Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria
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Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria
| ||
---|---|---|
Status | De facto autonomous region of Syria | |
Capital | Ayn Issa[1][2] 36°23′7″N 38°51′34″E / 36.38528°N 38.85944°E / 36.38528; 38.85944 | |
Largest city | Raqqa | |
Official languages | See languages
All regions:
In the Jazira Region: In the Manbij Region: | |
Government | Co-Presidents | Îlham Ehmed[3]
Mansur Selum[4] |
Amina Omar Riad Darar[5] | ||
Legislature | Syrian Democratic Council | |
Autonomous region | ||
• Transitional administration declared | 2013 | |
• Cantons declare autonomy | January 2014 | |
• Cantons declare federation | 17 March 2016 | |
• New administration declared | 6 September 2018 | |
Area | ||
• Total | 50,000 km2 (19,000 sq mi)[6] | |
Population | ||
• 2018 estimate | ≈2,000,000[7] | |
Currency | Syrian pound (SYP) | |
Time zone | UTC+2 (EET) | |
Driving side | right | |
|
The Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES), also known as Rojava,
While entertaining
The supporters of the region's administration state that it is an officially
The region has implemented a new
Since 2016, Turkish and Turkish-backed Syrian rebel forces have occupied parts of northern Syria through a series of military operations against the SDF. AANES and its SDF have stated they will defend all regions of autonomous administration from any aggression.[56][57]
Polity names and translations
Parts of northern Syria are known as Western Kurdistan (
The territory around Jazira province of northeastern Syria is called Gozarto (
The first name of the local government for the Kurdish-dominated areas in
The updated December 2016 constitution of the polity uses the name Democratic Federation of Northern Syria (DFNS) (
Since 6 September 2018, the
Geography
The region mainly lies to the west of the Tigris, to the east of the Euphrates, south of the Turkish border and borders Iraq to the southeast as well as the Iraqi Kurdistan Region to the northeast. The region is at latitude approximately 36°30' north and mostly consists of plains and low hills, however there are some mountains in the region such as Mount Abdulaziz as well as the western part of the Sinjar Mountain Range in the Jazira Region.
In terms of governorates of Syria, the region is formed from parts of the al-Hasakah, Raqqa, Deir ez-Zor and the Aleppo governorates.
History
Background
Northern Syria is part of the
By the 9th century, northern Syria was inhabited by a mixed population of Arabs, Assyrians, Kurds, Turkic groups, and others. Kurdish tribes in the area often operated as soldiers for hire,[84] and were still placed in specific military settlements in the northern Syrian mountains.[86] There existed a Kurdish elite of which Saladin,[87] the founder of the Ayyubid dynasty and the Emir of Masyaf in the 12th century were part of.[88] Under Saladin's rule, northern Syria experienced a mass immigration of Turkic groups who came into conflict with Kurdish tribes, resulting in clashes that wiped out several Kurdish communities.[89]
During the
Syria's independence and rule of the Ba'ath Party
Following
In many instances, the Syrian government arbitrarily deprived ethnic Kurdish citizens of their citizenship. The largest such instance was a consequence of a census in 1962, which was conducted for exactly this purpose. 120,000 ethnic Kurdish citizens saw their citizenship arbitrarily taken away and became stateless.[101][107][108] This status was passed to the children of a "stateless" Kurdish father.[101] In 2010, the Human Rights Watch (HRW) estimated the number of such "stateless" Kurdish people in Syria at 300,000.[109][110] In 1973, the Syrian authorities confiscated 750 square kilometres (290 square miles) of fertile agricultural land in Al-Hasakah Governorate, which was owned and cultivated by tens of thousands of Kurdish citizens, and gave it to Arab families brought in from other provinces.[106][105] In 2007, in the Al-Hasakah Governorate, 600 square kilometres (230 square miles) around Al-Malikiyah were granted to Arab families, while tens of thousands of Kurdish inhabitants of the villages concerned were evicted.[106] These and other expropriations was part of the so-called "Arab Belt initiative" which aimed to change the demographic fabric of the resource-rich region.[101] Accordingly, relations between the Syrian government and the Syrian Kurdish population were tense.[111]
The response of northern Syrian parties and movements to the policies of
Despite the
In 2002, the PKK and allied groups organized the
Establishment of de facto autonomy and war against ISIL
In 2011, a
Existing underground Kurdish political parties, namely the PYD and the
The
After the YPG victory over ISIL in Kobanî in March 2015, an alliance between YPG and the United States was formed, which greatly worried Turkey, because Turkey stated the YPG was a clone of the
In March 2016,
Turkish military operations and occupation
Since 2012, when the first YPG pockets appeared, Turkey had been alarmed by the presence of PKK-related forces at its southern border and grew concerned when the YPG entered into an alliance with the US to oppose ISIS forces in the region.
