Demography of the Roman Empire
Papyrus evidence from Roman Egypt suggests like other more recent and thus better documented pre-modern societies, the Roman Empire experienced high infant mortality, a low marriage age, and high fertility within marriage. Perhaps half of the Roman subjects died by the age of 10. Of those still alive at age 10, half would die by the age of 50.[1]
The Roman Empire's population has been estimated at between 59 and 76 million in the 1st and 2nd centuries,[1] peaking probably just before the Antonine Plague. Historian Kyle Harper provides an estimate of a population of 75 million and an average population density of about 20 people per square kilometre at its peak,[2] with unusually high urbanization. During the 1st and 2nd centuries CE, the population of the city of Rome is conventionally estimated at one million inhabitants. Historian Ian Morris estimates that no other city in Western Eurasia would have as many again until the 19th century.[3]
Due to migration, the ethnic composition of the city of Rome, Italy, and the empire as a whole went through substantial change during the early and later stages of the empire, with the migration divisible mainly into two separate periods: first during the
Background
For the lands around the
By comparison, what is now the territory of China experienced 0.1 percent annual growth from 1 CE to 1800 CE. After a population decline following the disintegration of the western half of the Roman state in the 5th and 6th centuries, Europe probably re-attained Roman-era population totals in the 12th and 13th centuries. Following another decline associated with the Black Death, it consistently exceeded them after the mid-15th century.[5]
There are no reliable surviving records for the general demography of the Roman Empire. There are also no detailed local records, such as underlie the demographic study of early modern Europe. Large numbers of impressionistic, moralizing, and anecdotal observations on demography survive from literary sources; they are of little use in the study of Roman demography, which tends to rely instead on conjecture and comparison rather than records and observations.[6]
Mortality
Life expectancy at birth in the Roman Empire is estimated at about 22–33 years.[7][notes 1] For the two-thirds to three-quarters of the population surviving the first year of life,[8] life expectancy at age 1 is estimated at around 34–41 remaining years (i.e. expected to live to age 35–42), while for the 55–65% surviving to age 5, life expectancy was around 40–45.[9] The ~50% that reached age 10 could expect to reach ~45–50,[8] and the 46–49% surviving to their mid-teens could on average expect to reach around 48–54,[9] although many lived much longer or shorter lives for varied reasons, including wars for males and childbirth for females. Even if these figures rely more on conjecture than ancient evidence, which is sparse and of dubious quality, the known social and economic conditions of the Roman Empire indicate life expectancy toward the usual lower bound of pre-modern populations. Roman demography bears comparison to available data for India and rural China in the early 20th century, where life expectancies at birth were also in the 20s.[10]
About 300 census returns filed in Egypt in the first three centuries CE survive. The classical scholar
As no population for which accurate observations survive has such a low life expectancy, model life tables must be used to understand this population's age demography. These models, based on historical data, describe typical populations at different levels of mortality. For his demographic synopsis of the Roman Empire, Frier used the Model West framework, which he sees as "the most generalized and widely applicable".[13] Because it is based on only one empirical input, the model life table can provide only a very approximate picture of Roman demography. On two important points, the table may seriously misrepresent the Roman situation: the structural relationship between juvenile and adult mortality, and the relative mortality rates across the sexes.[14] In any case, Roman mortality should be expected to have varied greatly across times, places, and perhaps classes.[15][notes 2] A variation of ten years would not have been unusual. A life expectancy range of between 20 and 30 years is therefore plausible,[17] although it may have been exceeded in either direction in marginal regions (e.g. malarious urban districts on one end and high-altitude, low-density settlements on the other).[12]
