Don Dunstan
South Australian Parliament for Norwood | |
---|---|
In office 7 March 1953 – 10 March 1979 | |
Preceded by | Roy Moir |
Succeeded by | Greg Crafter |
Personal details | |
Born | Labor | 21 September 1926
Spouses | Gretel Elsasser
(m. 1949; div. 1974)Adele Koh
(m. 1976; died 1978) |
Domestic partner(s) | Steven Cheng (1986–1999) |
Children | 3 |
Donald Allan Dunstan
In the late 1950s, Dunstan became well known for his campaign against the
Dunstan's socially
At the same time, there were also problems; the economy began to stagnate, and the large increases to burgeoning public service generated claims of waste. One of Dunstan's pet projects, a plan to build a new city at Monarto to alleviate urban pressures in Adelaide, was abandoned when economic and population growth stalled, with much money and planning already invested. After four consecutive election wins, Dunstan's administration began to falter in 1978 following his dismissal of Police Commissioner Harold Salisbury, as controversy broke out over whether he had improperly interfered with a judicial investigation. In addition, policy problems and unemployment began to mount, as well as unsubstantiated rumours of corruption and personal impropriety. The strain on Dunstan was increased by the death of his wife. His resignation from the premiership and politics in 1979 was abrupt after collapsing due to ill health, but he lived for another 20 years, remaining a vocal and outspoken campaigner for progressive social policy.
Early life and education
Donald Allan Dunstan was born on 21 September 1926 in
He won a scholarship in classical studies and attended St Peter's College, a traditional private school for the sons of the Adelaide establishment. He developed public speaking and acting skills, winning the college's public speaking prize for two consecutive years.[5] In 1943, he portrayed the title role in a production of John Drinkwater's play Abraham Lincoln, and according to the school magazine, he "was the chief contributor to the success of the occasion".[6] His academic strengths were in classical history and languages, and he disliked mathematics.[5] He gained a reputation as a maverick. During this time, Dunstan did not board and lived in the seaside suburb of Glenelg with relatives.[4] Dunstan completed his secondary schooling in 1943, ranking in the top 30 overall in the statewide matriculation examinations.[6]
In his youth, influenced by his uncle, former Liberal
His political awakening happened during his university years. Studying law and arts at the University of Adelaide,[5] he became very active, joining the University Socialist Club, the Fabian Society, the Student Representative Council, as well as the Theatre Group. A two-week stint in the Communist Party was followed by membership in the Australian Labor Party.[10]
Dunstan was markedly different from the general membership of the Labor Party of the time; upon applying for membership at
After Dunstan graduated, he moved with his wife to Fiji where he was admitted to the bar and began his career as a lawyer.[4] They returned to Adelaide in 1951 and settled in George Street, Norwood, taking in boarders as a source of extra income.[4][12]
Political beginnings
Dunstan was nominated as the Labor candidate for the
Dunstan was to become the most vocal opponent of the LCL Government of
In 1954, the LCL introduced the Government Electoral Bill, which was designed to further accentuate the undue weight favouring rural voters. During the debate, Dunstan decried this "immoral Bill ... I cannot separate it from the motives of those who put it forward. Since it is immoral, so are they."[18] Such language, unusually aggressive by the prevailing standards, resulted in Dunstan's removal from the parliamentary chambers after he refused a request from the Speaker to retract his remark. The first parliamentarian to be expelled in years, Dunstan found himself on the front pages of newspapers for the first time.[18] Nevertheless, he was not able to build up much of a profile in his first few years as The Advertiser, the dominant newspaper in the city, had a policy of ignoring the young politician's activities—its editor Lloyd Dumas was the father of one of Dunstan's first girlfriends.[19]
Max Stuart trial
In December 1958 there occurred an event that initially had nothing to do with Playford, but eventually intensified into a debacle regarded as a turning point in his premiership and marked the end of his rule. Dunstan was prominent in pressuring Playford during this time.[20]
A young girl was found raped and murdered, and
When Playford and the Executive Council decided not to reprieve Stuart, an appeal to the Privy Council was made to stall the execution.[25] Spearheaded by Dunstan, Labor then tried to introduce legislation to stall the hanging.[26] Amid hue and cry, Playford started a Royal Commission to review the case. However, two of the commissioners had already been involved in the trial and one of the appeals.[27] This provoked worldwide controversy with claims of bias from Dunstan and Labor, who also attacked Playford for what they regarded as a too-restrictive scope of inquiry.[28]
The Royal Commission began its work and the proceedings were followed closely and eagerly debated by the public. As Playford did not commute Stuart's sentence, Dunstan introduced a bill to abolish capital punishment. The vote was split along party lines and was thus defeated, but Dunstan used the opportunity to attack the Playmander with much effect in the media, portraying the failed legislation as an unjust triumph of a malapportioned minority who had a vengeance mentality over an electorally repressed majority who wanted a humane outcome.[29]