In August 2016, Turkey launched Operation Euphrates Shield to prevent the YPG-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) from linking Afrin Canton (now Afrin Region) with the rest of Rojava and to capture Manbij from the SDF. Turkish and Turkish-backed Syrian rebel forces prevented the linking of Rojava's cantons and captured all settlements in Jarabulus previously under SDF control.[139] The SDF handed over part of the region to the Syrian government to act as a buffer zone against Turkey.[140] Manbij remained under SDF control.
In early 2018, Turkey launched
In 2019, Turkey launched
Politics
- Symbols of Rojava
- Libertarian socialism
- Human rights
- March 2015 (Local)
- September 2017 (Local)
- December 2017 (Regional)
- Democratic Union Party (PYD)
- Syriac Union Party (SUP)
- Wheat Wave Movement(QMH)
- Syrian National Democratic Alliance (SNDA)
- Honor and Rights Convention (HRC)
- Yekîtiya Star(YS)
- Arab National Coalition (ANC)
- Kurdistan Democratic Party of Syria (KDP-S)
- Syrian Kurdish Democratic Party (PDKS 1970)
- Kurdish Democratic Unity Party (PYDKS or Yek-Dem)
- Syrian Democratic Society (SDS)
- Democratic Modernity Party (DM)
- Democratic Socialist Arab Ba'ath Party (PB-ASD)
- Left Party of Syrian Kurds (LPSK)
- Kurdish Democratic Progressive Party (PDPKS)
- Assyrian Democratic Party (ADP)
- Syrian Kurds' Democratic Peace Party (PADKS)
- Democratic Transformation Party (DT)
- Kurdistan Liberal Union Party (PYLK)
- Kurdish Democratic Accord Party (Wifaq)
- Syrian Reform Movement (Islah)
- Yazidi House (Êzîdî)
- Syriac National Council (SNC)
- Patriotic Initiative (PI)
- Democratic Nation List (LND)/Movement for a Democratic Society (TEV-DEM)
- Kurdish National Alliance in Syria (HNKS)
- Assembly for Democracy and the Left (KDCK)
- Kurdish National Council (ENKS)
- Syria's Tomorrow Movement (TM)
- Relations with the Syrian government
- YPG-FSA
- Syrian Kurdish–Islamist conflict
- Rojava conflict
- Kurdish nationalism
- Iraqi Kurdistan
The political system of the region is based on its adopted constitution, officially titled "Charter of the Social Contract".
The Former diplomat Carne Ross observed in September 2015 in The New York Times:[38]
"For a former diplomat like me, I found it confusing: I kept looking for a hierarchy, the singular leader, or signs of a government line, when, in fact, there was none; there were just groups. There was none of that stifling obedience to the party, or the obsequious deference to the "big man"—a form of government all too evident just across the borders, in Turkey to the north, and the Kurdish regional government of Iraq to the south. The confident assertiveness of young people was striking.
However, a 2016 paper from
Besides the parties represented in TEV-DEM and the KNC, several other political groups operate in northern Syria. Several of these, such as the
The politics of the region has been described as having "libertarian transnational aspirations" influenced by the PKK's shift toward anarchism, but also includes various "tribal, ethno-sectarian, capitalist and patriarchal structures."[157] The region has a "co-governance" policy in which each position at each level of government in the region includes a "female equivalent of equal authority" to a male.[167] Similarly, there are aspirations for equal political representation of all ethno-religious components – Arabs, Kurds and Assyrians being the most sizeable ones. This has been compared this to the Lebanese confessionalist system, which is based on that country's major religions.[157][168][169][170]
The PYD-led rule has triggered protests in various areas since they first captured territory. In 2019, residents of tens of villages in the eastern Deir ez-Zor Governorate demonstrated for two weeks, regarding the new regional leadership as Kurdish-dominated and non-inclusive, citing arrests of suspected ISIL members, looting of oil, lack of infrastructure as well as forced conscription into the SDF as reasons. The protests resulted in deaths and injuries.[171] It has been stated that the new political structures created in the region have been based on top-down structures, which have placed obstacles for the return of refugees, created dissent as well as a lack of trust between the SDF and the local population.[172]
Qamishli initially served as the de facto capital of the administration,[8][133] but the area's governing body later relocated to Ayn Issa.[1]
Administrative divisions
Article 8 of the 2014 constitution stipulates that "All Cantons in the autonomous regions are founded on the principle of local self-government. Cantons may freely elect their representatives and representative bodies, and may pursue their rights insofar as it does not contravene the articles of the Charter."[156]