Model West, level 3: a possible life table for the Roman Empire | |||||||
Females | Males | ||||||
Age | Mortality | Cohort | Life expectancy | Mortality | Cohort | Life expectancy | |
0 | 0.3056 | 100,000 | 25.0 | 0.3517 | 100,000 | 22.8 | |
1 | 0.2158 | 69,444 | 34.9 | 0.2147 | 64,826 | 34.1 | |
5 | 0.0606 | 54,456 | 40.1 | 0.0563 | 50,906 | 39.0 | |
10 | 0.0474 | 51,156 | 37.5 | 0.0404 | 48,041 | 36.2 | |
15 | 0.0615 | 48,732 | 34.2 | 0.0547 | 46,099 | 32.6 | |
20 | 0.0766 | 45,734 | 31.3 | 0.0775 | 43,579 | 29.4 | |
25 | 0.0857 | 42,231 | 28.7 | 0.0868 | 40,201 | 26.6 | |
30 | 0.0965 | 38,614 | 26.1 | 0.1002 | 36,713 | 23.9 | |
35 | 0.1054 | 34,886 | 23.7 | 0.1168 | 33,035 | 21.3 | |
40 | 0.1123 | 31,208 | 21.1 | 0.1397 | 29,177 | 18.7 | |
45 | 0.1197 | 27,705 | 18.5 | 0.1597 | 25,101 | 16.4 | |
50 | 0.1529 | 24,389 | 15.6 | 0.1981 | 21,092 | 14.0 | |
55 | 0.1912 | 20,661 | 13.0 | 0.2354 | 16,915 | 11.8 | |
60 | 0.2715 | 16,712 | 10.4 | 0.3091 | 12,932 | 9.6 | |
65 | 0.3484 | 12,175 | 8.4 | 0.3921 | 8,936 | 7.7 | |
70 | 0.4713 | 7,934 | 6.5 | 0.5040 | 5,432 | 6.1 | |
75 | 0.6081 | 4,194 | 4.9 | 0.6495 | 2,694 | 4.6 | |
80 | 0.7349 | 1,644 | 3.6 | 0.7623 | 944 | 3.4 | |
85 | 0.8650 | 436 | 2.5 | 0.8814 | 225 | 2.4 | |
90 | 0.9513 | 59 | 1.8 | 0.9578 | 27 | 1.7 | |
95 | 1.0000 | 3 | 1.2 | 1.0000 | 1 | 1.2 | |
After Frier, "Demography", 789, table 1.[notes 3] |
The specifics of any ancient age distribution would have seen heavy variation under the impact of local conditions.
Mortality on this scale discourages investment in human capital, which hinders productivity growth (adolescent mortality rates in Rome were two-thirds higher than in early modern Britain), creates large numbers of dependent widows and orphans, and hinders long-term economic planning. With the prevalence of debilitating diseases, the number of effective working years was even worse: health-adjusted life expectancy (HALE), the number of years lived in good health, varies from life expectancy by no more than 8% in modern societies. In high-mortality societies, such as Rome, it could be as much as one-sixth (17%) beneath total life expectancy. A HALE of less than 20 years would have left the empire with very depressed levels of economic productivity.[21]
Fertility
To maintain replacement levels under such a mortality regime—much less to achieve sustained growth—fertility figures needed to be very high. With life expectancies of twenty to thirty, women would have to give birth to between 4.5 and 6.5 children to maintain replacement levels. Given elevated levels of divorce, widowhood, and sterility, the birth rate would have needed to be higher than that baseline, at around 6 to 9 children per woman.[22] Fertility could not long have either fallen below or outstripped replacement levels. A population which maintained an annual growth or decline of 0.7% would double or halve itself every century. Such rates are feasible locally or over a short period of time, and deaths could consistently outstrip births during epidemics; in the long term, convergence to maintenance levels was the rule.[23]
The surviving census returns from Roman Egypt show a population that had not yet undergone the fertility transition; artificial fertility controls like contraception and abortion were not widely used to alter natural fecundity in the Roman period. Only family limitation, in which couples ceased procreating after they had attained an acceptable level of children, could have been widespread.[24] There is no indication that even this limitation was widespread, and the recorded distribution shows no evidence of being governed by parity or maternal age.[25]
Marital fertility in Roman Egypt | ||||||
Age | Roman Egypt |
Natural fertility | ||||
Attested rates | Gompertz model | |||||
12–14 | 22 | 23 | 225 | |||
15–19 | 232 | 249 | 420 | |||
20–24 | 343 | 333 | 460 | |||
25–29 | 367 | 325 | 431 | |||
30–34 | 293 | 299 | 396 | |||
35–39 | 218 | 262 | 321 | |||
40–44 | 219 | 166 | 167 | |||
