Roman Dacia
Roman Dacia
| |||||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Classical Antiquity | |||||||||||||
• Annexed by Trajan | 106 | ||||||||||||
• Withdrawal by Roman emperor Aurelian | 271/275 | ||||||||||||
| |||||||||||||
Today part of |
This article is part of a series on |
Dacia |
Geography |
---|
Culture |
History |
|
Roman Dacia |
Legacy |
|
Roman Dacia (
After its integration into the empire, Roman Dacia saw constant administrative division. In 119 under Hadrian, it was divided into two departments: Dacia Superior ("Upper Dacia") and Dacia Inferior ("Lower Dacia"; later named Dacia Malvensis). Between 124 and around 158, Dacia Superior was divided into two provinces, Dacia Apulensis and Dacia Porolissensis. The three provinces would later be unified in 166 and be known as Tres Daciae ("Three Dacias") due to the ongoing
From its creation, Roman Dacia suffered great political and military threats. The Free Dacians, allied with the
Background
The Dacians and the Getae frequently interacted with the Romans prior to Dacia's incorporation into the Roman Empire.[1] However, Roman attention on the area around the lower Danube was sharpened when Burebista[1] (82–44 BC)[2] unified the native tribes and began an aggressive campaign of expansion. His kingdom extended to Pannonia in the west and reached the Black Sea to the east, while to the south his authority extended into the Balkans.[3]
By 74 BC,[3] the Roman legions under Gaius Scribonius Curio reached the lower Danube and proceeded to come into contact with the Dacians.[4] Roman concern over the rising power and influence of Burebista was amplified when he began to play an active part in Roman politics. His last minute decision just before the Battle of Pharsalus to participate in the Roman Republic's civil war by supporting Pompey meant that once the Pompeians were dealt with, Julius Caesar would turn his eye towards Dacia.[5] As part of Caesar's planned Parthian campaign of 44 BC, he prepared to cross into Dacia and eliminate Burebista, thereby hopefully causing the breakup of his kingdom.[6] Although this expedition into Dacia did not happen due to Caesar's assassination, Burebista failed to bring about any true unification of the tribes he ruled. Following a plot which saw him assassinated, his kingdom fractured into four distinct political entities, later becoming five, each ruled by minor kings.[7][8]
From the death of Burebista to the rise of Decebalus, Roman forces continued to clash against the Dacians and the Getae.[1] Constant raiding by the tribes into the adjacent provinces of Moesia and Pannonia caused the local governors and the emperors to undertake a number of punitive actions against the Dacians.[1] All of this kept the Roman Empire and the Dacians in constant social, diplomatic, and political interaction during much of the late pre-Roman period.[1] This saw the occasional granting of favoured status to the Dacians in the manner of being identified as amicii et socii – "friends and allies" – of Rome, although by the time of Octavianus this was tied up with the personal patronage of important Roman individuals.[1] An example of this was seen in Octavianus' actions during his conflict with Marcus Antonius. Seeking to obtain an ally who could threaten Antonius' European provinces, in 35 BC Octavianus offered an alliance with the Dacians, whereby he would marry the daughter of the Dacian King, Cotiso, and in exchange Cotiso would wed Octavianus' daughter, Julia.[9][10]
Although it is believed that the custom of providing royal
The arrival of the
Trajan led the Roman legions across the Danube, penetrating Dacia and focusing on the
It is an excellent idea of yours to write about the Dacian war. There is no subject which offers such scope and such a wealth of original material, no subject so poetic and almost legendary although its facts are true. You will describe new rivers set flowing over the land, new bridges built across rivers, and camps clinging to sheer precipices; you will tell of a king driven from his capital and finally to death, but courageous to the end; you will record a double triumph one the first over a nation hitherto unconquered, the other a final victory.
Dacia under the Antonine and Severan emperors (106–235)
Establishment (106–117)
Trajan conquered the Dacians, under King Decibalus, and made Dacia, across the Danube in the soil of barbary, a province that in circumference had ten times 100,000
With the annexation of Decebalus' kingdom, Dacia was turned into Rome's newest province, only the second such acquisition since the death of Augustus nearly a century before.[24] Decebalus' Sarmatian allies to the north were still present in the area, requiring a number of campaigns that did not cease until 107 at the earliest;[25] however, by the end of 106, the legions began erecting new castra along the frontiers.[26] Trajan returned to Rome in the middle of June 107.[27]
After the conflict the
Emperor Trajan proclaimed:
"Alone I have defeated peoples from beyond the Danube and I have annihilated the people of the Dacians."
Roman historian
Flavius Eutropius[29]
"The Getae, a barbarian and vigorous people who rising against the Romans and humiliating them such as to compel them to pay a tribute, were later, at the time of king Decebal, destroyed by Trajan in such a way that their entire people was reduced to forty men as
Lucian of Samosata[30]
Roman sources list Dacia as an imperial province on 11 August 106.
To Roman Dacia's east and south was the province of Moesia, which the emperor Domitian had split into two in 86 AD – Moesia Superior, having its capital at
Transforming Dacia into a province was a very resource-intensive process. Traditional Roman methods were employed, including the creation of
An immediate effect of the wars leading to the Roman conquest was a decrease in the population in the province.
Trajan established the Dacian capital, Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa, some 40 kilometers (25 miles) west of the ruined Sarmizegetusa Regia.[45] Initially serving as a base for the Legio IV Flavia Felix,[46] it soon was settled by the retired veterans who had served in the Dacian Wars, principally the Fifth (Macedonia), Ninth (Claudia), and Fourteenth (Gemina) legions.[47]
It is generally assumed that Trajan's reign saw the creation of the Roman road network within imperial Dacia, with any pre-existing natural communication lines quickly converted into paved Roman roads
Name | From | To |
---|---|---|
Julius Sabinus | 105 | 107/109 |
Decimus Terentius Scaurianus | 109 | 110/111 |
Gaius Avidius Nigrinus | 112 | 113 |
Quintus Baebius Macer | 114 | 114 |
Gaius Julius Quadratus Bassus | ? | 117 |
First re-organisations (117–138)
Hadrian was at
By this time, Hadrian had grown so frustrated with the continual problems in the territories north of the Danube that he contemplated withdrawing from Dacia.
By 118, Hadrian himself had taken to the field against the Roxolani and the Iazyges, and although he defeated them, he agreed to reinstate the subsidies to the Roxolani.[55][57] Hadrian then decided to abandon certain portions of Trajan's Dacian conquests. Most of the Banat was conceded to the Iazyges. The territories annexed to Moesia Inferior (Southern Moldavia, the south-eastern edge of the Carpathian Mountains and the plains of Muntenia and Oltenia) were returned to the Roxolani.[34][57][58] As a result, Moesia Inferior reverted once again to the original boundaries it possessed prior to the acquisition of Dacia.[33] The portions of Moesia Inferior to the north of the Danube were split off and refashioned into a new province called Dacia Inferior.[33] Trajan's original province of Dacia was relabelled Dacia Superior.[33] Hadrian moved the detachment of Legio IV Flavia Felix that had been at Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa back to its base at Singidunum.[59]
By 124, an additional province called Dacia Porolissensis was created in the northern portion of Dacia Superior,[60] roughly located in north-western Transylvania.[33] Since it had become tradition since the time of Augustus that former consuls could only govern provinces as imperial legates where more than one legion was present, Dacia Superior was administered by a senator of praetorian rank.[60] This meant that the imperial legate of Dacia Superior only had one legion under his command, stationed at Apulum.[32] Dacia Inferior and Dacia Porolissensis were under the command of praesidial procurators of ducenary rank.[32]
Hadrian vigorously exploited the opportunities for mining in the new province.