The cantons were later reorganized into regions with subordinate cantons/provinces, areas, districts and communes. The first
On 6 September 2018, during a meeting of the Syrian Democratic Council in Ayn Issa, a new name for the region was adopted, the "Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria", encompassing the Euphrates, Afrin, and Jazira regions as well as the local civil councils in the regions of Raqqa, Manbij, Tabqa, and Deir ez-Zor. During the meeting, a 70-member "General Council for the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria" was formed.[75][1][76]
Regions
|
Official name (languages) | Prime Ministers | Deputy Prime Ministers | |
---|---|---|---|---|
Jazira Region |
|
Akram Hesso | Elizabeth Gawrie Hussein Taza Al Azam | |
Euphrates Region |
|
Enver Muslim | Bêrîvan Hesen Xalid Birgil | |
Afrin Region (in exile) |
|
Hêvî Îbrahîm | Remzi Şêxmus Ebdil Hemid Mistefa | |
Raqqa Region |
|
N/A | N/A | |
Tabqa Region |
|
N/A | N/A | |
Manbij Region |
|
N/A | N/A | |
Deir ez-Zor Region |
|
N/A | N/A |
Legislature
In December 2015, during a meeting of the region's representatives in
Education, media, and culture
School
Under the rule of the Ba'ath Party, school education consisted of only Arabic language public schools, supplemented by Assyrian private confessional schools.[181] In 2015, the region's administration introduced primary education in the native language (either Kurdish or Arabic) and mandatory bilingual education (Kurdish and Arabic) for public schools,[182][183][184] with English as a mandatory third language.[185] There are ongoing disagreements and negotiations over curriculums with the Syrian central government,[186][187] which generally still pays the teachers in public schools.[182][188][189][190]
In August 2016, the Ourhi Centre was founded by the Assyrian community in the city of Qamishli, to educate teachers in order to make
The federal, regional and local administrations in the region put much emphasis on promoting libraries and educational centers, to facilitate learning and social and artistic activities. Examples are the Nahawand Center for Developing Children's Talents in Amuda (est. 2015) and the Rodî û Perwîn Library in Kobani (May 2016).[198]
For Assyrian private confessional schools there had at first been no changes.[187][199] However, in August 2018 it was reported that the region's authorities was trying to implement its own Syriac curriculum in private Christian schools that have been continuing to use an Arabic curriculum with limited Syriac classes approved by the Assad regime and originally developed by Syrian Education Ministry in cooperation with Christian clergy in the 1950s. The threatening of the closure of schools not complying with this resulted in protests erupting in Qamishli.[200][201][202] A deal was later reached in September 2018 between the region's authorities and the local Syriac Orthodox archbishopric, where the two first grades in these schools would learn the region's Syriac curriculum and grades three to six would continue to learn the Damascus approved curriculum.[203][204]
Higher education
While there was no institution of tertiary education on the territory of the region at the onset of the Syrian Civil War, an increasing number of such institutions have been established by the regional administrations in the region since.
- In September 2014, the Mesopotamian Social Sciences Academy in Qamishli started classes.[38] More such academies designed under a non-traditional academic philosophy and concept are in the process of founding or planning.[205]
- In August 2015, the traditionally-designed University of Afrin in Afrin started teaching, with initial programs in literature, engineering and economics, including institutes for medicine, topographic engineering, music and theater, business administration and the Kurdish language.[206] After the Turkish army invaded Afrin in 2018, several of it students were transferred to the University of Rojava in Qamishli.[207]
- In July 2016, Jazira Canton Board of Education started the University of Rojava in Qamishli, with faculties for Medicine, Engineering, Sciences, and Arts and Humanities. Programs taught include health, computer and agricultural engineering; physics, chemistry, history, psychology, geography, mathematics and primary school teaching and Kurdish literature.Paris 8 University in France for cooperation, the university opened registration for students in the academic year 2016–2017.[209]
- In August 2016 Jazira Canton police forces took control of the remaining parts of Hasakah city, which included the Hasakah campus of the Arabic-language Al-Furat University, and with mutual agreement the institution continues to be operated under the authority of the Damascus government's Ministry of Higher Education.
