Davidian Revolution

Source: Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.

Steel engraving and enhancement of the obverse side of the Great Seal of David I, portraying David in the "European" fashion of the otherworldly maintainer of peace and defender of justice.

The Davidian Revolution is a name given by many scholars to the changes which took place in the Kingdom of Scotland during the reign of David I (1124–1153). These included his foundation of burghs, implementation of the ideals of Gregorian Reform, foundation of monasteries, Normanisation of the Scottish government, and the introduction of feudalism through immigrant Norman and Anglo-Norman knights.

Overview

King David I is still widely regarded as one of the most significant rulers in Scotland's history. The reason is what Barrow and Lynch both call the "Davidian Revolution".[1] David's "revolution" is held to underpin the development of later medieval Scotland, whereby the changes that he inaugurated grew into most of the central non-native institutions of the later medieval kingdom. Barrow summarises the many and varied goals of David I, all of which began and ended with his determination "to surround his fortified royal residence and its mercantile and ecclesiastical satellites with a ring of close friends and supporters, bound to him and his heirs by feudal obligation and capable of rendering him military service of the most up-to-date kind and filling administrative offices at the highest level".[2]

European Revolution: the wider context

Since

Carolingian heartlands in northern France and western Germany spread to outlying areas, creating a more recognisable "Europe". In this model, the old Carolingian Empire formed a "core" and the outlying areas a "periphery". The Norman conquest of England in the years after 1066 is considered to have made England more like if not part of this "core". In applying this model to Scotland, it would be considered that, as recently as the reign of David's father Máel Coluim III, "peripheral" Scotland had lacked – in relation to the "core" cultural regions of northern France, western Germany and England – respectable Catholic religion, a truly centralised royal government, conventional written documents of any sort, native coins, a single merchant town, as well as the essential castle-building cavalry elite. After David's reign, it had gained all of these.[3]

During the reign of king David I, then, comparatively straightforward evidence of "Europeanisation" was produced in Scotland – that adoption of the homogenised political, economic, social and cultural modes of medieval civilisation, suitably modified for the distinctive Scottish milieu, which in tandem with similar adoptions elsewhere led to the creation of "Europe" as an identifiable entity for the first time.[4] This is not to say that the Gaelic matrix into which these additions were disseminated was somehow destroyed or swept away; that was not the way in which the paradigm or "blueprint" of medieval Europe functioned – it was only a guide, one that specialised in amelioration, and not (usually) demolition.[5]

European revolution: the Gaelic context

Yet, David's life as a "reformer" also has a context in the Gaelic-speaking world. This is particularly true in understanding David's enthusiasm for the

Toirdelbach Ua Briain, High King of Ireland.[12]

Government and feudalism

A detail from the Bayeux Tapestry illustrating Norman knights in combat half a century before David's reign.

The widespread infeftment of foreign knights and the processes by which land ownership was converted from a matter of customary tenure into a matter of feudal or otherwise legally-defined relationships revolutionised the way the Kingdom of Scotland was governed, as did the dispersal and installation of royal agents in the new mottes that were proliferating throughout the realm to staff newly created sheriffdoms and judiciaries for the twin purposes of law enforcement and taxation, bringing Scotland further into the "European" model.[13]

Military feudalism

During this period, Scotland experienced innovations in governmental practices and the importation of foreign, generally French, knights. It is to David's reign that the beginnings of Scottish feudalism and

Geoffrey Barrow "it is virtually certain that Freskin belonged to a large group of Flemish settlers who came to Scotland in the middle decades of the 12th century and were chiefly to be found in West Lothian and the valley of the Clyde".[17] Freskin was responsible for building a castle in the distant territory of Moray, and because Freskin had no kinship ties to the locality, his position was dependent entirely on the king, thus bringing the territory more firmly under royal control. Freskin's land acquisition does not appear to be unique, and may have been part of a royal policy in the aftermath of the defeat of king Óengus of Moray.[18]

Duffus Castle, possibly begun by Freskin, one of David's most successful small scale military immigrants.