45–49 | 134 | 37 | 24 | |||
After Frier, "Natural fertility", 325, table 1.[notes 4] |
Imperial Rome largely conforms to what is known as the Mediterranean pattern of marital fertility: men married late and women married early.[27] The evidence on marriage age is fairly robust for Roman elites: men in the senatorial class were expected to marry in their early twenties, while women were expected to marry in their early teens. According to the most plausible interpretation of the evidence from funerary commemoration among the lower classes, women married in their late teens or early twenties, and men married in their late twenties or early thirties.[28]
The Roman pattern thus stands in contrast to the Eastern (i.e. East Asian) pattern, in which both men and women married young.[27] China, the major example of the Eastern pattern, also had lower levels of fertility than Rome. This was apparently achieved by a combination of prolonged breastfeeding, selective female infanticide, and male celibacy, although the details are controversial.[29] Roman families share some features of the Eastern pattern. For example, Roman Egypt had a custom of extended breastfeeding, which may have lengthened birth spacing. Egyptian fertility levels are comparable to those recorded in the early modern Japanese village Nakahara, where about half the population practiced family limitation. On the historian Walter Scheidel's judgment, this speaks to the incidence of family limitation even in what are supposedly natural fertility regimes.[30]
Roman and Greek literary and legal tradition makes frequent reference to the Eastern demographic features of infanticide and child exposure. Although the extent of these practices is unlikely to have been small, it is nonetheless impossible to quantify, and reported gender ratios do not permit judgment on the prevalence of femicide. These Eastern features did not prevail in medieval or modern Europe, where there were cultural and structural factors directly discouraging them or diminishing their effects on childhood mortality; these included among others religious doctrine, legal enforcement, institutions of foundling care, child labor, and wet-nursing. These constraints were weak or absent in Greek and Roman society.[31]
Migration
Genetic studies
Genetic studies have revealed that the Iron Age population of
Later, during the Empire, beginning with the Principate in 27 BC, there occurred a substantial Eastern migration into the city of Rome and its vicinity, producing a major shift in the ethnic composition, with the proportion of native European populations falling as low as 4%, while the Mediterranean component had risen to 24%. However, the largest change came from the addition of Eastern Mediterranean and Near Eastern peoples, comprising 68% of the Imperial samples, genetically resembling modern Levant, Anatolia, Cyprus, Greece and Malta.[32]
During
Burial names inscription analyses
Analyses of sepulchary inscriptions of names of buried people have corroborated the genetic evidence, and additionally shown that while foreign migration was greatest into the city of Rome itself, the native populations may have been reduced to minority throughout all of Italy.[34] Additionally, the analysis suggests that this migration has been primarily based on slave importation and not free immigrants. Over time, the slave population would come to comprise a considerable part of the citizenry due to both the liberal practice of slave manumission (giving them freedom) in ancient Rome, as well as a healthy fertility rate, possibly even higher than natives as revealed by sepulchral analysis.[34]
Contemporary accounts and attitude
There are not many contemporary statements about migration into Italy and Rome. Of the statements that have survived, most are either cautious or negative towards the inflow of foreigners, and may indicate the wide extent to which it occurred. For example, the historian
In the social commentary of the satirist and poet
Physical appearance
As regards to the data on the pigmentation of eyes, hair, and skin, the following results were obtained from the study on
Italic emigration into provinces