Consolidation (138–161)
The accession of Antoninus Pius saw the arrival of an emperor who took a cautious approach to the defense of some provinces.[64] The large amount of milestones dated to his reign demonstrates that he was particularly concerned with ensuring that the roads were in a constant state of repair.[65] Stamped tiles show that the amphitheatre at Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa, which had been built during the earliest years of the colonia, was repaired under his rule.[66] In addition, given the exposed position of the larger of the Roman fortifications at Porolissum (near Moigrad, Romania), the camp was reconstructed using stone, and given sturdier walls for defensive purposes.[67]
Following a revolt around 158, Antoninus Pius undertook another reorganization of the Dacian provinces.[67] Dacia Porolissensis (in what is now northern Transylvania), with Porolissum as its capital, remained as it was. Dacia Superior was renamed Dacia Apulensis (in Banat and southern Transylvania), with Apulum as its capital,[67] while Dacia Inferior was transformed into Dacia Malvensis (situated at Oltenia). Romula was its capital (modern Reșca Dobrosloveni, Romania).[68] As per Hadrian's earlier reorganization, each zone was governed by equestrian procurators, and all were responsible to the senatorial governor in Apulensis.[67]
Marcomannic Wars and their effects (161–193)
Soon after the accession of Marcus Aurelius in 161 AD, it was clear that trouble was brewing along Rome's northern frontiers, as local tribes began to be pressured by migrating tribes to their north.[69][70] By 166 AD, Marcus had reorganized Dacia once again, merging the three Dacian provinces into one called Tres Daciae ("Three Dacias"),[71] a move that was geared to consolidate an exposed province inhabited by numerous tribes in the face of increasing threats along the Danubian frontier.[72] As the province now contained two legions (Legio XIII Gemina at Apulum was joined by Legio V Macedonica, stationed at Potaissa), the imperial legate had to be of consular rank, with Marcus apparently assigning Sextus Calpurnius Agricola.[71] The reorganization saw the existing praesidial procurators of Dacia Porolissensis and Dacia Malvensis continue in office, and added to their ranks was a third procurator for Dacia Apulensis, all operating under the direct supervision of the consular legate,[73] who was stationed at the new provincial capital at Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa.[74]
Dacia, with its northern, eastern, and western frontiers exposed to attacks, could not easily be defended. When barbarian incursions resumed during the reign of Marcus Aurelius, the defences in Dacia were hard pressed to halt all of the raids, leaving exposed the provinces of Upper and Lower Moesia.
Fighting continued in Dacia over the next two years, and by 169, the governor of the province Sextus Calpurnius Agricola, was forced to give up his command – it is suspected that he either contracted the plague or died in battle.
That same year (170) the Costoboci (whose lands were to the north or northeast of Dacia)
The Astingi, led by their chieftains Raüs and Raptus, came into Dacia with their entire households, hoping to secure both money and land in return for their alliance. But failing of their purpose, they left their wives and children under the protection of Clemens, until they should acquire the land of the Costoboci by their arms; but upon conquering that people, they proceeded to injure Dacia no less than before. The Lacringi, fearing that Clemens in his dread of them might lead these newcomers into the land which they themselves were inhabiting, attacked them while off their guard and won a decisive victory. As a result, the Astingi committed no further acts of hostility against the Romans, but in response to urgent supplications addressed to Marcus they received from him both money and the privilege of asking for land in case they should inflict some injury upon those who were then fighting against him.
Throughout this period, the tribes bordering Dacia to the east, such as the Roxolani, did not participate in the mass invasions of the empire.[84] Traditionally seen as a vindication of Trajan's decision to create the province of Dacia as a wedge between the western and eastern Danubian tribes,[84][92] Dacia's exposed position meant that the Romans had a greater reliance on the use of "client-states" to ensure its protection from invasion.[92] While this worked in the case of the Roxolani, the use of the Roman-client relationships that allowed the Romans to pit one supported tribe against another facilitated the conditions that created the larger tribal federations that emerged with the Quadi and the Marcomanni.[93]
By 173 AD, the Marcomanni had been defeated;[94] however, the war with the Iazyges and Quadi continued, as Roman strongholds along the Tisza and Danube rivers were attacked by the Iazyges, followed by a battle in Pannonia in which the Iazyges were defeated.[95] Consequently, Marcus Aurelius turned his full attention against the Iazyges and Quadi. He crushed the Quadi in 174 AD, defeating them in battle on the frozen Danube river, after which they sued for peace.[96] The emperor then turned his attention to the Iazyges; after defeating them and throwing them out of Dacia, the Senate awarded him the title of Samarticus Maximus in 175 AD.[84] Conscious of the need to create a permanent solution to the problems on the empire's northern frontiers,[84] Marcus Aurelius relaxed some of his restrictions on the Marcomanni and the Iazyges. In particular, he allowed the Iazyges to travel through imperial Dacia to trade with the Roxolani, so long as they had the governor's approval.[97] At the same time he was determined to implement a plan to annex the territories of the Marcomanni and the Iazyges as new provinces, only to be derailed by the revolt of Avidius Cassius.[84][98]
With the emperor urgently needed elsewhere, Rome once again re-established its system of alliances with the bordering tribes along the empire's northern frontier.
Commodus granted peace to the Buri when they sent envoys. Previously he had declined to do so, in spite of their frequent requests, because they were strong, and because it was not peace that they wanted, but the securing of a respite to enable them to make further preparations; but now that they were exhausted he made peace with them, receiving hostages and getting back many captives from the Buri themselves as well as 15,000 from the others, and he compelled the others to take an oath that they would never dwell in nor use for pasturage a 5-mile strip of their territory next to Dacia. The same Sabinianus also, when twelve thousand of the neighboring Dacians had been driven out of their own country and were on the point of aiding the others, dissuaded them from their purpose, promising them that some land in our Dacia should be given them.
Conflict continued in Dacia during the reign of Commodus. The notoriously unreliable Historia Augusta mentions a limited insurrection that erupted in Dacia approximately 185 AD.[99] The same source also wrote of a defeat of the Dacian tribes who lived outside the province.[99] Commodus' legates devastated a territory some 8 km (5.0 mi) deep along the north of the castrum at modern day Gilău to establish a buffer in the hope of preventing further barbarian incursions.[107]
The Moors and the Dacians were conquered during his reign, and peace was established in the Pannonias, but all by his legates, since such was the manner of his life. The provincials in Britain, Dacia, and Germany attempted to cast off his yoke, but all these attempts were put down by his generals.
— Historia Augusta – The Life of Commodus[108]
Revival under the Severans (193–235)
The reign of
As part of his military reforms, Severus allowed Roman soldiers to live away from the fortified camps, within the accompanying
The next emperor, Caracalla, in order to increase tax revenue and boost his popularity (at least according to the historian Cassius Dio), extended the citizenship to all males throughout the empire, with the exception of slaves.[114] In 213, on his way to the east to begin his Parthian campaign, Caracalla passed through Dacia. While there, he undertook diplomatic maneuvers to disturb the alliances between a number of tribes, in particular the Marcomanni and the Quadi.[115][116] At Porolissum he had Gaiobomarus, the king of the Quadi, killed under the pretext of conducting peace negotiations.[117] There may have been military conflict with one or more of the Danubian tribes.[115][116] Although there are inscriptions that indicate that during Caracalla's visit there was some repair or reconstruction work undertaken at Porolissum[118] and that the military unit stationed there, Cohors V Lingonum, erected an equestrian statue of the emperor,[119] certain modern authors, such as Philip Parker and Ion Grumeza, claim that Caracalla continued to extend the Limes Transalutanus as well as add further territory to Dacia by pushing the border around 50 km (31 mi) east of the Olt River,[120][121] though it is unclear what evidence they are using to support these statements, and the timeframes associated with Caracalla's movements do not support any extensive reorganization in the province.[note 1][122] In 218, Caracalla's successor, Macrinus, returned a number of non-Romanized Dacian hostages whom Caracalla had taken, possibly as a result of some unrest caused by the tribes after Caracalla's assassination.[123]
And the Dacians, after ravaging portions of Dacia and showing an eagerness for further war, now desisted, when they got back the hostages that Caracallus, under the name of an alliance, had taken from them.