Amid the continuing uproar, Playford decided to grant clemency.[30] The Royal Commission concluded that the guilty verdict was sound. Although a majority of those who spoke out against the handling of the matter (including Dunstan) thought Stuart was probably guilty,[31] the events provoked heated and bitter debate in South Australian society and destabilised Playford's administration,[32] while bringing much publicity to Dunstan.[33]
From 1959 onwards, the LCL government clung to power with the support of two independents, as Labor gained momentum. Always at the forefront, Dunstan lambasted the government for perceived underspending on social welfare, education, health and the arts.[34] Dunstan heavily promoted himself as a reformer.[4]
In 1960, Dunstan became president of the State Labor Party. The year also saw the death of Opposition Leader Mick O'Halloran and his replacement by Frank Walsh. Dunstan attempted to win the position of Opposition Leader and, failing that, Deputy Leader. However, the Labor caucus was sceptical of his age and inexperience, and he failed to gain either position, albeit narrowly.[35][36]
Ascent to power
Federally, Dunstan, together with fellow Australian Fabian Society member Gough Whitlam, set about removing the White Australia policy from the Labor platform. The older trade-unionist-based members of the Labor Party vehemently opposed changing the status quo. However, the "New Guard" of the party, of which Dunstan was a part, were determined to bring about its end. Attempts in 1959 and 1961 failed, with Labor leader Arthur Calwell stating, "It would ruin the Party if we altered the immigration policy ... it was only cranks, long hairs, academics and do-gooders who wanted the change." However, Dunstan persisted in his efforts, and in 1965 it was removed from the Labor platform at their national conference; Dunstan personally took credit for the change.[2] Whitlam later brought about the comprehensive end of the White Australia policy in 1973 as Prime Minister of Australia.[37][38][39]
Dunstan pursued similar reforms with respect to Indigenous Australians. In 1962, the Aboriginal Affairs Bill was introduced to liberalise constraints that had been placed on Indigenous Australians in the past and had effectively resulted in segregation. The initial proposal still retained some restrictions, placing more controls over full-blooded Aboriginal people. Dunstan was prominent in Labor's opposition to the double standards,[40] and called for abolition of race-based restrictions, saying that social objectives could be achieved without explicit colour-based schemes.[40] He was successful in forcing amendments to liberalise controls on property and the confinement of Indigenous Australians to Aboriginal reserves. However, his attempt to remove the different standards required of part and full-blooded Aboriginal people failed, as did his proposal to ensure that at least half of the members of the Aboriginal Affairs Board be Indigenous Australians.[41] Despite the passage of the bill, restrictions remained in place and Dunstan questioned the policy of assimilation of Aboriginal people, which he saw as the diluting of their distinctive cultures.[42]
Labor won the seats of
The Walsh Government implemented significant reform in its term of office.[47] Liquor, gambling and entertainment laws were overhauled and liberalised,[48] social welfare was gradually expanded and Aboriginal reserves were created. Strong restrictions on Aboriginal access to liquor were lifted.[49] Women's working rights were granted under the mantra of "equal pay for work of equal value", and racial discrimination legislation was enacted. Town planning was codified in law,[47][50] and the State Planning Authority was created to oversee development.[43] Workers were given more rights and the bureaucracy of the education department was liberalised.[43] Much of the reform was not necessarily radical and was primarily to "fill the gaps" that the previous LCL government had left.[51] Despite a consistently higher statewide vote, Labor were consistently outnumbered 16–4 in the Legislative Council,[44] so some desired legislation did not make it through.[49] In 1965, the legislature convened for 65 days, the most for 34 years, but many bills were still yet to be debated.[45]
Many bills were watered down,[49] but due to lack of public interest, outcry was minimal. In particular, the council blocked electoral reform legislation, paving the way for a probable LCL win at the next election.[52] Such was Dunstan's pre-eminence during his term as Attorney-General that the cabinet was often called the "Dunstan Ministry".[45][51]
An economic depression had begun in South Australia after the Labor government gained office in 1965; unemployment went from the lowest in the country to the second highest, while immigration levels dropped.[53] Labor was not responsible for the depression, although it initially did little to alleviate it. The Liberals seized on this opportunity, blaming it on "twelve months of Socialist administration in South Australia"[53] and branding it the "Dunstan Depression".[53]
In the
Dunstan's first Premiership was eventful, with a steady stream of reform and attempts to end the depression. The latter half of 1967 saw the beginnings of a slight recovery, with unemployment dipping and industrial capacity steadying. The 1967–68 budget ran into deficit, allocating funds to energise the economic engine whilst Dunstan lambasted the Federal Government for neglecting the South Australian economy, demanding it take a degree of responsibility for its ills.[56]
Elections 1968–1970