Anglo-Normanising government

Steps were taken during David's reigns to make the government of Scotland, or that part of Scotland that he administered, more like the government of Anglo-Norman England. New sheriffdoms enabled the King to effectively administer royal demesne land. During David I's reign, royal sheriffs had been established in the king's core personal territories; namely, in rough chronological order, at

Causantín of Fife is styled judex magnus (i.e. great Brehon); the Justiciarship of Scotia hence was just as much a Gaelic office modified by Normanisation as it was an import, illustrating Barrow's "balance of New and Old" argument.[20]

Economy

Silver penny of David I.

Alston mines

An important source of David's wealth during his career came from the revenue of his English earldom and the proceeds of the silver mines at Alston. Alston silver allowed David to indulge in the "regalian gratification" of his own coinage and to continue his project of attempting to link royal power and economic expansion.[21] Building programmes depended to a large degree on disposable income; consumption of foreign and exotic commodities broadened; men of ability and ambition found their way to court and entered the service of the king. What is more, no less than the written word, the coin acted upon the culture and mental categories of people who made use of it. Like a seal displaying the king in majesty, the coin broadcast the image of the ruler to his people and, more fundamentally, altered the simple nature of trade.[22] Though coins were not absent from Scotland before David, these were by definition foreign objects, unseen and unused by most of the population. The arrival of a native coinage – no less than the arrival of towns, laws and charters – marked the penetration of the "Europeanising" concepts of European culture into ever less "non-European" Scotland.

Creation of burghs

Burghs established in Scotland before the accession of David's successor and grandson, Máel Coluim IV; these were essentially Scotland-proper's first towns.

David was also a great town builder. In part, he made use of the "English" income secured for him by his marriage to

burghs of "Scotland", at Roxburgh and Berwick.[24] These were settlements with defined boundaries and guaranteed trading rights, locations where the king could collect and sell the products of his cain and conveth (a payment made in lieu of providing the king hospitality) rendered to him. These burghs were essentially Scotland's first towns.[25] David would found more of these burghs when he became King of Scots. Before 1135, David laid the foundations of four more burghs, this time in the new territory he had acquired as King of Scots; burghs were founded at Stirling, Dunfermline and Edinburgh, three of David's favoured residences.[26] Around 15 burghs have their foundations traced to the reign of David I, although because of the sparsity of some of the evidence, this exact number is uncertain.[27]

Effect of the burghs

Perhaps nothing in David's reign compares in importance to this. No institution would do more to reshape the long-term economic and ethnic shape of Scotland than the burgh. These planned towns were or became English in culture and language; as

William the Lion, describing the persecution of English-speakers in Scotland, "the towns and burghs of the Scottish realm are known to be inhabited by English"[28] and the failure of these towns to go native would in the long term undermine the position of the Gaelic language and give birth to the idea of the Scottish Lowlands.[29]

The thesis that the "rise of towns" was indirectly responsible for the medieval flourishing of Europe has been accepted, at least in a circumscribed form, from the time of Henri Pirenne, a century ago.[30] Commerce generated by and the economic privileges granted to merchant towns across northern Europe in the eleventh and twelfth centuries paid for, in new revenues, the increasing diversification of society and ensured that further growth would occur. What was of great importance for the future of Scotland was the creation by David of perhaps seven such jurisdictionally licensed communities at ancient royal centres and even at new sites, the latter mainly along his eastern seaboard.[31] While this could not, at first, have amounted to much more than the nucleus of an immigrant merchant class making use of the established marketplace for the purpose of disposing of the purely local harvest, in both crop and chattels, there is a sense of profound expectation inherent in such foundations. Regional trade and international trade never lagged far behind the opening of the royal burgh to the world, and that most such burghs were kept in royal demesne meant that the king reserved the right to an excise on all transactions occurring within their bounds and to charge custom dues on those vessels taking berth in their harbours.[32]

Religious reform

The changes that David was most noted for at the time, however, were his religious changes. The reason for this is that practically all our sources were Reform-minded monks or clerics, grateful to David for his efforts. David's changes, or alleged changes, can be divided into two parts: monastic patronage and ecclesiastical restructuring.

Monastic patronage

The modern ruins of Kelso Abbey. This establishment was originally at Selkirk from 1113, but was moved to Kelso in 1128 to better serve David's southern "capital" at Roxburgh.