There are few epigraphs extant in Dacia dating from the reign of
Life in Roman Dacia
Native Dacians
Evidence concerning the continued existence of a native Dacian population within Roman Dacia is not as apparent as that of Germans, Celts, Thracians, or Illyrians in other provinces.[127] There is relatively poor documentation surrounding the existence of native or indigenous Dacians in the Roman towns that were established after Dacia's incorporation into the empire.[128]
Although
There are such interpretations of archaeological evidence which shows the continuation of traditional Dacian burial practices; ceramic manufacturing continued throughout the Roman period, in both the province as well as the periphery where Roman control was non-existent.[44] Differing interpretations can be made from the final scene on Trajan's Column, which either depicts a Dacian emigration, accelerating the depopulation of Dacia,[133] or Dacians going back to their settlements after yielding to Roman authority.[134]
While it is certain that colonists in large numbers were imported from all over the empire to settle in Roman Dacia,[44] this appears to be true for the newly created Roman towns only. The lack of epigraphic evidence for native Dacian names in the towns suggests an urban–rural split between Roman multi-ethnic urban centres and the native Dacian rural population.[44]
On at least two occasions the Dacians rebelled against Roman authority: first in 117 AD, after Trajan's death,[135] and in 158 AD when they were put down by Marcus Statius Priscus.[136]
The
Some settlements do show a clear continuity of occupation from pre-Roman times into the provincial period, such as
Where archaeology attests to a continuing Dacian presence, it also shows a simultaneous process of Romanization.[134] Traditional Dacian pottery has been uncovered in Dacian settlements, together with Roman-manufactured pottery incorporating local designs.[134] The increasing Romanization of Dacia meant that only a small number of earlier Dacian pottery styles were retained unchanged, such as pots and the low thick-walled drinking mug that has been termed the "Dacian cup". These artifacts were usually handmade; the use of the pottery wheel was rare.[140] In the case of homes, the use of old Dacian techniques persisted, as did the sorts of ornaments and tools used prior to the establishment of Roman Dacia.[134] Archaeological evidence from burial sites has demonstrated that the native population of Dacia was far too large to have been driven away or wiped out in any meaningful sense.[134] It was beyond the resources of the Romans to have eliminated the great majority of the rural population in an area measuring some 300,000 km2 (120,000 sq mi).[44] Silver jewellery uncovered in graves show that some of the burial sites are not necessarily native Dacian in origin, but are equally likely to have belonged to the Carpi or Free Dacians who are thought to have moved into Dacia sometime before 200 AD.[141]
Some scholars have used the lack of
Few local Dacians were interested in the use of epigraphs, which were a central part of Roman cultural expression. In Dacia this causes a problem because the survival of epigraphs into modern times is one of the ways scholars develop an understanding of the cultural and social situation within a Roman province.[145][146] Apart from members of the Dacian elite and those who wished to attain improved social and economic positions, who largely adopted Roman names and manners, the majority of native Dacians retained their names and their cultural distinctiveness even with the increasing embrace of Roman cultural norms which followed their incorporation into the Roman Empire.[147][148][149]
As per usual Roman practice, Dacian males were recruited into auxiliary units[150] and dispatched across the empire, from the eastern provinces to Britannia.[42] The Vexillation Dacorum Parthica accompanied the emperor Septimius Severus during his Parthian expedition,[151] while the cohort I Ulpia Dacorum was posted to Cappadocia.[152] Others included the II Aurelia Dacorum in Pannonia Superior, the cohort I Aelia Dacorum in Roman Britain, and the II Augusta Dacorum milliaria in Moesia Inferior.[152] There are a number of preserved relics originating from cohort I Aelia Dacorum, with one inscription describing the sica, a distinctive Dacian weapon.[153] In inscriptions the Dacian soldiers are described as natione Dacus. These could refer to individuals who were native Dacians, Romanized Dacians, colonists who had moved to Dacia, or their descendants.[154] Numerous Roman military diplomas issued for Dacian soldiers discovered after 1990 indicate that veterans preferred to return to their place of origin;[155] per usual Roman practice, these veterans were given Roman citizenship upon their discharge.[156]
Colonists
There were varying degrees of Romanization throughout Roman Dacia. The most Romanized segment was the region along the Danube, which was predominately under imperial administration, albeit in a form that was partially barbarized. The population beyond this zone, having lived with the Roman legions before their withdrawal, was substantially Romanized. The final zone, consisting of the northern portions of Maramureș, Crișana, and Moldavia, stood at the edges of Roman Dacia. Although its people did not have Roman legions stationed among them, they were still nominally under the control of Rome, politically, socially, and economically. These were the areas in which resided the Carpi, often referred to as "Free Dacians".[157]
In an attempt to fill the cities, cultivate the fields, and mine the ore, a large-scale attempt at colonization took place with colonists coming in "from all over the Roman world".
The first settlement at Sarmizegetusa was made up of Roman citizens who had retired from their legions.[160] Based upon the location of names scattered throughout the province, it has been argued that, although places of origin are hardly ever noted in epigraphs, a large percentage of colonists originated from Noricum and western Pannonia.[161]
Specialist miners (the Pirusti tribesmen)[162] were brought in from Dalmatia.[62] These Dalmatian miners were kept in sheltered communities (Vicus Pirustarum) and were under the jurisdiction of their own tribal leadership (with individual leaders referred to as princeps).[162]
Roman army in Dacia
An estimated number of 50,000 troops were stationed in Dacia at its height.[163][59] At the close of Trajan's first campaign in Dacia in 102, he stationed one legion, or a vexillation, at Sarmizegetusa Regia.[59] With the conclusion of Trajan's conquest of Dacia, he stationed at least two legions in the new province: the Legio IV Flavia Felix positioned at Berzobis (modern Berzovia, Romania), and the Legio XIII Gemina stationed at Apulum.[59] It has been conjectured that there was a third legion stationed in Dacia at the same time, the Legio I Adiutrix. However, there is no evidence to indicate when or where it was stationed, and it is unclear whether the legion was fully present, or whether it was only the vexillationes who were stationed in the province.[59]
Hadrian, the subsequent emperor, shifted the fourth legion (Legio IV Flavia Felix) from Berzobis to Singidunum in Moesia Superior, suggesting that Hadrian believed the presence of one legion in Dacia would be sufficient to ensure the security of the province.[59] The Marcomannic Wars that erupted north of the Danube forced Marcus Aurelius to reverse this policy, permanently transferring the Legio V Macedonica from Troesmis (modern Turcoaia in Romania)[164] in Moesia Inferior to Potaissa in Dacia.[59]
Epigraphic evidence attests to large numbers of auxiliary units stationed throughout the Dacian provinces during the Roman period; this has given the impression that Roman Dacia was a strongly militarized province.
Settlements
When considering provincial settlement patterns, the Romanized parts of Dacia were composed of urban satus settlements, made up of coloniae, municipia, and rural settlements, principally villas with their associated
The province had about 10 Roman towns,[170][171] all originating from the military camps that Trajan constructed during his campaigns.[172] There were two sorts of urban settlements. Of principal importance were the coloniae, whose free-born inhabitants were almost exclusively Roman citizens. Of secondary importance were the municipia, which were allowed a measure of judicial and administrative independence.[173]
- Towns in Dacia Superior
- Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa was established by Trajan, was first to be given colonia status, and was the province's only colonia deducta.[174] Its pre-eminence was guaranteed by its foundation charter and by its role as the administrative centre of the province, as well as its being granted Ius Italicum.[175]
- Ulpianum
- Singidava
- Germisara
- Argidava
- Bersovia
- Alburnus major
- Apulum (predecessor of canabae with municipal status.[176]
- Napoca was the possible location of the military high command in Dacia Porolissensis.[177] It was made a municipium by Hadrian, and Commodus transformed it into a colonia.[164]
- Potaissa was the camp of the Legio V Macedonica during the Marcomannic Wars.[177] Potaissa saw a canabae established at the gates of the camp.[164] Granted municipium status by Septimius Severus, it became a colonia under Caracalla.[164]
- Porolissum was situated between two camps, and laid alongside a walled frontier defending the main passageway through the Carpathian Mountains. It was transformed into a municipium during Septimius Severus' reign.[178] Within Dacia Superior, Porolissum was a center of Dacia Prolissensis as Apulum for Dacia Apulensis.