Media
Incorporating the
Political extremism in the context of the Syrian Civil War can put media outlets under pressure; for example in April 2016 the premises of
The arts
After the establishment of the de facto autonomous region, the Center of Art and Democratic Culture, located in Jazira Region, has become a venue for aspiring artists who showcase their work.[221][222] Among major cultural events in the region is the annual Festival of Theater in March/April as well as the Rojava Short Story Festival in June, both in the city of Qamishli, and the Afrin Short Film Festival in April.[223]
Economy
The Jazira Region is a major wheat and cotton producer and has a considerable oil industry. The Euphrates Region suffered most destruction of the three regions and has huge challenges in reconstruction, and has recently seen some greenhouse agriculture construction. The Afrin Region has had a traditional specialization on olive oil including Aleppo soap made from it, and had drawn much industrial production from the nearby city of Aleppo due to the fighting in Aleppo city from 2012 to 2016. Price controls are managed by local committees, which can set the price of basic goods such as food and medical goods.[224]
It has been theorized that the Assad government had deliberately underdeveloped parts of Northern Syria in order to Arabize the region and make secession attempts less likely.[225] During the Syrian Civil War, the infrastructure of the region on average experienced less destruction than other parts of Syria. In May 2016, Ahmed Yousef, head of the Economic Body and chairman of Afrin University, stated that at the time, the economic output of the region (including agriculture, industry and oil) accounted for about 55% of Syria's gross domestic product.[226] In 2014, the Syrian government was still paying some state employees,[227] but fewer than before.[228] However, the administration of the region stated that "none of our projects are financed by the regime".[229]
At first, there were no direct or indirect taxes on people or businesses in the region; instead, the administration raised money mainly through tariffs and selling oil and other natural resources.[230][224] However, in July 2017, it was reported that the administration in the Jazira Region had started to collect income tax to provide for public services in the region.[231] In May 2016, The Wall Street Journal reported that traders in Syria experience the region as "the one place where they aren't forced to pay bribes."[232] The highest amount of energy is produced by the Tabqa Dam at the Euphrates river, Syrians largest.[233]
The main sources of revenue for the autonomous region have been presented as: 1. Public properties such as grain silos and oil and gas in the Jazira Region, 2. Local taxation and customs fees taken at the border crossings, 3. Service delivery, 4. Remittances from Iraq and Turkey, and 5. Local donations. In 2015, the autonomous administration shared information about the region's finances where its 2014 revenue was about LS 3 billion (≈US$5.8 million) of which 50% was spent on "self-defense and protection", 18% for the Jazira Canton (now Jazira Region), 8.5% for the Kobani Canton (now Euphrates Region), 8.5% for the Afrin Canton (now Afrin Region), 15% for the "Internal Committee" and any remainder was a reserve for the next year.
External economic relations
Oil and food production is substantial,[180] so they are important exports. Agricultural products include sheep, grain and cotton. Important imports are consumer goods and auto parts.[237] Trade with Turkey and access to humanitarian and military aid is difficult due to a blockade by Turkey.[238] Turkey does not allow business people or goods to cross its border.[239] The blockade from adjacent territories held by Turkey and ISIL, and partially also the KRG, temporarily caused heavy distortions of relative prices in Jazira Region and Euphrates Region (while separate, Afrin Region borders government-controlled territory since February 2016); for example in Jazira Region and Euphrates Region, through 2016 petrol cost only half as much as bottled water.[240]
The
Economy policy framework
The autonomous region is ruled by a coalition which have been described as pursuing a model of economy that blends co-operative and private enterprise.[247] In 2012, the PYD launched what it called the "Social Economy Plan", later renamed the "People's Economy Plan" (PEP).[248] Private property and entrepreneurship are protected under the principle of "ownership by use". Dr. Dara Kurdaxi, a regional official, has stated: "The method in Rojava is not so much against private property, but rather has the goal of putting private property in the service of all the peoples who live in Rojava."[249] Communes and co-operatives have been established to provide essentials.[250] Co-operatives account for a large proportion of agricultural production and are active in construction, factories, energy production, livestock, pistachio and roasted seeds, and public markets.[247] Several hundred instances of collective farming occurred across towns and villages in the region, with communes consisting of approximately 20–35 people.[251] According to the region's "Ministry of Economics", approximately three-quarters of all property has been placed under community ownership and a third of production has been transferred to direct management by workers' councils.[252]
Law and security
Legal system
Syrian civil laws are valid in the region if they do not conflict with the Constitution of the autonomous region. One example for amendment is personal status law, which in Syria is based on Sharia[253] and applied by Sharia Courts,[254] while the secular autonomous region proclaims absolute equality of women under the law, allowing civil marriage and banning forced marriage, polygamy[255][256] and underage marriage.[257][258]
A new criminal justice approach was implemented that emphasizes restoration over retribution.[259] The death penalty was abolished.[260] Prisons house mostly people charged with terrorist activity related to ISIL and other extremist groups.[261] A September 2015 report of Amnesty International stated that 400 people were incarcerated by the region's authorities and criticized deficiencies in due process of the judicial system of the region.[262][38][263]
At the local level, citizens create Peace and Consensus Committees, which make group decisions on minor criminal cases and disputes as well as in separate committees resolve issues of specific concern to women's rights like domestic violence and marriage. At the regional level, citizens (who need not be trained jurists) are elected by the regional People's Councils to serve on seven-member People's Courts. At the next level are four Appeals Courts, composed of trained jurists. The court of last resort is the Regional Court, which serves the region as a whole. Separate from this system, the Constitutional Court renders decisions on compatibility of acts of government and legal proceedings with the constitution of the region (called the Social Contract).[260]
Policing and security
Policing in the region is performed by the
Throughout the region, the municipal Civilian Defense Forces (HPC)
Militias
The main military force of the region is the
The Self-Defence Forces (HXP) is a territorial defense militia and the only conscript armed force in the region. HXP is locally recruited to garrison their municipal area and is under the responsibility and command of the respective regions of the NES. Occasionally, HXP units have supported the YPG, and SDF in general, during combat operations against ISIL outside their own municipality and region.