In preparation for the 1968 election, Labor campaigned heavily around its leader, and this resonated with voters; in surveys conducted in parts of the metropolitan area, 84% of respondents declared their approval of Dunstan.[57] In a presidential-style election campaign, Hall and Dunstan journeyed across the state advocating their platforms, and the major issues were the leaders, the Playmander and the economy.[58] Television saw its first major use in the election, and Dunstan, an astute public speaker, successfully mastered it.[59] With his upbeat style, Dunstan also made an impact in the print media, which had long been a bastion of the LCL.[58] Despite winning a 52% majority of the primary vote, and 54% of the two-party preferred count,[58] Labor lost two seats, resulting in a hung parliament: the LCL and Labor each had 19 seats. Had 21 votes in the rural seat of Murray gone the other way, Labor would have retained power. The balance of power rested with the chamber's lone independent, Tom Stott, who was offered the speakership by the LCL in return for his support on the Assembly floor.[58] Stott, a conservative, agreed to support the LCL.[4][58][60][61]
There was a degree of speculation in the press that Dunstan would call for a new election because of the adverse outcome. However, Dunstan realised the futility of such a move and instead sought to humiliate the LCL into bringing an end to malapportionment. Although Stott's decision to support the LCL ended any realistic chance of Dunstan remaining premier, Dunstan did not immediately resign his commission, intending to force Hall and the LCL to demonstrate that they had support on the floor of the Assembly when it reconvened. He used the six weeks before the start of the new legislature to draw attention to malapportionment.
On 16 April, the first day of the new House's sitting, Dunstan lost a confidence vote. With it now clear that the LCL had control of the House, Dunstan tendered his resignation to Governor Edric Bastyan.[63][64] Hall was then sworn in as premier. However, the six weeks of protesting had brought nationwide criticism of the unfairness of the electoral system and put more pressure on the LCL to relent to reforms; it has been seen as one of the most important political events of its time.[63]
With the end of Playford's tenure, the LCL had brought younger, more progressive members into its ranks. The Hall Government continued many of the social reforms the Walsh/Dunstan governments had initiated; most of these at the instigation of Hall or his Attorney-General, Robin Millhouse. Abortion was partially legalised,[65] and planning for the Festival Centre began.[66] The conservative and rural factions of the League, notably in the Legislative Council dominated by the landed gentry, were bitterly opposed to some reforms, and more than once Hall was forced to rely on Labor support to see bills passed. The LCL began to break apart; what had once been a united party was now factionalised into four distinct groups across the political spectrum.[63][67] The economy of South Australia began to pick up under Hall, returning to full employment.[68] During the term in opposition, Des Corcoran became Dunstan's deputy, and the pair worked together well despite any rift that may have been caused by the struggle to succeed Walsh.[63]
Hall was embarrassed that the LCL was in a position to win government despite having clearly lost the first-preference vote, and was committed to a fairer electoral system. Soon after taking office, he enacted a complete overhaul of the electoral system. While they fell short of "
Stott withdrew support in 1970 over the Chowilla Dam, a dispute over the location of a dam on the Murray River,[70] and South Australia went to the polls.[70] The dam controversy was not much of an election issue, and attempts by the Democratic Labor Party to portray Dunstan as a communist over his opposition to ongoing Australian support for South Vietnam had little effect.[70] The LCL campaigned heavily on Hall, while Dunstan promised sweeping social reform, artistic transformation and more community services. He said "We'll set a new standard of social advancement that the whole of Australia will envy. We believe South Australia can set the pace. It can happen here. We can do it."[71] Dunstan won the 1970 South Australian state election easily, taking 27 seats compared with the LCL's 20.[72] Although the share of the votes had been similar to 1968, the dilution of the Playmander had changed the share of the seats. As Labor had attained a majority of the popular vote for a long period, and because malapportionment had been largely ended, the political scientists Neal Blewett and Dean Jaensch said: "A Dunstan decade seems assured."[73]
Dunstan decade
Dunstan wasted no time in organising his new ministry. He served as his own Treasurer, and took several other portfolios for himself.[4] Deputy Premier Des Corcoran took on most infrastructure portfolios: Marine and Harbours, and Public Works. Corcoran became the face of the Dunstan ministry in its relationship with the Labor caucus, with his ability to use his strong manner to settle disputes.[74] Bert Shard became Health Minister, overseeing the construction and planning of new, major public hospitals: the Flinders Medical Centre and Modbury Hospital.[75] Hugh Hudson took on the Education portfolio, an important role in a government that was determined to bring about profound change to the South Australian education system.[76] Geoff Virgo, the new Transport Minister, was to deal with the Metropolitan Adelaide Transport Study (MATS) plans.[77] Len King was made Attorney-General and Aboriginal Affairs Minister despite being a new member of parliament.[73] Dunstan formed a strong circle of loyal ministers around him, in a style radically different from his predecessors.[75][78]