- Dierna/Tierna (modern Orșova, Romania)
- Tibiscum (Jupa, Romania)
- Sucidava (modern Corabia, Romania) was a town located at the site of an earthwork camp. Erected by Trajan, Sucidava was neither large enough nor important enough to be granted municipium or colonia status. The town remained a pagus or perhaps a vicus.[181]
- Towns in Dacia Inferior
- Romula was possibly the capital of Dacia Malvensis. It held the rank of municipium, possibly under the reign of Hadrian, before being elevated to colonia status by Septimius Severus.[184]
It is often problematic to identify the dividing line between "Romanized" villages and those sites that can be defined as "small towns".
It is assumed that Roman Dacia possessed a large number of military vici, settlements with connections to the entrenched military camps.
During the period of Roman occupation, the pattern of settlement in the Mureș valley demonstrates a continual shift towards nucleated settlements when compared to the pre-Roman Iron Age settlement pattern.[190] In central Dacia, somewhere between 10 and 28 villages have been identified as aggregated settlements whose primary function was agricultural.[191] The settlement layouts broadly fall between two principal types.[191] The first are those constructed in a traditional fashion, such as Rădești, Vințu de Jos, and Obreja. These show generally sunken houses in the Dacian manner, with some dwellings having evolved to becoming surface timber buildings. The second settlement layout followed Roman settlement patterns.[191]
The identification of villa sites within central Dacia is incomplete, as it is for the majority of the province.[192] There are about 30 sites identified throughout the province which appear on published heritage lists, but this is felt to be a gross underestimation.[192]
Economy
Dacia required great expense for its military garrisons but the mineral deposits in Transylvania must have enhanced Dacia's economic importance to Rome[110] and the most valuable resource was gold.[193] Alburnus Maior was founded by the Romans during the reign of Trajan as a mining town, with Illyrian colonists from South Dalmatia.[194] New information surfaced in the form of wax-coated wooden writing tablets, several of which were discovered at Verespatak from 1786 and which bear a variety of commercial texts, contracts, and accounts dating to 131–167. The earliest reference to the town is on a wax tablet dated 6 February 131.[195] Over time the mines began to see diminishing returns as the local gold reserves were exploited.[62] Evidence points to the closure of the gold mines around the year 215 AD.[181]
With the Roman army ensuring the maintenance of the Pax Romana, Roman Dacia prospered until the Crisis of the Third Century. Dacia evolved from a simple rural society and economy to one of material advancement comparable to other Roman provinces.[163] There were more coins in circulation in Roman Dacia than in the adjacent provinces.[196]
The region's natural resources generated considerable wealth for the empire, becoming one of the major producers of grain, particularly wheat.[134] Linking into Rome's monetary economy, bronze Roman coinage was eventually produced in Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa[170] by about 250 AD (previously Dacia seems to have been supplied with coins from central mints).[196] The establishment of Roman roads throughout the province facilitated economic growth.[170]
Dacia also possessed salt, iron, silver, and copper mines dating to the period of the Dacian kings.[134] The region also held large quantities of building-stone materials, including schist, sandstone, andesite, limestone, and marble.[62]
Towns became key centres of manufacturing.
The Romans used stibnite to decolourize glass, the production of which ended after they lost control of its Dacian mines.[198]
Religion
Inscriptions and sculpture in Dacia reveal a wide variety in matters of religion. Deities of the official state religion of Rome appear alongside those originating in Greece, Asia Minor, and Western Europe;
About 20% of Dacian inscriptions refer to
While the Dacians worshiped local divinities,
Highly Romanized urban centres brought with them Roman funerary practices, which differed significantly from those pre-dating the Roman conquest.
This appears to be an urban feature only – the minority of cemeteries excavated in rural areas display burial sites that have been identified as Dacian, and some have been conjectured to be attached to villa settlements, such as Deva, Sălașu de Sus, and Cincis.[206]
Traditional Dacian funerary rites survived the Roman period and continued into the post-Roman era,[44] during which time the first evidence of Christianity begins to appear.[199]
Last decades of Dacia Traiana (235–271/275)
The 230s marked the end of the final peaceful period experienced in Roman Dacia.
Unable to deal militarily with this incursion, the empire was forced to buy peace in Moesia, paying an annual tribute to the Goths; this infuriated the Carpi who also demanded a payment subsidy.
But the other Maximian (Galerius), chosen by Diocletian for his son-in-law, was worse, not only than those two princes whom our own times have experienced, but worse than all the bad princes of former days. In this wild beast there dwelt a native barbarity and a savageness foreign to Roman blood; and no wonder, for his mother was born beyond the Danube, and it was an inroad of the Carpi that obliged her to cross over and take refuge in New Dacia.
— Lactantius: Of the Manner in which the Persecutors Died – Chapter IX[220]
At the end of 247 the Carpi were decisively beaten in open battle and sued for peace;
Decius appeared in the world, an accursed wild beast, to afflict the Church, – and who but a bad man would persecute religion? It seems as if he had been raised to sovereign eminence, at once to rage against God, and at once to fall; for, having undertaken an expedition against the Carpi, who had then possessed themselves of Dacia and Moesia, he was suddenly surrounded by the barbarians, and slain, together with great part of his army; nor could he be honored with the rites of sepulture, but, stripped and naked, he lay to be devoured by wild beasts and birds, – a fit end for the enemy of God.
— Lactantius: Of the Manner in which the Persecutors Died – Chapter IV[227]
Continuing pressures during the reign of the emperor Gallienus (253–268 AD) and the fracturing of the western half of the empire between himself and Postumus in Gaul after 260 meant that Gallienus' attention was principally focused on the Danubian frontier.[228] Repeated victories over the Carpi and associated Dacian tribes enabled him to claim the title Dacicus Maximus.[229] However, literary sources from antiquity (Eutropius,[230][231] Aurelius Victor,[232] and Festus[23]) write that Dacia was lost under his reign.[233] He transferred from Dacia to Pannonia a large percentage of the cohorts from the fifth Macedonica and thirteenth Gemina legions.[212] The latest coins at Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa and Porolissum bear his effigy,[234] and the raising of inscribed monuments in the province virtually ceased in 260 AD,[235] the year that marked the temporary breakup of the empire.[236]
Even the territories across the Danube, which Trajan had secured, were lost.
Coins were minted during the restoration of the empire (c. 270) under Aurelian which bear the inscription "DACIA FELIX" ("Fertile/Happy Dacia").[238] The pressing need to deal with the Palmyrene Empire meant Aurelian needed to settle the situation along the Danube frontier.[239] Reluctantly, and possibly only as a temporary measure, he decided to abandon the province.[239] The traditional date for Dacia's official abandonment is 271;[240] another view is that Aurelian evacuated his troops and civilian administration during 272–273,[241] possibly as late as 275.[242]
The province of Dacia, which Trajan had formed beyond the Danube, he gave up, despairing, after all Illyricum and Moesia had been depopulated, of being able to retain it. The Roman citizens, removed from the town and lands of Dacia, he settled in the interior of Moesia, calling that Dacia which now divides the two Moesiae, and which is on the right hand of the Danube as it runs to the sea, whereas Dacia was previously on the left.
The end result was that Aurelian established a new province of Dacia
After the Roman withdrawal
Settlement of the Tervingi
The emperor Galerius once declared a complaint which the Romans were aware of: the Danube was the most challenging of all the empire's frontiers.[246] Aside from its enormous length, great portions of it did not suit the style of fighting which the Roman legions preferred.[247] To protect the provinces south of the Danube, the Romans retained military forts on the northern bank of the Danube long after the withdrawal from Dacia Traiana.[126] Aurelian kept a foothold at Drobeta, while a segment of the Thirteenth Legion (Legio XIII Gemina) was posted in Desa until at least 305 AD.[126] Coins bearing the image of emperor Gratian (reign 375–383 AD) have been uncovered at Dierna, possibly indicating that the town continued to function after the Roman withdrawal.[248]
In the years immediately after the withdrawal, Roman towns survived, albeit on a reduced level.[249] The previous tribes which had settled north of the Danube, such as the Sarmatians, Bastarnae, Carpi, and Quadi were increasingly pressured by the arrival of the Vandals in the north, while the Gepids and the Goths pressured them from the east and the northeast.[247] This forced the older tribes to push into Roman territory, weakening the empire's already stretched defences further. To gain entry into the empire, the tribes alternated between beseeching the Roman authorities to allow them in, and intimidating them with the threat of invasion if their requests were denied.[247] Ultimately, the Bastarnae were permitted to settle in Thrace, while the Carpi which survived were permitted to settle in the new province of Pannonia Valeria west of their homeland.[246] However, the Carpi were neither destroyed by other barbarian tribes, nor fully integrated into the Roman Empire. Those who survived on the borders of the empire were apparently called Carpodacae ("Carps from Dacia").[250]
By 291 AD, the Goths had recovered from their defeat at the hands of Aurelian, and began to move into what had been Roman Dacia.