The geography of the Mediterranean made it fairly convenient for local migration to occur from village to village — especially as the successful dedication and expansion of new settlements required it.
Population
Modern estimates of the population of the Roman Empire started with the fundamental work of 19th-century historian
Estimate of the population of the Roman Empire | |||
Region | Area (1,000 km2) |
Mid-2nd century CE population (millions) |
Mid-2nd century CE density (per km2) |
---|---|---|---|
Greek peninsula[notes 8] | 160 | 3 | 19 |
Anatolia | 670 | 10 | 15 |
Greater Syria[notes 9] | 140 | 6 | 43 |
Egypt[notes 10] | 30 | 5 | 167 |
Greek East | 1,000 | 24 | 24.0 |
Britain | 160 | 2 | 13 |
Italy (w/ islands) | 310 | 14 | 45 |
North Africa | 420 | 8 | 19 |
Iberia | 590 | 9 | 15 |
Gaul and Germany | 680 | 12 | 18 |
Danube Region[notes 11] | 670 | 6 | 9 |
Latin West | 2,830 | 49 | 17.3 |
Roman Empire | 3,830 | 75 | 19.6 |
"Area" includes the client kingdoms taken over soon after 14 CE. After Harper (2017), page 31, table 2.1. |
Harper estimates the population at the time of Augustus at 60 million, a ninth more than Beloch's 1886 estimate, and suggests a population growth rate of 0.1% per year, reaching 75 million after nearly two centuries of growth.[2] Early 21st-century estimates suggest that slaves constituted about 15 percent of the Empire's total population; the proportionate figure would be much higher in Italy and much lower in Africa and Egypt.[50] Frier's estimate produces a population density of 13.6 inhabitants per square kilometer. The population density in the Greek East was 20.9/km2, twice as dense as the Latin West at 10.6/km2; only the Western provinces of Italy and Sicily had a density comparable to the East.[51]
Estimate of the population of the Roman Empire | ||||||
Region | Area (1,000 km2) |
14 CE population (millions) |
14 CE density (per km2) |
164 CE population (millions) |
164 CE density (per km2) |
Population increase (percent) |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Greek peninsula[notes 12] | 267 | 2.8 | 10.5 | 3.0 | 11.2 | 7.1 |
Anatolia | 547 | 8.2 | 15.0 | 9.2 | 16.8 | 12.2 |
Greater Syria[notes 9] | 109 | 4.3 | 39.4 | 4.8 | 44.0 | 11.6 |
Cyprus | 9.5 | 0.2 | 21.2 | 0.2 | 21.1 | – |
Egypt[notes 13] | 28 | 4.5 | 160.7 | 5.0 | 178.6 | 11.1 |
Libya[notes 14] | 15 | 0.4 | 26.7 | 0.6 | 40.0 | 50.0 |
Greek East | 975.5 | 20.4 | 20.9 | 22.9 | 23.5 | 12.3 |
Annexations | 0.2 | |||||
Greek East (with annexations) |
23.1 | |||||
Italy | 250 | 7.0 | 28.0 | 7.6 | 30.4 | 8.6 |
Sicily | 26 | 0.6 | 23.1 | 0.6 | 23.1 | – |
Sardinia and Corsica | 33 | 0.5 | 15.2 | 0.5 | 15.2 | – |
Maghreb[notes 15] | 400 | 3.5 | 8.8 | 6.5 | 16.3 | 85.7 |
Iberia | 590 | 5.0 | 8.5 | 7.5 | 12.7 | 50.0 |
Gaul and Germany | 635 | 5.8 | 9.1 | 9.0 | 14.2 | 55.2 |
Danube Region[notes 11] | 430 | 2.7 | 6.3 | 4.0 | 9.3 | 48.1 |
Latin West | 2,364 | 25.1 | 10.6 | 35.7 | 15.1 | 42.2 |
Annexations | 2.5 | |||||
Latin West (with annexations) |
38.2 | |||||
Roman Empire | 3,339.5 | 45.5 | 13.6 | 61.4 | 15.9 | 34.9 |
"Area" includes the client kingdoms taken over soon after 14 CE. After Frier, "Demography", 812, table 5, 814, table 6. |
Estimated distribution of citizenship in the Roman Empire[52] | ||||||
Region | Citizens (percent) |
Noncitizen residents (percent) |
Slaves (percent) | |||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Rome | 55 | 15 | 30 | |||
Italy | 70 | 5 | 25 | |||
Spain and Gaul | 10 | 70 | 20 | |||
Other Western Provinces | 3 | 80 | 17 | |||
Greece and Asia Minor | 3 | 70 | 27 | |||
North African Provinces | 2 | 70 | 28 | |||
Other Eastern Provinces | 1 | 80 | 19 |
There are few recorded population numbers for the whole of antiquity, and those that exist are often rhetorical or symbolic. Unlike modern nations, Roman citizenship was not granted automatically to inhabitants of Roman territory outside of the city of Rome and its hinterlands. By the 1st century BCE, citizenship was extended to the whole of the Italian peninsula, a region that only constituted 5% of the territory of the Roman Empire. In addition, Roman censuses only measured their adult citizen population, and it is unclear if and when women were counted as citizens as well. Most surviving Roman census return figures date from the late period of the Roman Republic and the Early Empire.