Human rights
In the course of the Syrian Civil War, including the years 2014 and 2015, reports by
The region's civil government has been hailed in international media for human rights advancement in particular
Some persistent issues in the region concern
During the ongoing Syrian Civil War, organizations such as the Turkish government,[285] Amnesty International[286] and the Middle East Observer[287][288] have stated that SDF was forcibly displacing inhabitants of captured areas with predominantly Arab population such as Tell Abyad. These displacements were considered attempts at ethnic cleansing.[289] However, the head of the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights rebutted these reports[290] and the UN Independent International Commission of Inquiry find no evidence of YPG or SDF forces committing ethnic cleansing in order to change the demographic composition of territories under their control.[45]
Demographics
The demographics of the region have historically been highly diverse, with several major shifts in regard to which groups form majorities or minorities in the last centuries.
Under the French Mandate of Syria, newly arriving Kurds were granted citizenship by
Another shift in modern times was the Baath policy of settling additional Arab population in northern Syria, while displacing local Kurds.[100][101] Most recently, during the Syrian Civil War, many refugees have fled to the north of the country. Some ethnic Arab citizens from Iraq have fled to northern Syria as well.[282][302][303] However, as of January 2018, only two million people are estimated to remain in the area under the region's administration with estimates of around half a million people emigrating since the beginning of the civil war, to a large degree because of the economic hardships the region has faced during the war.[7] As result of the civil war, estimates as to the ethnic composition of northern Syria vary widely, ranging from claims about a Kurdish majority and Arab minority to claims about Kurds being a small minority;[304] Al Jazeera stated in October 2019 that just 10 percent of the 4.5 million inhabitants of northern and northeastern Syria were Kurds.[305]
Ethnic groups
Two ethnic groups have a significant presence throughout Northern Syria:
- ethnic group[306] living in northeastern and northwestern Syria, culturally and linguistically classified among the Iranian peoples.[307][308] Many Kurds consider themselves descended from the ancient Iranian people of the Medes,[309] using a calendar dating from 612 BC, when the Assyrian capital of Nineveh was conquered by the Medes.[310] Kurds formed 55% of the 2010 population of what now is both Jazira Region and Euphrates Region.[225] During the Syrian civil war, many Kurds who had lived elsewhere in Syria fled back to their traditional lands in Northern Syria.[citation needed]
Two ethnic groups have a significant presence in certain regions of Northern Syria:
- Al-Qahtaniyah), in the northeastern corner and in villages along the Khabur River in the Tell Tamer area. They traditionally speak varieties of Northeastern Neo-Aramaic, a Semitic language.[322] There are many Assyrians among recent refugees to Northern Syria, fleeing Islamist violence elsewhere in Syria back to their traditional lands.[323] In the secular polyethnic political climate of the region, the Dawronoye modernization movement has a growing influence on Assyrian identity in the 21st century.[32]
- , and a minor presence in Afrin Region and Euphrates Region.
There are also smaller minorities of Armenians throughout Northern Syria as well as Chechens in Ras al-Ayn.
Languages
Regarding the status of different languages in the autonomous region, its "Social Contract" stipulates that "all languages in Northern Syria are equal in all areas of life, including social, educational, cultural, and administrative dealings. Every people shall organize its life and manage its affairs using its mother tongue."[324] In practice, Arabic and Kurmanji are predominantly used across all areas and for most official documents, with Syriac being mainly used in the Jazira Region with some usage across all areas while Turkish and Circassian are also used in the region of Manbij.
The four main languages spoken in Northern Syria are the following, and are from three different language families:
- Northern Kurdish dialect), a Northwestern Iranian language[325][326] from the Indo-European language family.
- Central Semitic language from the Semitic branch of the Afroasiatic language family.
- Assyrian Neo-Aramaic varieties (mainly Syriac in education and writing), Northwest Semitic languages from the Semitic branch of the Afroasiatic language family.
- Turkish (in Syrian Turkmen dialect), from the Turkic language family.