Around 295 AD, the emperor Diocletian reorganized the defences along the Danube, and established fortified camps on the far side of the river, from Sirmium (modern Serbia) to Ratiaria (near modern Archar, Bulgaria) and Durostorum.[255] These camps were meant to provide protection of the principal crossing points across the river, to permit the movement of troops across the river, and to function as observation points and bases for waterborne patrols.[256]
Late Roman incursions
During the reign of Constantine I, the Tervingi took advantage of the civil war between him and Licinius to attack the empire in 323 AD from their settlements in Dacia.[257] They supported Licinius until his defeat in 324; he was fleeing to their lands in Dacia when he was apprehended.[257] As a result, Constantine focused on aggressively pre-empting any barbarian activity on the frontier north of the Danube.[258] By 328 AD, he had constructed at Sucidava a new bridge across the Danube,[259] and repaired the road from Sucidava to Romula.[260] He also erected a military fort at Daphne (modern Spanțov, Romania).[261]
In early 336, Constantine personally led his armies across the Danube and crushed the Gothic tribes which had settled there, in the process recreating a Roman province north of the Danube.
Driven off their lands in what is now the region of Oltenia in southwestern Romania, the Tervingi moved towards Transylvania and came into conflict with the Sarmatians.[264] In 334, the Sarmatians asked Constantine for military help, after which he allowed the majority of them to settle peacefully south of the Danube.[265] The Roman armies inflicted a crushing defeat on the Tervingi.[264] The Tervingi signed a treaty with the Romans, giving a measure of peace until 367.[266]
The last major Roman incursion into the former province of Dacia occurred in 367 AD, when the emperor Valens used a diplomatic incident to launch a major campaign against the Goths.[267] Hoping to regain the trans-Danubian beachhead which Constantine had successfully established at Sucidava,[268] Valens launched a raid into Gothic territory after crossing the Danube near Daphne around 30 May; they continued until September without any serious engagements.[269] He tried again in 368 AD, setting up his base camp at Carsium, but was hampered by a flood on the Danube.[270] He therefore spent his time rebuilding Roman forts along the Danube. In 369, Valens crossed the river into Gothia, and this time managed to engage the Tervingi, defeating them, and granting them peace on Roman terms.[271]
This was the final attempt by the Romans to maintain a presence in the former province. Soon after, the westward push by the Huns put increased pressure on the Tervingi, who were forced to abandon the old Dacian province and seek refuge within the Roman Empire.[272] Mismanagement of this request resulted in the death of Valens and the bulk of the eastern Roman army at the Battle of Adrianople in 378 AD.[273]
Although the region of Dacia to the north of the Danube was never re-conquered afterward, in the mid 6th century, the emperor
Controversy over the fate of the Daco-Romans
Based on the written accounts of ancient authors such as Eutropius, it had been assumed by some
One theory states that the process which formed the
The competing theory states that the transfer of Dacia's diminished population overlapped with the requirement to repopulate the depleted Balkans.
According to those who posit the continued existence of a Romanized Dacian population after the Roman withdrawal, Aurelian's decision to abandon the province was solely a military decision with respect to moving the legions and auxiliary units to protect the Danubian frontier.[291] The civilian population of Roman Dacia did not treat this as a prelude to a coming disaster; there was no mass emigration from the province, no evidence of a sudden withdrawal of the civilian population, and no widespread damage to property in the aftermath of the military withdrawal.[291]
Linguistic analysis shows that at least a couple of places that retained their Latin name until the arrival of Slavic speaking communities were from an emerging Romance language different to Romanian. These toponyms, Cluj and Bigla, retained the clusters -cl- and -gl-, which in Romanian became ch and gh respectively.[292] However, this phonetic evolution may have occurred later in the Romanian language than the 5th-6th centuries when the Slavs arrived, as evidenced by the partial survival of these consonant clusters in the closely related Aromanian, Megleno-Romanian, and Istro-Romanian, as well as in languages that borrowed from Romanian. However, of note there was also a Pannonian Latin variety that existed in the nearby province of Pannonia, which subsequently died out in Late Antiquity.
See also
- Dacia Mediterranea
- Dacia Ripensis
- History of Romania
- List of ancient cities in Thrace and Dacia
- List of Roman governors of Dacia Traiana
- Roman provinces
Notes
- ^ Caracalla's activities in Dacia need to be placed within the verified dates in his progress to the east. On 11 August 213, Caracalla crossed the frontier at Raetia into Barbaricum, while in 8 October 213, his victories over the Germanic tribes were announced at Rome, and sometime between 17 December 213 and 17 January 214, he was at Nicomedia – see Opreanu 2015, pp. 18–19
References
- ^ a b c d e f Oltean 2007, p. 50.
- ^ Pop 1999, p. 14.
- ^ a b Georgescu 1991, p. 4.
- ^ Mócsy 1974, pp. 17–18.
- ^ Oltean 2007, p. 43.
- ^ Burns 2003, p. 195.
- ^ Oltean 2007, p. 48.
- ^ Schmitz 2005, p. 10.
- ^ Bunson 2002, p. 165.
- ^ Pârvan 1928, pp. 157–158.
- ^ a b c Oltean 2007, p. 52.
- ^ a b Burns 2003, p. 183.
- ^ Jones 1992, p. 138.
- ^ Jones 1992, p. 192.
- ^ Marko Popović (2011). Dragan Stanić (ed.). Српска енциклопедија, том 1, књига 2, Београд-Буштрање [Serbian Encyclopedia, Vol. I, Book 2, Beograd-Buštranje]. Matica Srpska, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Zavod za udžbenike, Novi Sad-Belgrade. p. 37. ISBN 978-86-7946-097-4.
- ^ a b c Oltean 2007, p. 54.
- ^ a b c Pop 1999, p. 16.
- ^ MacKendrick 2000, p. 74.
- ^ Bennett 1997, p. 102.
- ^ Pop 1999, p. 17.
- ^ a b Bennett 1997, p. 103.
- ^ Pliny the Younger & 109 AD, Book VIII, Letter 4.
- ^ a b Festus & 379 AD, VIII.2.
- ^ Gibbon 1816, p. 6.
- ^ a b Bennett 1997, p. 104.
- ^ Bennett 1997, p. 98.
- ^ Bennett 1997, p. 105.
- ISBN 978-1-84731-862-6.
- ISBN 978-1-78877-961-6.
- ^ Ian Haynes; W.S. Hanson (204). "Roman Dacia - The Making of a Provincial Society". Journal of Roman Archaeology: 77.
- ^ Georgescu 1991, p. 5.
- ^ a b c Oltean 2007, p. 57.
- ^ a b c d e f g Oltean 2007, p. 55.
- ^ a b Bennett 1997, p. 167.
- ^ Bury 1893, pp. 409–410.
- ^ Waldman & Mason 2006, p. 400.
- ^ Waldman & Mason 2006, p. 61.
- ^ Waldman & Mason 2006, p. 657.
- ^ Waldman & Mason 2006, p. 129.
- ^ Waldman & Mason 2006, p. 184.
- ^ a b Burns 2003, p. 103.
- ^ a b Köpeczi 1994, p. 102.
- ^ a b c d Georgescu 1991, p. 6.
- ^ a b c d e f g h Ellis 1998, pp. 220–237.
- ^ Parker 2010, p. 266.
- ^ Wilkes 2000, p. 591.
- ^ Köpeczi 1994, p. 92.
- ^ a b c d Bennett 1997, p. 169.
- ^ Köpeczi 1994, p. 63.