David was certainly at least one of medieval Scotland's greatest monastic patrons. In 1113, in perhaps David's first act as Prince of the Cumbrians, he founded

Francesco Pegolotti as Scotland's richest abbey.[41]

The modern ruins of Melrose Abbey. Founded in 1137, this Cistercian monastery became one of David's greatest legacies.

Not only were such monasteries an expression of David's undoubted piety, but they also functioned to transform Scottish society. Monasteries became centres of foreign influence, being founded by French or English monks. They provided sources of literate men, able to serve the crown's growing administrative needs. This was particularly the case with the Augustinians.[42] Moreover, these new monasteries, and the Cistercian ones in particular, introduced new agricultural practices. In the words of one historian, the Cistercians were "pioneers or frontiersmen ... cultural revolutionaries, who carried new techniques of land management and new attitudes towards land exploitation".[43] Duncan calls Scotland's new Cistercian establishments "the largest and most significant contribution by David I to the religious life of the kingdom".[44] Cistercians equated spiritual health with economic achievement and environmental exploitation.[43] Cistercian labour transformed southern Scotland into one of northern Europe's main sources of sheep wool.[45]

Bishopric of Glasgow

Almost as soon as he was in charge of the Cumbrian principality, David placed the

bishop of St Andrews.[47] David was responsible for assigning to Glasgow enough lands directly to make the bishopric self-sufficient and for ensuring that in the longer term Glasgow would become the second most important bishopric in the Kingdom of Scotland. By the 1120s, work also began on building a proper cathedral for the diocese.[48] David would also try to ensure that his reinvigorated episcopal see would retain independence from other bishoprics, an aspiration which would generate a great deal of tension with the English church, where both the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Archbishop of York claimed overlordship.[49]

Church organisation

It was once held that Scotland's episcopal sees and entire parochial system owed their origins to the innovations of David I. Today, scholars have moderated this view. Although David moved the bishopric of

Ailred of Rievaulx wrote in David's eulogy that when David came to power, "he found three or four bishops in the whole Scottish kingdom [north of the Forth], and the others wavering without a pastor to the loss of both morals and property; when he died, he left nine, both of ancient bishoprics which he himself restored, and new ones which he erected".[53] What is very likely is that as well as preventing the long vacancies in bishoprics which had hitherto been common, David was at least partly responsible for forcing semi-monastic "bishoprics" like Brechin, Dunkeld, Mortlach (Aberdeen) and Dublane to become fully episcopal and firmly integrated into a national diocesan system.[54] As for the development of the parochial system, David's traditional role as its creator can not be sustained.[55] Scotland already had an ancient system of parish churches dating to the Early Middle Ages, and the kind of system introduced by David's Normanising tendencies can more accurately be seen as mild refashioning, rather than creation; he made the Scottish system as a whole more like that of France and England, but he did not create it.[56]