For these four languages, three different scripts are in use in Northern Syria:
- The Latin alphabet for Kurdish, Turkish and Turoyo
- The Arabic alphabet (abjad) for Arabic
- The Syriac alphabet for Syriac, Turoyo and Assyrian Neo-Aramaic
Religion
Most ethnic Kurdish and Arab people in Northern Syria adhere to Sunni Islam, while ethnic Assyrian people generally are Syriac Orthodox, Chaldean Catholic, Syriac Catholic or adherents of the Assyrian Church of the East. There are also adherents to other religions, such as Yazidism.[327] The dominant PYD party and the political administration in the region are decidedly secular.[32][328]
Population centres
This list includes all cities and towns in the region with more than 10,000 inhabitants. The population figures are given according to the 2004 Syrian census.[329]
Cities highlighted in light grey are partially under the civil control of the Syrian government.[330][331][332][333]
English Name | Kurdish Name
|
Arabic Name | Syriac Name | Turkish Name | Population | Region |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Raqqa | Reqa | الرقة | ܪܩܗ | Rakka | 220,488 | Raqqa |
Al-Hasakah | Hesîçe | الحسكة | ܚܣܟܗ | Haseke | 188,160 | Jazira |
Qamishli | Qamişlo | القامشلي | ܩܡܫܠܐ | Kamışlı | 184,231 | Jazira |
Manbij | Menbîç | منبج | ܡܒܘܓ | Münbiç | 99,497 | Manbij |
Tabqa | Tebqa | الطبقة | ܛܒܩܗ | Tabka | 69,425 | Tabqa |
Kobani | Kobanî | عين العرب | ܟܘܒܐܢܝ | Arappınar | 44,821 | Euphrates |
Hajin | Hecîn | هجين | ܗܓܝܢ | 37,935 | Deir Ez-Zor | |
Amuda | Amûdê | عامودا | ܥܐܡܘܕܐ | Amudiye | 26,821 | Jazira |
Al-Malikiyah | Dêrika Hemko | المالكية | ܕܪܝܟ | Deyrik | 26,311 | Jazira |
Gharanij | غرانيج | ܓܪܐܢܝܓ | 23,009 | Deir Ez-Zor | ||
Abu Hamam | Ebû Hemam | أبو حمام | ܐܒܘ ܚܡܐܡ | 21,947 | Deir Ez-Zor | |
Tell Rifaat | Arfêd | تل رفعت | ܬܠ ܪܦܥܬ | Tel Rıfat | 20,514 | Afrin |
Al-Shaafah | الشعفة | ܫܥܦܗ | 18,956 | Deir Ez-Zor | ||
Al-Qahtaniyah
|
Tirbespî | القحطانية | ܩܒܪ̈ܐ ܚܘܪ̈ܐ | Kubur el Bid | 16,946 | Jazira |
Al-Mansurah | المنصورة | ܡܢܨܘܪܗ | 16,158 | Tabqa[334] | ||
Al-Shaddadah | Şeddadê | الشدادي | ܫܕܐܕܝ | Şaddadi | 15,806 | Jazira |
Al-Muabbada | Girkê Legê | المعبدة | ܡܥܒܕܗ | Muabbada | 15,759 | Jazira |
Al-Kishkiyah | الكشكية | ܟܫܟܝܗ | 14,979 | Deir Ez-Zor | ||
Al-Sabaa wa Arbain | Seba û Erbîyn | السبعة وأربعين | ܣܒܥܗ ܘܐܪܒܥܝܢ | El Seba ve Arbayn | 14,177 | Jazira |
Rmelan | Rimêlan | رميلان | ܪܡܝܠܐܢ | Rimelan | 11,500 | Jazira |
Al-Baghuz Fawqani | Baxoz | الباغوز فوقاني | ܒܐܓܘܙ ܦܘܩܐܢܝ | 10,649 | Deir Ez-Zor |
Health
Healthcare is organized through the region's "Health and Environment Authority" and through sub-region and canton-level Health Committees.
External relations
Relations with the Syrian government
Currently, the relations of the region to the
The region does not state to pursue full independence but rather autonomy within a federal and democratic Syria.[41] In July 2016, Constituent Assembly co-chair Hediya Yousef formulated the region's approach towards Syria as follows:[citation needed]
We believe that a federal system is ideal form of governance for Syria. We see that in many parts of the world, a federal framework enables people to live peacefully and freely within territorial borders. The people of Syria can also live freely in Syria. We will not allow for Syria to be divided; all we want is the democratization of Syria; its citizens must live in peace, and enjoy and cherish the ethnic diversity of the national groups inhabiting the country.