- ^ Petolescu 2010, p. 170.
- ^ Bury 1893, p. 490.
- ^ Opper 2008, pp. 55, 67.
- ^ Webster 1998, p. 65.
- ^ a b c Opper 2008, p. 67.
- ^ a b Bury 1893, p. 499.
- ^ Bury 1893, p. 493.
- ^ a b c MacKendrick 2000, p. 139.
- ^ Mócsy 1974b, p. 105.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j Oltean 2007, p. 56.
- ^ a b Köpeczi 1994, p. 68.
- ^ Bury 1893, p. 500.
- ^ a b c d MacKendrick 2000, p. 206.
- ^ MacKendrick 2000, p. 127.
- ^ Bunson 2002, p. 24.
- ^ MacKendrick 2000, p. 152.
- ^ a b MacKendrick 2000, p. 112.
- ^ a b c d Grant 1996, p. 20.
- ^ a b MacKendrick 2000, p. 114.
- ^ Birley 2000, p. 132.
- ^ Bury 1893, pp. 542–543.
- ^ a b Birley 2000, p. 145.
- ^ McLynn 2011, p. 324.
- ^ Potter 1998, p. 274.
- ^ Chapot 1997, p. 275.
- ^ Köpeczi 1994, p. 87.
- ^ Grant 1996, p. 35.
- ^ Bury 1893, p. 543.
- ^ a b Köpeczi 1994, p. 86.
- ^ Oliva 1962, p. 275.
- ^ Bury 1893, p. 544.
- ^ Nemeth 2005, pp. 52–54.
- ^ a b c d Birley 2000, p. 161.
- ^ a b c Birley 2000, p. 164.
- ^ a b c d e f Bury 1893, p. 545.
- ^ Birley 2000, p. 165.
- ^ Birley 2000, p. 168.
- ^ a b Birley 2000, p. 169.
- ^ a b Birley 2000, p. 170.
- ^ Grant 1996, p. 65.
- ^ Cassius Dio & 200 AD, LXXII.
- ^ Cary & Cassius Dio 1927, p. 17.
- ^ a b Birley 2000, p. 21.
- ^ McLynn 2011, pp. 331–332.
- ^ Birley 2000, p. 175.
- ^ McLynn 2011, p. 360.
- ^ Birley 2000, p. 177.
- ^ Thompson 2002, p. 13.
- ^ Birley 2000, p. 183.
- ^ a b c d e Köpeczi 1994, p. 89.
- ^ Mommsen 1999, p. 275.
- ^ Birley 2000, pp. 206–207.
- ^ Birley 2000, p. 206.
- ^ Birley 2000, pp. 208–209.
- ^ Bury 1893, pp. 548–549.
- ^ Cassius Dio & 200 AD, LXXIII.
- ^ Cary & Cassius Dio 1927, p. 77.
- ^ MacKendrick 2000, p. 135.
- ^ Historia Augusta & 395 AD, Commodus 13, 5.
- ^ a b Köpeczi 1994, p. 91.
- ^ a b c d MacKendrick 2000, p. 142.
- ^ Oltean 2007, p. 222.
- ^ Oltean 2007, p. 221.
- ^ a b MacKendrick 2000, p. 153.
- ^ Bunson 2002, p. 95.
- ^ a b Campbell 2005, p. 18.
- ^ a b Scott 2008, p. 26.
- ^ Mócsy 1974, p. 199.
- ^ Opreanu 2015, p. 17.
- ^ Opreanu 2015, p. 18.
- ^ Parker 2010, p. 223.
- ^ Grumeza 2009, pp. 210–211.
- ^ Opreanu 2015, pp. 18–19.
- ^ Scott 2008, pp. 114–115.
- ^ Cassius Dio & 200 AD, LXXIX.
- ^ Cary & Cassius Dio 1927, p. 405.
- ^ a b c MacKendrick 2000, p. 133.
- ^ Opreanu 2006, p. 74.
- ^ Opreanu 2006, p. 78.
- ^ Eutropius & 364 AD, VIII, 6, 2.
- ^ Cassius Dio & 200 AD, LXVIII, 14, 4.
- ^ Julian & 362 AD, XXVIII, 327.
- ^ Vékony 2000, pp. 103–104.
- ^ Vékony 2000, p. 106.
- ^ a b c d e f g Georgescu 1991, p. 7.
- ^ Pop 1999, p. 22.
- ^ Parker 1958, pp. 12–19.
- ^ a b Oltean 2007, pp. 211–212.
- ^ Oltean 2007, p. 212.
- ^ a b Oltean 2007, p. 213.
- ^ Köpeczi 1994, p. 113.
- ^ Köpeczi 1994, p. 112.
- ^ Vékony 2000, p. 110.
- ^ a b c d Oltean 2007, p. 227.
- ^ Nemeti 2006, pp. 93–95.
- ^ Oltean 2009, p. 95.
- ^ Dana & Matei-Popescu 2009, p. 244.
- ^ Bunson 2002, p. 167.
- ^ Stoicescu 1983, pp. 108–109.
- ^ Giurescu 1971, p. 25.
- ^ Goldsworthy 2003, p. 76.
- ^ Vékony 2000, p. 109.
- ^ a b Găzdac 2010, p. 59.
- ^ Vékony 2000, p. 108.
- ^ Andea 2006, p. 74.
- ^ Dana & Matei-Popescu 2009, pp. 234–235.
- ^ Erdkamp 2010, p. 442.
- ^ a b Burns 1991, pp. 110–111.
- ^ Pop 1999, p. 23.
- ^ Köpeczi 1994, p. 106.
- ^ Köpeczi 1994, p. 103.
- ^ Köpeczi 1994, p. 104.
- ^ a b Köpeczi 1994, p. 79.
- ^ a b MacKendrick 2000, p. 107.
- ^ a b c d e MacKendrick 2000, p. 126.
- ^ Katsari 2011, p. 69.
- ^ Bury 1893, p. 429.
- ^ Parker 2010, p. 238.
- ^ Oltean 2007, p. 119.
- ^ Oltean 2007, p. 174.
- ^ a b c Georgescu 1991, p. 8.
- ^ Găzdac 2010, p. 30.
- ^ MacKendrick 2000, p. 108.
- ^ Pop 1999, p. 25.
- ^ a b Oltean 2007, p. 165.
- ^ a b Oltean 2007, p. 164.
- ^ a b Oltean 2007, p. 170.
- ^ a b Oltean 2007, p. 58.
- ^ MacKendrick 2000, p. 130.
- ^ MacKendrick 2000, pp. 131–132.
- ^ Köpeczi 1994, p. 94.
- ^ a b c MacKendrick 2000, p. 132.
- ^ MacKendrick 2000, p. 116.
- ^ MacKendrick 2000, p. 245.
- ^ MacKendrick 2000, p. 121.
- ^ Oltean 2007, p. 150.
- ^ Oltean 2007, p. 151.
- ^ Oltean 2007, p. 152.
- ^ a b Oltean 2007, p. 153.
- ^ a b c Oltean 2007, p. 155.
- ^ Oltean 2007, p. 71.
- ^ a b c Oltean 2007, p. 144.
- ^ a b Oltean 2007, p. 122.
- ^ Commerce and the Economy: the First Growth Phase https://mek.oszk.hu/03400/03407/html/15.html
- ^ PROIECT Alba SA Zonal Urbanism Plan for Roșia Montană Industrial Area Archived 2007-09-28 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ (1976) Dicționar de istorie veche a României, Editura Științifică și Enciclopedică p. 27
- ^ a b Opreanu 2006, p. 85.
- ^ a b c d Opreanu 2006, p. 84.
- .
- ^ a b c d e MacKendrick 2000, p. 187.
- ^ Pop 1999, p. 26.
- ^ Dorcey 1992, p. 1.
- ^ Dorcey 1992, p. 78.
- ^ a b c MacKendrick 2000, p. 190.
- ^ Köpeczi 1994, p. 115.
- ^ Pârvan 1928, pp. 140–142.
- ^ a b Oltean 2007, p. 193.
- ^ Oltean 2007, p. 190.
- ^ Köpeczi 1994, p. 116.