Notes

  1. ^ Barrow, "The Balance of New and Old", pp. 9–11; Lynch, Scotland: A New History, p. 80.
  2. ^ Barrow, "The Balance of New and Old", p. 13.
  3. ^ Bartlett, The Making of Europe, pp. 24–59; Moore, The First European Revolution, c.970–1215, p. 30ff; see also Barrow, "The Balance of New and Old", passim, esp. 9; this idea of "Europe" seems in practice to mean "Western Europe".
  4. ^ Moore, The First European Revolution, c.970–1215, p. 30 ff; Haidu, The Subject Medieval/Modern, p. 156ff.; Bartlett, The Making of Europe, pp. 24–59, esp. 51–59. The idea of "Europe" would have been available to contemporaries of David, though the concept of "Christendom" would have been more familiar. This usage of "Europe" in the sense of a unified cultural entity is identified only by modern historians.
  5. ^ Moore, The First European Revolution, c.970–1215, pp. 38–45; Bartlett, The Making of Europe, p. 104.
  6. ^ G. Ladner, "Terms and ideas of renewal", pp. 1–33; C. H. Lawrence, Medieval Monasticism, pp. 86, 92, 94–5, 149–50, 163–4; Bartlett, Making of Europe, pp. 243–68; Malcolm Barber, Two Cities, pp. 85–99
  7. ^ Robert Bartlett, "Turgot (c.1050–1115)", in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004 , accessed 11 February 2007; William Forbes-Leith, Turgot, Life of St Margaret, Queen of Scotland, passim; Baker, "'A Nursery of Saints", pp. 129–132.
  8. ^ See, for instance, Dumville, "St Cathróe of Metz", pp. 172–188; Follett, Céli Dé in Ireland, pp. 1–8, 89–99.
  9. ^ John Watt, Church in Medieval Ireland, pp. 1–27; Veitch, "Replanting Paradise", pp. 136–66
  10. ^ Hudson, "Gaelic Princes and Gregorian Reform", pp. 61–82.
  11. ^ Barrow, "Beginnings of Military Feudalism", p. 250.
  12. ^ Ó Cróinín, Early Medieval Ireland, p. 277.
  13. ^ Haidu, The Subject Medieval/Modern, p. 181; Moore, The First European Revolution, p. 57: "The requirement of tithe...defined the community dependent on each church, and endowed it with clear, universally known borders".
  14. ^ Barrow, ‘Balance’, 9–11.
  15. ^ G.W.S. Barrow, The Acts of William I King of Scots 1165–1214 in Regesta Regum Scottorum, Volume II, (Edinburgh, 1971), no. 116, pp. 198–9; trs. of quote, "The Beginnings of Military Feudalism" in Barrow (ed.) The Kingdom of the Scots, 2nd Ed. (2003), p. 252.
  16. ^ See Barrow, "The Beginnings of Military Feudalism", p. 252, n. 16, citing T. Forssner, Continental Germanic Personal Names in England, (Uppsala, 1916), p. 95; J. Mansion, Oud-Gentsche Naamkunde, (1924), p. 217; and G. White (ed.), Complete Peerage, vol. xii, pt. I, p. 537, n. d.
  17. ^ G.W.S. Barrow, "Badenoch and Strathspey, 1130–1312: 1. Secular and Political" in Northern Scotland, 8 (1988), p. 3.
  18. ^ See Richard Oram, "David I and the Conquest of Moray", p. & n. 43; see also, L. Toorians, "Twelfth-century Flemish Settlement in Scotland", pp. 1–14.
  19. ^ McNeill & MacQueen, Atlas of Scottish History p. 193
  20. ^ See Barrow, G.W.S., "The Judex", in Barrow (ed.) The Kingdom of the Scots, (Edinburgh, 2003), pp. 57–67 and "The Justiciar", also in Barrow (ed.) The Kingdom of the Scots, pp. 68–111.
  21. ^ Norman Davies, The Isles: A History, Sec. 4, p. 85 [photo]; Oram, David I: The King Who Made Scotland, p. 193ff; Bartlett, The Making of Europe, p. 287. To put the true importance of David’s silver in perspective, consider this comment of Ian Blanchard, "Lothian and Beyond: The Economy of the ‘English Empire’ of David I", p.29: "The discovery of [silver at Alston in] 1133 marked the beginnings of the first great regional mining boom which was at its height in c. 1136–8 yielded an output of some three or four tonnes of silver a year, or some ten times more than had been produced in the whole of Europe during any year of the past three-quarters of a millennium". Gold was essentially reserved for religion.
  22. ^ Oram, David I: The King Who Made Scotland, pp. 193, 195; Bartlett, The Making of Europe, p. 287: "The minting of coins and the issue of written dispositions changed the political culture of the societies in which the new practices appeared".
  23. ^ Oram, 192.
  24. ^ Duncan, Scotland: The Making of the Kingdom, p. 465.