In March 2015, the Syrian Information Minister announced that his government considered recognizing the Kurdish autonomy "within the law and constitution".[341] While the region's administration is not invited to the Geneva III peace talks on Syria,[342] or any of the earlier talks, Russia in particular calls for the region's inclusion and does to some degree carry the region's positions into the talks, as documented in Russia's May 2016 draft for a new constitution for Syria.[343] In October 2016, there were reports of a Russian initiative for federalization with a focus on northern Syria, which at its core called to turn the existing institutions of the region into legitimate institutions of Syria; also reported was its rejection for the time being by the Syrian government.[284] The Damascus ruling elite is split over the question whether the new model in the region can work in parallel and converge with the Syrian government, for the benefit of both, or if the agenda should be to centralize again all power at the end of the civil war, necessitating preparation for ultimate confrontation with the region's institutions.[344]
An analysis released in June 2017 described the region's "relationship with the regime fraught but functional" and a "semi-cooperative dynamic".[345] In late September 2017, Syria's Foreign Minister said that Damascus would consider granting Kurds more autonomy in the region once ISIL is defeated.[346]
On 13 October 2019, the SDF announced that it had reached an agreement with the Syrian Army which allowed the latter to enter the SDF-held cities of Manbij and Kobani in order to dissuade a Turkish attack on those cities as part of the cross-border offensive by Turkish and Turkish-backed Syrian rebels.[347] The Syrian Army also deployed in the north of Syria together with the SDF along the Syrian-Turkish border and entered into several SDF-held cities such as Ayn Issa and Tell Tamer.[348][349] Following the creation of the Second Northern Syria Buffer Zone the SDF stated that it was ready to merge with the Syrian Army if or when a political settlement between the Syrian government and the SDF is achieved.[350]
Kurdish issues
The region's dominant political party, the Democratic Union Party (PYD), is a member organisation of the Kurdistan Communities Union (KCK) organization; however, the other KCK member organisations in the neighbouring states (Turkey, Iran and Iraq) with Kurdish minorities are either outlawed (Turkish Kurdistan, Iranian Kurdistan) or politically marginal with respect to other Kurdish parties (Iraq). Expressions of sympathy for Syrian Kurds have been numerous among Kurds in Turkey.[351] During the Siege of Kobanî, some ethnic Kurdish citizens of Turkey crossed the border and volunteered in the defense of the town.[352][353]
The region's relationship with the
International relations
Aside of the representation offices the AANES has established in France, Sweden, Germany and Switzerland
In the diplomatic field, the de facto autonomous region lacks any formal recognition. While there is comprehensive activity of reception of the region's representatives
Neighbouring
On 9 October 2019, Turkey launched an
In December 2019, an international conference hosted by the International Alliance for the Defence of Rights and Freedoms (AIDL) was held at the European Parliament which condemned the Turkish invasion of northeastern Syria, and called for the self-declared Autonomous Administration of North East Syria to be recognized and to be included in UN-led Constitutional Committee tasked to draft a new constitution for Syria. The official position of the European Union remained the same however, that the Autonomous Administration should be "respected" and included in talks while rejecting "any recognition in the national sense of the word" and that "the territorial integrity of Syria is fundamental".[406][407]
Syrian Constitutional Committee
On 20 November 2019, a new Syrian Constitutional Committee began operating in order to discuss a new settlement and to draft a new constitution for Syria.[408] This committee comprises about 150 members. It includes representatives of the Syrian regime, opposition groups, and countries serving as guarantors of the process such as e.g. Russia. However, this committee has faced strong opposition from the Assad regime. 50 of the committee members represent the regime, and 50 members represent the opposition. The committee began its work in November 2019 in Geneva, under UN auspices. However, the Assad regime delegation left on the second day of the process.[408]
At a summit in October 2018, envoys from Russia, Turkey, France and Germany issued a joint statement affirming the need to respect territorial integrity of Syria as a whole. This forms one basis for their role as "guarantor nations."[408]
The second round of talks occurred around 25 November, but was not successful due to opposition from the Assad regime.[408] At the Astana Process meeting in December 2019, a UN official stated that in order for the third round of talks to proceed, co-chairs from the Assad regime and the opposition need to agree on an agenda.[408]
The committee has two co-chairs, Ahmad Kuzbari representing the Assad regime, and Hadi Albahra from the opposition. It is unclear if the third round of talks will proceed on a firm schedule, until the Assad regime provides its assent to participate.[408]
War crimes and criticism
Accusations of human rights violations, war crimes and ethnic cleansing have been made against the YPG since the beginning of the Syrian civil war, such as in the take-over of the border town of Tal Abyad from the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) and other operations.[28] Some of the accusations have come from Turkey and Turkish-backed Syrian militias and opposition groups in the region, while others have come from numerous human rights organizations, as well as Western and regional journalists.[409][410][411][412] Amnesty International have gone on fact-finding missions, stating that:
"By deliberately demolishing civilian homes, in some cases razing and burning entire villages, displacing their inhabitants with no justifiable military grounds, the Autonomous Administration is abusing its authority and brazenly flouting international humanitarian law, in attacks that amount to war crimes."