- ^ a b c MacKendrick 2000, p. 122.
- ^ Parker 1958, p. 141.
- ^ Mócsy 1974, p. 185.
- ^ a b Mócsy 1974, p. 209.
- ^ Southern & Dixon 1996, p. 11.
- ^ Le Bohec 2000, p. 196.
- ^ a b Heather 2010, p. 127.
- ^ Köpeczi 1994, p. 44.
- ^ Burns 1991, p. 26.
- ^ Odahl 2004, p. 19.
- ^ Vékony 2000, p. 120.
- ^ Lactantius & 320 AD, Chapter IX.
- ^ Oțetea 1970, p. 116.
- ^ Wilkes 2005, p. 224.
- ^ Köpeczi 1994, p. 118.
- ^ Southern 2001, p. 75.
- ^ Muşat & Ardeleanu 1985, p. 59.
- ^ Burns 1991, p. 29.
- ^ Lactantius & 320 AD, Chapter IV.
- ^ de Blois 1976, pp. 33–34.
- ^ Mócsy 1974, p. 205.
- ^ a b Eutropius & 364 AD, IX, 15.
- ^ a b Watson 1853, p. 521.
- ^ a b Aurelius Victor & 361 AD, 33.3.
- ^ Vékony 2000, p. 121.
- ^ a b MacKendrick 2000, p. 115.
- ^ Köpeczi 1994, p. 119.
- ^ Southern 2001, p. 6.
- ^ Bird 1994, p. 33.
- ^ Webb 1927, p. 253.
- ^ a b Southern 2001, pp. 225–226.
- ^ MacKendrick 2000, p. 117.
- ^ a b Southern 2001, pp. 120–121.
- ^ Watson 2004, p. 156.
- ^ Wilkes 2005, p. 239.
- ^ Watson 2004, p. 157.
- ^ Watson 2004, pp. 156–157.
- ^ a b Williams 2000, p. 77.
- ^ a b c Williams 2000, p. 51.
- ^ Moisil 2002, pp. 79–120.
- ^ a b Burns 1991, p. 111.
- ^ Nixon & Saylor Rodgers 1994, p. 116.
- ^ Wolfram & Dunlap 1990, p. 57.
- ^ Lenski 2002, p. 122.
- ^ a b Wolfram & Dunlap 1990, p. 59.
- ^ Lenski 2002, p. 120.
- ^ Williams 2000, pp. 72–77.
- ^ Williams 2000, pp. 76–77.
- ^ a b Wolfram & Dunlap 1990, p. 60.
- ^ Southern 2001, p. 276.
- ^ a b c MacKendrick 2000, p. 165.
- ^ Găzdac 2010, p. 66.
- ^ Lenski 2002, p. 121.
- ^ a b Odahl 2004, p. 233.
- ^ Barnes 1981, p. 250.
- ^ a b Wolfram & Dunlap 1990, p. 61.
- ^ Odahl 2004, pp. 228–229.
- ^ Lenski 2002, p. 125.
- ^ Lenski 2002, p. 127.
- ^ Lenski 2002, p. 145.
- ^ Lenski 2002, pp. 127–128.
- ^ Lenski 2002, p. 129.
- ^ Lenski 2002, p. 132.
- ^ Wolfram & Dunlap 1990, p. 72.
- ^ Wolfram & Dunlap 1990, pp. 126–128.
- ^ Pohl 2002, p. 154.
- ^ Whitby 1998, p. 165.
- ^ Whitby 1998, p. 184.
- ^ Gibbon 1816, p. 331.
- ^ Niebuhr 1849, p. 300.
- ^ Georgescu 1991, p. 115.
- ^ a b c Georgescu 1991, p. 10.
- ^ MacKendrick 2000, p. 163.
- ^ MacKendrick 2000, p. 128.
- ^ Köpeczi 1994, p. 125.
- ^ Köpeczi 1994, p. 127.
- ^ Köpeczi 1994, p. 144.
- ^ Köpeczi 1994, p. 147.
- ^ Vékony 2000, p. 144.
- ^ Price 2000, pp. 120–121.
- ^ Price 2000, p. 120.
- ^ Pares et al. 1939, p. 149.
- ^ a b Southern 2001, p. 325.
- ^ Dragoș Moldovanu: Toponyms of Roman Origin in Transylvania and South-West Moldavia, pages 12-37
Bibliography
Ancient
- Anonymous (c. 395). Historia Augusta [Augustan History] (in Latin).
- Aurelius Victor (c. 361). De Caesaribus [Book of the Caesars] (in Latin).
- Cassius Dio (c. 220). Historia Romana [Roman History] (in Ancient Greek).
- Eutropius (c. 364). Breviarium ab urbe condita [Abridgement of Roman History] (in Latin).
- Festus (c. 379). Breviarium rerum gestarum populi Romani [Breviarium of the Accomplishments of the Roman People] (in Latin).
- Julian (c. 362). The Caesars(in Ancient Greek).
- Lactantius (c. 320). De Mortibus Persecutorum [Of the Manner in Which the Persecutors Died] (in Latin).
- Pliny the Younger (c. 109). Epistulae [Letters] (in Latin).
Modern
- Andea, Susan (2006). History of Romania: compendium. Romanian Cultural Institute. ISBN 978-973-7784-12-4.
- ISBN 978-0-674-16531-1.
- ISBN 978-0-415-16524-2.
- Bird, Harry W.; ISBN 978-0-85323-218-6.
- ISBN 978-0-415-17125-0.
- de Blois, Lukas (1976). The Policy of the Emperor Gallienus. Studies of the Dutch Archaeological and Historical Society. Leiden: ISBN 978-0-415-22812-1.
- ISBN 978-0-8160-4562-4.
- Burns, Thomas S. (1991). A History of the Ostrogoths. Midland Book. ISBN 978-0-253-20600-8.
- Burns, Thomas S. (2003). Rome and the Barbarians: 100 B.C.–A.D. 400. Ancient society and history. ISBN 978-0-8018-7306-5.
- Bury, John Bagnell (1893). A history of the Roman Empire: from its foundation to the death of Marcus Aurelius (27 B.C.–180 A.D.). Student's Series. New York: Harper.
- Campbell, Brian (2005). "The Severan Dynasty". In Bowman, Alan K.; Garnsey, Peter; Cameron, Averil (eds.). The Cambridge ancient history: The crisis of empire, A.D. 193–337. The Cambridge ancient history. Vol. 12. Cambridge University Press. pp. 1–27. ISBN 978-0-521-30199-2.
- Cary, Earnest; Cassius Dio (1927). Roman History, Vol. 9. Loeb Classical Library. London: Harvard University Press.
- Chapot, Victor (1997). Roman World. Psychology Press. ISBN 978-0-415-15583-0.
- Cottrell, P. L.; Notarás, Gerásimos; Casares, Gabriel Tortella (2007). From the Athenian tetradrachm to the euro: studies in European monetary integration. Studies in banking and financial history. ISBN 978-0-7546-5389-9.
- Dana, Dan; Matei-Popescu, Florian (2009). "Soldats d'origine dace dans les diplômes militaires" [Soldiers of Dacian origin in the military diplomas]. Chiron (in French). 39. ISSN 0069-3715. Archived from the originalon 1 July 2013.
- Dorcey, Peter F. (1992). The cult of Silvanus: A Study in Roman Folk Religion. Columbia studies in the classical tradition. ISBN 978-90-04-09601-1.
- Ellis, Linda (1998). ISSN 0043-8243.
- Erdkamp, Paul (2010). A Companion to the Roman Army. Blackwell Companions to the Ancient World. ISBN 978-1-4443-3921-5.
- Găzdac, Cristian (2010). Monetary circulation in Dacia and the provinces from the Middle and Lower Danube from Trajan to Constantine I: (AD 106–337). Volume 7 of Coins from Roman sites and collections of Roman coins from Romania. ISBN 978-606-543-040-2.
- ISBN 978-0-8142-0511-2.
- Gibbon, Edward (1816). The history of the decline and fall of the Roman Empire, Volume 1. New York: Abraham Small and M. Carey.