  25. ^ See G.W.S. Barrow, Kingship and Unity: Scotland, 1000–1306, (Edinburgh. 1981), pp. 84–104; see also, Keith J. Stringer, "The Emergence of a Nation-State, 1100–1300", in Jenny Wormald (ed.), Scotland: A History, (Oxford, 2005), pp. 66–9.
  26. ^ Duncan, p. 265.
  27. ^ Stringer, "The Emergence of a Nation-State", p. 67. Regarding the uncertainty of numbers, Perth may date to the reign of Alexander I; Inverness is a case where the foundation may date later, but may date to the period of David I: see for instance the blanket statement that Inverness dates to David I's reign in Derek Hall, Burgess, Merchant and Priest: Burgh Life in the Medieval Scottish Town, (Edinburgh, 2002), compare Richard Oram, David I: The King Who Made Scotland, p. 93, where it is acknowledged that this is merely a possibility, to A.A.M. Duncan, Scotland: The Making of the Kingdom, p. 480, who quotes a charter indicating that the burgh dates to the reign of William the Lion.
  28. ^ A.O. Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 256.
  29. ^ Stringer, "The Emergence of a Nation-State", 1100–1300", p. 67; Michael Lynch, Scotland: A New History, pp. 64–6; Thomas Owen Clancy, "History of Gaelic", here Archived 2007-09-11 at the Wayback Machine
  30. ^ Henri Pirenne, Medieval cities: their origins and the revival of trade, trans. F.D. Halsey, (Princeton, 1925); Barrow, "The Balance of New and Old", p. 6.
  31. ^ Oram, David I, pp. 80–82; Bartlett, The Making of Europe, pp. 176–177: "Scottish urban law originally derived from Newcastle upon Tyne". Early Scottish towns (p. 181) had mainly English immigrant populations.
  32. ^ Bartlett, The Making of Europe, p. 176: "Princes wanted towns, because they were profitable..."
  33. ^ Oram, David I: The King Who Made Scotland, p. 62; Duncan, Scotland: The Making of a Kingdom, pp. 145.
  34. ^ Duncan, Scotland: The Making of a Kingdom, pp. 145, 150.
  35. ^ Duncan, Scotland: The Making of a Kingdom, p. 150.
  36. ^ A.A.M. Duncan, "The Foundation of St Andrews Cathedral Priory, 1140", pp. 25, 27–8.
  37. ^ Richard Fawcett & Richard Oram, Melrose Abbey, p. 20.
  38. ^ Fawcett & Oram, Melrose Abbey, illus 1, p. 15.
  39. ^ Duncan, Scotland: The Making of a Kingdom, pp. 146–7.
  40. ^ Duncan, Scotland: The Making of a Kingdom, pp. 150–1.
  41. ^ Keith J. Stringer, "Reform Monasticism and Celtic Scotland", .pp. 128–9; Keith J. Stringer, The Reformed Church in Medieval Galloway and Cumbria, pp. 11, 35.
  42. ^ Peter Yeoman, Medieval Scotland, p. 15.
  43. ^ a b Fawcett & Oram, Melrose Abbey, p. 17.
  44. ^ Duncan, Scotland: The Making of a Kingdom, p. 148.
  45. ^ See, for instance, Stringer, The Reformed Church in Medieval Galloway and Cumbria, pp. 9–11.
  46. ^ Oram, David: The King Who Made Scotland, p. 62.
  47. ^ To a certain extent, the boundaries of David's Cumbrian Principality are conjecture on the basis of the boundaries of the diocese of Glasgow; Oram, David: The King Who Made Scotland, pp. 67–8.
  48. ^ G. W. S. Barrow, "King David I and Glasgow", pp. 208–9.
  49. ^ Duncan, Scotland: The Making of the Kingdom, pp. 257–9.
  50. ^ Oram, p. 158; Duncan, Making, p. 257–60; see also Gordon Donaldson, "Scottish Bishop's Sees", pp. 106–17.
  51. ^ Shead, "Origins of the Medieval Diocese of Glasgow", pp. 220–5.
  52. ^ Oram, Lordship of Galloway, p. 173.
  53. ^ A. O. Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 233.
  54. ^ Barrow, Kingship and Unity, pp. 67–8
  55. ^ Ian B. Cowan wrote that "the principle steps were taken during the reign of David I": Ian B. Cowan, "Development of the Parochial System", p. 44.
  56. ^ Thomas Owen Clancy, "Annat and the Origins of the Parish", in the Innes Review, vol. 46, no. 2 (1995), pp. 91–115.

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  • Toorians, L., "Twelfth-century Flemish Settlement in Scotland", in Grant G. Simpson (ed.), Scotland and the Low Countries, 1124–1994, (East Linton, 1996), pp. 1–14
  • Veitch, Kenneth, "'Replanting Paradise':Alexander I and the Reform of Religious Life in Scotland", in the Innes Review, 52 (2001), pp. 136–166
  • Watt, John, Church in Medieval Ireland, (Dublin, 1972)
  • Yeoman, Peter, Medieval Scotland: An Archaeological Perspective, (London, 1995)

External links

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