Population of Italy and the islands in 165 CE | ||||||
Population (millions) |
Area (1,000 km2) |
Density (per km2) | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Standard interpretation of the Augustan censuses |
8–9 | 310 | 26–29 | |||
Revised interpretation of the Augustan censuses |
12–13 | 310 | 39–42 | |||
After Scheidel, "Demography", p. 47, n. 42, 47. |
The enfranchisement of the
Earlier estimates
Beloch's 1886 estimate for the population of the empire during the reign of Augustus was as follows:[58]
Region | Population (in millions) |
---|---|
Total Empire | 54 |
European part | 23 |
Asian part | 19.5 |
North African part | 11.5 |
The historian J. C. Russell's 1958 estimate for the population of the empire in 350 CE was as follows:[59]
Region | Population (in millions) |
---|---|
Total Empire | 39.3 |
European part | 18.3 |
Asian part | 16 |
North African part | 5 |
Demographic studies have argued for a population peak ranging from 70 million (comparable to the contemporaneous and similarly sized
Urbanization
By the standards of pre-modern economies, the Roman Empire was highly urbanized. As of 2016, 1,388 urban sites had been identified in the Roman world dating from the late Republican and early Imperial periods.[61] At its peak, the city of Rome is widely thought to have contained at least a million inhabitants, a total not equaled again in Europe until the 19th century.[62] As the imperial capital, Rome was sustained by transfers in kind from throughout the empire; no other city could be sustained at this level. The other major cities in the empire, such as Alexandria, Antioch, Carthage, Ephesus, and Salona, had populations of over a hundred thousand, with Alexandria having a population estimated at half a million.[62]
Most of these 1,388 cities were small, usually possessing around 5,000 inhabitants. Of the 885 cities whose built-up area has been estimated, 405 cities (slightly less than half) have an area that suggests a population larger than 5,000 and approximately 8% (69 out of 885) of the sites have an area suggesting a population larger than 30,000. Extrapolation from a sample of 52 excavated sites has suggested an imperial urban population of 14 million in around 600 cities with over 5,000 inhabitants, a quarter or a fifth of modern estimates of the Empire's total population, a higher proportion than in Europe at the turn of the 19th century.[62]
High mortality rates and pre-modern sanitary conditions made urban regions net population sinks, with more local deaths than births. They could only be sustained by constant immigration.[63] The large cities provided a major stimulus to demand, and not only for agricultural products but for manufactured goods and luxury items as well.[64]
Earlier estimates
In 1958, Russell produced estimates for the urban population in Late Antiquity. These estimates, which are much lower than 21st-century estimates that refer to the Early Imperial period, are as follows:[59]
City | Population (thousands) |
Region |
---|---|---|
Rome | 350 | Italy |
Alexandria | 216 | Egypt |
Antioch | 90 | Syria |
Smyrna | 90 | Asia Minor |
Cádiz | 65 | Hispania |
Salona | 60 | Dalmatia |
Ephesus | 51 | Asia Minor |
Carthage | 50 | Africa |
Corinth | 50 | Greece |
Jerash | 40 | Jordan |
Apamea | 37 | Syria |
Capua | 36 | Italy |
Ancyra | 34 | Asia Minor |
Nicomedia | 34 | Asia Minor |
Oxyrhyncus | 34 | Egypt |
Memphis | 34 | Egypt |
Damascus | 31 | Syria |
Bostra | 30 | Syria |
Athens | 28 | Greece |
Tarragona | 27 | Hispania |
Cyzicus | 24 | Asia Minor |
Hermopolis | 24 | Egypt |
Pergamum | 24 | Asia Minor |
Mytilene | 23 | Asia Minor |
Arsinoe | 20 | Egypt |
Córdoba | 20 | Hispania |
Cirta | 20 | Africa |
Hadrumetum | 20 | Africa |
Pisa | 20 | Italy |
Rusicade | 20 | Africa |
Tyre | 20 | Syria |
Catania | 18 | Italy |
Nicaea | 18 | Asia Minor |
Antiochia | 17 | Asia Minor |
Antinoe | 16 | Egypt |
Sicca V. | 16 | Africa |
Mérida | 15 | Hispania |
Miletus | 15 | Asia Minor |
Naples | 15 | Italy |
Heliopolis | 14 | Egypt |
Baalbek | 13.5 | Syria |
Thugga | 13 | Africa |
Isaura | 12 | Asia Minor |
Sidon | 12 | Syria |
Bologna | 10 | Italy |
Cartagena | 10 | Hispania |
Hippo Regis | 10 | Africa |
Jerusalem | 10 | Syria |
Lambraesis | 10 | Africa |
Pamplona | 10 | Hispania |
Thysdrus | 10 | Africa |
Trebizond | 10 | Asia Minor |
See also
Notes
- ^ For the literature about estimates, see Hall & Kotre (1997, pp. 47–49),Wolf (2005, p. 97), Carrieri & Serraino (2005), Hübner & Ratzan (2006, p. 2), Flower (2014, p. 105), Scheidel (2017, p. 29): "25–30", and Ryan (2021, p. 44).