- Giurescu, Constantin C. (1971). The Making of the Romanian Unitary State. Meridane.
- ISBN 978-0-500-05124-5.
- ISBN 978-0-415-13814-7.
- Grumeza, Ion (2009). Dacia: Land of Transylvania, Cornerstone of Ancient Eastern Europe. G – Reference, Information and Interdisciplinary Subjects Series. ISBN 978-0-7618-4465-5.
- Heather, Peter (2010). Empires and barbarians: the fall of Rome and the birth of Europe. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-973560-0.
- Jones, Brian W. (1992). The Emperor Domitian. Roman Imperial Biographies Series. London and New York: ISBN 978-0-415-04229-1.
- Katsari, Constantina (2011). The Roman Monetary System: The Eastern Provinces from the First to the Third Century AD. Cambridge: ISBN 978-0-521-76946-4.
- ISBN 978-963-05-6703-9.
- ISBN 978-0-415-22295-2.
- Lenski, Noel Emmanuel (2002). Failure of empire: Valens and the Roman state in the fourth century A.D. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-23332-4.
- ISBN 978-0-8078-4939-2.
- McLynn, Frank (2011). Marcus Aurelius: Warrior, Philosopher, Emperor. Random House. ISBN 978-1-4464-4933-2.
- Mócsy, András (1974). Pannonia and Upper Moesia. History of the provinces of the Roman Empire. Vol. 4. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-7100-7714-1.
- Mócsy, András (1974b). ISBN 963 05 0293 3.
- Moisil, Delia (2002). "The Danube Limes and the Barbaricum (294–498 A.D.) – A Study In Coin Circulation". Histoire et Mesure. 17 (3). ISSN 0982-1783.
- ISBN 978-0-415-20647-1.
- Muşat, Mircea; Ardeleanu, Ion (1985). From Ancient Dacia to Modern Romania. Editura Științifică și Enciclopedică.
- Nemeth, Eduard (2005). Armata in sud-vestul Daciei Romane. Mirton. ISBN 973-661-691-6.
- Niebuhr, Barthold Georg (1849). Schmitz, Leonhard (ed.). Lectures on the history of Rome: from the earliest times to the fall of the Western Empire, Volume 3. Taylor, Walton, and Maberly.
- Nemeti, Sorin (2006). "Scenarios on the Dacians: The Indigenous Districts". Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai – Historia. 51 (1). ISSN 1220-0492.
- Nixon, C. E. V.; Saylor Rodgers, Barbara (1994). In Praise of Later Roman Emperors: The Panegyrici Latini. Transformation of the Classical Heritage. Vol. 21. ISBN 978-0-520-08326-4.
- Odahl, Charles Matson (2004). Constantine and the Christian Empire. Roman imperial biographies. New York and ISBN 978-0-415-17485-5.
- Oliva, Pavel (1962). Pannonia and the onset of crisis in the Roman Empire. London and New York: Nakl. Československé akademie věd. OCLC 2673975.
- Oltean, Ioana Adina (2007). Dacia: landscape, colonisation and romanization. Routledge monographs in classical studies. London and New York: ISBN 978-0-415-41252-0.
- Oltean, Ioana Adina (2009). Hanson, W. S. (ed.). "Dacian ethnic identity and the Roman Army". Journal of Roman Archaeology. 74 (The army and frontiers of Rome). ISSN 1047-7594.
- Opper, Thorsten (2008). Hadrian: empire and conflict. London and New York: Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-03095-4.
- Opreanu, Coriolan Horațiu (2006). "The North Danube Regions from the Roman Province of Dacia to the Emergence of the Romanian Language (2nd–8th Centuries A. D.)". In Pop, Ioan Aurel; Bolovan, Ioan; Andea, Susana (eds.). History of Romania: Compendium. ISBN 978-973-7784-12-4.
- Opreanu, Coriolan Horațiu (2015). "Caracalla and Dacia: Imperial Visit, A Reality or Only Rumour?". Journal of Ancient History and Archaeology. 2 (2). Cluj-Napoca, Romania: Institute of Archaeology and Art History.
- Oțetea, Andrei (1970). The History of the Romanian people. Scientific Pub. Hoose. ISBN 978-0-8057-5920-4.
- JSTOR i391955.
- Parker, Henry Michael Denne (1958). A history of the Roman world from A.D. 138 to 337. Methuen Publishing. ISBN 978-0-416-43690-7.
- Parker, Philip (2010). The Empire Stops Here: A Journey Along the Frontiers of the Roman World. New York: ISBN 978-1-4090-1632-8.
- Pârvan, Vasile (1928). Dacia: An Outline of the Early Civilization of the Carpatho-Danubian Countries. The University Press.
- Petolescu, Constantin C. (2010). Dacia – Un mileniu de istorie. Editura Academiei Române. ISBN 978-973-27-1999-2.
- ISBN 978-3-406-68426-5.
- Pop, Ioan Aurel (1999). Romanians and Romania: A Brief History. East European monographs. East European Monographs. ISBN 978-0-88033-440-2.
- Potter, David (1998). "Procurators in Asia and Dacia under Marcus Aurelius: A Case Study of Imperial Initiative in Government" (PDF). Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik (123). University of Michigan: Habelt: 270–274.
- Price, Glanville (2000). Encyclopedia of the languages of Europe. Wiley-Blackwell. ISBN 978-0-631-22039-8.
- Schmitz, Michael (2005). The Dacian Threat 101–106 AD. Enemies of Rome Monograph Series. ISBN 978-0-9758445-0-2.
- Scott, Andrew G. (2008). Change and discontinuity within the Severan dynasty: The case of Macrinus. ISBN 978-0-549-89041-6.
- ISBN 978-0-415-23943-1.
- Southern, Pat; Dixon, Karen R. (1996). The late Roman army. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-7134-7047-5.
- Stoicescu, Nicolae (1983). The Continuity of the Romanian People, Volume 2. Editura Științifică și Enciclopedică.
- Thompson, E. A. (2002). Romans and barbarians: the decline of the Western Empire. University of Wisconsin Press. ISBN 978-0-299-08704-3.
- Treptow, Kurt W.; Bolovan, Ioan (1996). Treptow, Kurt W.; Bolovan, Ioan (eds.). A History of Romania. East European Monographs. ISBN 978-0-88033-345-0.
- ISBN 978-1-882785-13-1.
- Waldman, Carl; Mason, Catherine (2006). Encyclopedia of European peoples, Volume 1. Infobase Publishing. ISBN 978-0-8160-4964-6.
- Watson, Alaric (2004). Aurelian and the Third Century. London and New York: ISBN 978-0-415-30187-9.
- Henry G. Bohn.
- Webb, Percy Henry (1927). Mattingly, Harold; Sydenham, Edward Allen (eds.). The Roman Imperial Coinage: Valerian – Florian. The Roman Imperial Coinage. Vol. 5, Part 1. Spink & Son.
- Webster, Graham (1998). The Roman Imperial Army of the first and second centuries A.D. University of Oklahoma Press. ISBN 978-0-8061-3000-2.
- Whitby, Michael (1998). The Emperor Maurice and his Historian – Theophylact Simocatta on Persian and Balkan Warfare. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-822945-3.
- Wilkes, John (2000). "The Danube Provinces". In Bowman, Alan K.; Garnsey, Peter; Rathbone, Dominic (eds.). The Cambridge ancient history: The High Empire, A.D. 70–192. The Cambridge ancient history. Vol. 11. Cambridge University Press. pp. 577–603. ISBN 978-0-521-26335-1.
- Wilkes, John (2005). "Provinces and Frontiers". In Bowman, Alan K.; Garnsey, Peter; Cameron, Averil (eds.). The Cambridge ancient history: The crisis of empire, A.D. 193–337. The Cambridge ancient history. Vol. 12. Cambridge University Press. pp. 212–268. ISBN 978-0-521-30199-2.
- Williams, Stephen (2000). Diocletian and the Roman Recovery. London and New York: ISBN 978-0-415-91827-5.
- Wolfram, Herwig; Dunlap, Thomas J. (1990). History of the Goths. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-06983-1.
Preceded by Dacia |
History of Romania | Succeeded by Early Middle Ages |