brojna polja i izvore vode; 'Sada mogu raditi što žele'". net.hr. Archived from the original on 23 January 2020. Retrieved 17 May 2020.
  51. ^ "About Us". PPD. Archived from the original on 24 September 2020. Retrieved 22 February 2021.
  52. ^ a b Đurđica Klancir (22 May 2020). "PROJEKT ŠKORO NA RUSKI POGON: Ovo su financijeri za koje kažu da odlučuju umjesto Škore – milijarde, s korijenima u ruskom plinu…". net.hr. Archived from the original on 30 May 2020. Retrieved 24 May 2020.
  53. ^ Denis Kuljiš. Prorok prije proroka: Briljantna priča o Zoranu Milanoviću. // START style & news, # 13, Spring 2020, p. 73.
  54. ^ a b Krešimir Žabec (19 January 2012). "Šef JANAF-a Ante Markov udružio se s Rusima da Ini otmu naftno-plinski biznis u Slavoniji". Jutarnji list.
  55. ^ "RIMAC I KOVAČEVIĆ ŽRTVE AMERIČKOG OBRAČUNA S RUSIJOM?! On je ruski lobist, a ona teklić velikih igrača!". Dnevno.hr. 29 September 2020.
  56. ^ Soaked but smiling, Croatian president wins admirers at World Cup final. Reuters, 16 August 2019.
  57. ^ Rusko-hrvatski gospodarski forum izazvao podijeljena mišljenja. Poslovni dnevnik, 17 February 2015.
  58. ^ Klisović: Rusko-hrvatski gospodarski forum ne bavi se politikom, nego gospodarstvom. 17 February 2015.
  59. ^ Vrdoljak poveo 100 hrvatskih poduzetnika u Moskvu; SAD: Ne možete tako. index.hr, 17 February 2015.
  60. ^ Veleposlanik Ruske federacije u RH: Hrvatska neće dobro proći kad Rusiji završe sankcije Večernji list, 4 September 2016.
  61. ^ "OTKRIVAMO VELIKU ŠPIJUNSKU AFERU Kako je Hrvatska protjerala diplomata iz ruske ambasade u Zagrebu". 10 September 2016.
  62. ^ Dagmar Skrpec. Croatia, Russia, and the Balkan Great Game: Why the West Needs Zagreb Foreign Affairs, 25 July 2017.
  63. ^ "AMERIČKI ČASOPIS 'Hrvatska je najjači saveznik zapada protiv ekspanzije Rusije na Balkanu'". Novi List. 3 August 2017.
  64. ^ Хорватия поворачивается лицом к России: Но с оглядкой на США и Евросоюз Kommersant, 18 October 2017.
  65. ^ a b "Predsjednica poručila: Rusija je Hrvatskoj važan gospodarski partner".
  66. ^ "Iskusni diplomati objasnili rusku osvetu Hrvatskoj: "Ovo je iznenađenje"".
  67. ^ Moskva uzvratila Zagrebu, diplomata nepoželjan u Rusiji. N1, 30 March 2018.
  68. ^ Nepoželjna šefica ureda ministrice, kćer počasnog konzula Moskve: Ruski “odabir” Rine Eterović Gorete, bivše zaposlenice i sadašnje tajnice ministričina ureda, ali i kćeri ruskog počasnog konzula, iznenadio je mnoge. Večernji list, 30 August 2018.
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Sources

External links

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