- ^ Frier elsewhere quotes material to the effect that cross-class variation in life expectancy in high mortality societies is small.[16]
- ^ Mortality is a function predicting the likelihood that a person aged exactly (x) will die before the next indicated interval; cohort lists the number of survivors to exact age (x).[15]
- ^ The Gompertz figures are obtained using linear regression on the census figures to create a relational fertility model, producing a probable schedule of true fertility rates. The model uses two values, α and β, that determine the model's relationship to a standard of early marriage and natural fertility. For this dataset, α, which indicates variation from median age of marital maternity, is −0.05, and β, which indicates the degree of fertility concentration, is 0.80. As the standard figure for β is 1.0, the dataset for Roman Egypt shows a wider spread of childbearing than is typical of the standard.[26]
- ^ Suetonius wrote:
He was chary of conferring Roman citizenship, thinking it vital to keep the race pure and untainted by foreign or slave blood, and to the latter end setting a limit to manumission. ... thereby making it difficult for slaves to win their freedom, let alone rights of citizenship, he also decreed that no slave who had ever been in irons or subject to torture could acquire citizenship, regardless of the manner of his freedom.[36]
- ^ Seneca wrote:
Of this crowd the greater part have no country; from their own free towns and colonies, in a word, from the whole globe, they are congregated. Some are brought by ambition, some by the call of public duty, or by reason of some mission, others by luxury which seeks a harbor rich and commodious for vices, others by the eager pursuit of liberal studies, others by shows, etc.[35]
- ^ Two quotes from Satires III exemplify this. The first says:
... while every land,
Sicyon, and Amydos, and Alaband,
Tralles, and Samos, and a thousand more,
Thrive on his indolence, and daily pour
Their starving myriads forth: hither they come,
And batten on the genial soil of Rome.[34]
The second reads:
That race most acceptable now to our wealthy Romans,
That race I principally wish to flee, I'll swiftly reveal,
And without embarrassment. My friends, I can't stand
A Rome full of Greeks, yet few of the dregs are Greek!
For the Syrian Orontes has long since polluted the Tiber,
Bringing its language and customs, pipes and harp-strings,
And even their native timbrels are dragged along too,
And the girls forced to offer themselves in the Circus.[34]
- ^ a b It is defined to include the modern territories of Lebanon, Israel, and Palestine, as well as approximately the western half of Syria (i.e. the coastal Levant).[50]
- ^ The area figure is only the narrow strip of land along the Nile and its delta, not the vast deserts of Egypt.[50]
- ^ a b It refers to areas generally south of the river Danube. This includes the Roman provinces of Raetia, Noricum, Pannonia Superior, Pannonia Inferior, Illyricum (or Dalmatia), and Moesia (Superior and Inferior), as well as parts of modern Switzerland, southern Germany and Austria, western Hungary, Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia, Montenegro, central Serbia, and northern Bulgaria.[50]
- ^ The area figure is only the narrow strip of land along the Nile and its delta, not the vast deserts of Egypt.[50]
- ^ It refers only to the coastal area of Cyrenaica.[50]
- ^ It refers to the coastal area of North Africa, i.e. Northern areas of Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, and most of coastal Libya (except Cyrenaica).[50]
References
- ^ a b Scheidel 2007.
- ^ a b c d Harper 2017, pp. 30–31.
- ^ Morris 2013.
- ^ Scheidel 2007, pp. 42–43.
- ^ a b Scheidel 2007, p. 43.
- ^ Frier 2000, p. 787; Scheidel 2007, p. 42.
- ^ Saller 1997, pp. 22–25; Boatwright 2021, p. 87.
- ^ a b Boatwright 2021, p. 87.
- ^ a b Saller 1997, pp. 22–25.
- ^ Frier 2000, p. 788
- ^ Scheidel 2007, pp. 38–39.
- ^ a b c Scheidel 2007, p. 39.
- ^ Frier 2000, p. 788. On this model, Frier cites A. J. Coale and P. Demeny, Regional Model Life Tables and Stable Populations, 2nd ed. (Princeton, 1983).
- ^ Frier 2000, p. 789; Scheidel 2001. Scheidel 2001 provides extensive criticism.
- ^ a b Frier 2000, p. 789.
- ^ Frier 1982, p. 228.
- ^ Frier 2000, p. 789; Scheidel 2007, p. 39.
- ^ Scheidel 2001, p. 8.
- ^ Scheidel 2001, pp. 6–7.