and:
"In its fight against IS, the Autonomous Administration appears to be trampling all over the rights of civilians who are caught in the middle. We saw extensive displacement and destruction that did not occur as a result of fighting. This report uncovers clear evidence of a deliberate, co-ordinated campaign of collective punishment of civilians in villages previously captured by IS, or where a small minority were suspected of supporting the group."[413]
In March 2017 the "United Nations Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Syria" was unable to find evidence to substantiate claims about ethnic cleansing, stating:
"Though allegations of ‘ethnic cleansing’ continued to be received during the period under review, the Commission found no evidence to substantiate claims that YPG or SDF forces ever targeted Arab communities on the basis of ethnicity, nor that YPG cantonal authorities systematically sought to change the demographic composition of territories under their control through the commission of violations directed against any particular ethnic group,"[414][415][416]
The region has also been criticized extensively by various partisan and non-partisan sides over political authoritarianism.[128] A KDP-S politician accused the PYD of delivering him to the Assad regime.[417]
It has also been criticized for banning journalists, media outlets and political parties that are critical of the YPG narrative in areas under its control.[418][419]
See also
Notes
- ^ The name "Rojava" ("The West") was initially used by the region's PYD-led government, before its usage was dropped in 2016.[8][9][10] Since then, the name is still used by locals and international observers.[11][12]
- ^ Sources:[42][43][44]
- ^ Sources:[46][47][48][23][49][50][51]
- ^ It is difficult to properly define early Kurds, as "Kurdish" was often used as a catch-all word for nomadic tribal groups west of Iran during antiquity and medieval times.[84]
- ^ Concerns over Turkish actions were expressed by US, Russian and Germany officials.[402][403][404][366]
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- ^ "Syrian rebels accuse Kurdish forces of 'ethnic cleansing' of Sunni Arabs". The Telegraph. Archived from the original on 17 April 2019. Retrieved 22 June 2015.
- ^ "Have the Syrian Kurds Committed War Crimes?". The Nation. 7 February 2017. Retrieved 14 February 2020.
- ^ "Kurds accused of "ethnic cleansing" by Syria rebels". cbsnews. 15 June 2015. Retrieved 22 June 2015.
- ^ "Syria: US ally's razing of villages amounts to war crimes". Amnesty.org. 13 October 2015.
- ^ "UN says no ethnic cleansing by Kurds in northern Syria". Koerdisch Instituut Brussel. 21 March 2017. Retrieved 3 March 2020.
- ^ "UN: YPG and SDF have not committed ethnic cleansing". Rudaw.net.
- ^ "A_HRC_34_CRP.3_E.docx". Ohchr.org. Retrieved 3 March 2020.
- ^ "Kurdish authorities handed over political prisoner to Syrian regime: Official". Kurdistan24.net. Retrieved 2 May 2020.
- ^ "Journalism in Rojava (II): Independent media between freedom and control". openDemocracy. Retrieved 2 May 2020.
- ^ Allsopp & van Wilgenburg (2019), pp. 99, 114.
Works cited
- Allsopp, Harriet; van Wilgenburg, Wladimir (2019). The Kurds of Northern Syria. Volume 2: Governance, Diversity and Conflicts. London; New York City; etc.: ISBN 978-1-8386-0445-5.
- Lister, Charles R. (2015). The Syrian Jihad: Al-Qaeda, the Islamic State and the Evolution of an Insurgency. Oxford: ISBN 9780190462475.
- ISBN 978-0-415-96691-7.
- Morton, Nicholas (2020). The Crusader States and their Neighbours: A Military History, 1099-1187. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0198824541.
- Retso, Jan (2003). The Arabs in Antiquity: Their History from the Assyrians to the Umayyads. London; New York City: ISBN 0-7007-1679-3.
- Sinclair, Christian; Kajjo, Sirwan (2013). "The Evolution of Kurdish Politics in Syria". In David A. McMurray; Amanda Ufheil-Somers (eds.). The Arab Revolts. Dispatches on Militant Democracy in the Middle East. ISBN 978-0-253-00975-3.
- Tejel, Jordi (2009). Syria's Kurds: History, Politics and Society. ISBN 978-0-415-42440-0.
- Vanly, Ismet Chériff (1992). "The Kurds in Syria and Lebanon". In Philip G. Kreyenbroek; Stefan Sperl (eds.). The Kurds: A Contemporary Overview. New York City, London: ISBN 978-0-415-96691-7.
- Zabad, Ibrahim (2017). Middle Eastern Minorities: The Impact of the Arab Spring. London; New York City: ISBN 978-1-472-47441-4.
External links
- The 2014 Constitution of the Rojava Cantons
- Resources on the Rojava revolution in West Kurdistan (Syria)
- 'Rojava Revolution' Reading Guide
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