- ^ Scheidel 2007, p. 40.
- ^ Scheidel 2007, pp. 40–41.
- ^ Scheidel 2007, p. 41.
- ^ Scheidel 2007, pp. 41–42.
- ^ Frier 1994, pp. 318–326; Scheidel 2007, pp. 66–67.
- ^ Scheidel 2007, p. 67.
- ^ Frier 1994, pp. 325–326.
- ^ a b Scheidel 2007, p. 68.
- ^ Saller 2007, p. 90.
- ^ Scheidel 2007, pp. 68–69.
- ^ Scheidel 2007, p. 69.
- ^ Scheidel 2007, pp. 69–70.
- ^ a b c Aikens et al. 2019.
- ^ Raveane et al. 2019.
- ^ a b c d e Frank 1916.
- ^ a b c Friedman 1998.
- ^ Suetonius.
- ^ Tacitus.
- ^ Frank 1923, p. 567.
- ^ Malloch 2020.
- ^ Alessandri et al. 2021.
- ^ Scheidel 2007, pp. 49–50.
- ^ Scheidel 2007, p. 49–50, 64. The n. 114 cites P. A. Brunt, Italian Manpower 225 B.C.–A.D. 14 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987), p. 263.
- ^ Southern 2006.
- ^ Campbell 1994, p. 9.
- ^ Abun-Nasr 1977, pp. 35–37.
- ^ Frier 2000, p. 811; Maddison 2007, pp. 32–33.
- ^ Maddison 2007, p. 33.
- ^ a b Frier 2000, p. 811. See also n. 95, 97.
- ^ Harper 2017, p. 31.
- ^ a b c d e f g h Frier 2000, p. 812. See also table 5.
- ^ Frier 2000, pp. 811–812.
- ^ Goldhill 2006.
- ^ Scheidel 2007, p. 42.
- ^ a b c Scheidel 2007, p. 45. See also n. 45. Augustan census figures are recorded in the Res Gestae 8.
- ^ Lo Cascio 1994, pp. 23–40.
- ^ Maddison 2007, p. 33; Scheidel 2007, p. 47. See also n. 42, 47.
- ^ Scheidel 2007, p. 47.
- ^ Beloch 1886; Russell 1958.
- ^ a b Russell 1958.
- ^ Scheidel 2006, p. 9.
- ^ Hanson 2016.
- ^ a b c Hanson 2016; Hanson & Ortman 2017.
- ^ Frier 2000, p. 813.
- ^ Kehoe 2007, p. 543.
Sources
Ancient sources
- The Annals. Loeb Classical Library. Vol. 1–4. Translated by Jackson, John. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. 1931–1937. Retrieved 31 December 2023 – via University of Chicago's LacusCurtius. For relevant passages, see Tacitus. Annals. Book 13, chapter 27. Retrieved 31 December 2023 – via Tufts University's Perseus Digital Library.
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: location (link)
- The Annals. Loeb Classical Library. Vol. 1–4. Translated by Jackson, John. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. 1931–1937. Retrieved 31 December 2023 – via University of Chicago's LacusCurtius. For relevant passages, see Tacitus. Annals. Book 13, chapter 27. Retrieved 31 December 2023 – via Tufts University's Perseus Digital Library.
- The Civil Law. Vol. 1–17. Translated by Scott, Samuel Parsons Scott. Cincinnati: Central Trust Company. 1932. Retrieved 31 December 2023 – via Constitution Society. See in particular the Digest (Pandects) III–L volumes.
{{cite book}}
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- The Civil Law. Vol. 1–17. Translated by Scott, Samuel Parsons Scott. Cincinnati: Central Trust Company. 1932. Retrieved 31 December 2023 – via Constitution Society. See in particular the Digest (Pandects) III–L volumes.
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Further reading
- Bondioli, Luca; Garnsey, Peter; Knyf, Martin; MacChiarelli, Roberto; Prowse, Tracy L.; Schwarcz, Henry P. (2007). "Isotopic Evidence for Age-Related Immigration to Imperial Rome". American Journal of Physical Anthropology. 132 (4): 510–519. PMID 17205550.
- Killgrove, Kristina; Montgomery, Janet (2016). "All Roads Lead to Rome: Exploring Human Migration to the Eternal City through Biochemistry of Skeletons from Two Imperial-Era Cemeteries (1st–3rd c AD)". PLOS ONE. 11 (2): e0147585. PMID 26863610.