Soon after the election, Dunstan travelled to Canberra for the annual Premiers' Conference as the sole Labor premier. His Government, on a mandate to dramatically increase funding in key areas, sought to appropriate further finances from the Federal Government. This brought Dunstan into conflict with Prime Minister John Gorton, and federal funding to SA was not increased. An appeal was made to the Federal Grants Commission, and Dunstan was awarded more than he had hoped for. In addition to the money received from the Grants Commission, funds were diverted from water-storage schemes in the Adelaide Hills over the advice of engineers, and cash reserves were withdrawn from the two government-owned banks. The monies were subsequently used to finance health, education and arts schemes.[79]
On the death in office of Governor Sir James Harrison in 1971, Dunstan finally had the opportunity to put forward a nominee for governor of his own choosing to HM Queen Elizabeth II (and by extension the British Foreign Office[80] which still technically oversaw the appointment process of Australian state governors until the Australia Act 1986): Sir Mark Oliphant, a physicist who had worked on the Manhattan Project.[81][82][83] Dunstan had never been happy that governors were usually British ex-servicemen and it was a personal goal of his to see an active and notable South Australian take on the role; Sir Mark Oliphant was uneventfully sworn in.[84] Although the post is mostly ceremonial (with the exception of constitutional responsibilities), Oliphant brought energy to the role and he used his stature to decry damage to the environment caused by deforestation, excessive open-cut mining and pollution.[85] Oliphant's tenure was successful and held in high regard, although he did come into conflict with the premier at times as both men were outspoken and strong-willed.[82]
In 1972, the first major developments in regard to the state's population growth occurred. Adelaide's population was set to increase to 1.3 million
From 1970 to 1973, much legislation passed through the South Australian Parliament. Workers saw increases in welfare,
Having played a part in Labor's abandonment of the White Australia Policy at national level, Dunstan was also prominent in promoting
Having been vocal in criticising Playford for sacrificing heritage to the march of development, Dunstan was prominent in protecting historic buildings from being bulldozed for high-rise office blocks. In 1972, the government intervened to purchase and thereby save Edmund Wright House on King William Street from being replaced with a skyscraper. In 1975, the Customs House at
In pursuit of economic links with the nations of
Over a six-year period, government funding for the arts was increased by a factor of seven and in 1978, the South Australian Film Corporation commenced work. During Dunstan's time in charge, acclaimed films such as Breaker Morant, Picnic at Hanging Rock and Storm Boy were made in the state.[102] Dunstan's support of the arts and fine dining was credited by commentators with attracting artists, craftspeople and writers into the state,[103] helping to change its atmosphere.
The Legislative Council, the upper house of Parliament, was, due to its limited electoral roll, overwhelmingly non-Labor.[104] Unlike the Lower House, its members were elected only by voters who met certain property and wealth requirements.[105] Combined with the remains of the "Playmander" malapportionment,[106] it was difficult for the Labor Party to achieve the representation it wished. The Legislative Council either watered down or outright rejected a considerable amount of Labor legislation;[73] bills to legalise homosexuality, abolish corporal and capital punishment and allow gambling and casinos were rejected.[73][107] A referendum had indicated support for Friday night shopping, but Labor legislation was blocked in the upper house by the LCL.[94]
Dunstan called an
Dunstan saw reform of the Legislative Council as an important goal, and later a prime achievement, of his Government. Labor, as a matter of party policy, wanted to see the Legislative Council abolished.[113] Dunstan, seeing this as unfeasible in his term, set about to reform it instead. Two bills were prepared for Legislative Council reform; one to lower the voting age to 18 and introduce universal suffrage, and another to make councillors elected from a single statewide electorate under a system of proportional representation. The LCL initially blocked both bills, stating that it would accept them only if modifications were made to the second one. Changes were conceded; unlike the House of Assembly, voting would not be compulsory and the preference system was to be slightly altered. Once the amendments were made, the legislation was passed.[114]
During his second term, Dunstan started efforts to build a petrochemical complex at Redcliff, near
Prior to the 1975 federal and state elections, Australia, and South Australia in particular, had been hit by a series of economic problems. The 1973 oil crisis had massively increased the cost of living, domestic industry began to erode due to a lack of cost-competitiveness, and government funds were waning. In response, the Dunstan Government sold loss-making railways to the Commonwealth and brought in new taxes to allow wage rises. The changes had unexpected consequences: inflation, already high, increased markedly, and workers were still displeased with wages. The LCL, now known as the Liberal Party, had rebuilt after internal schism and had modernised to make themselves more appealing to the public.[115] Having called an early election, Dunstan appealed to the electorate and pushed blame onto the Whitlam Government for South Australia's problems. In a television address just days before the election, he said: "My Government is being smeared and it hurts. They want you to think we are to blame for Canberra's mistakes. The vote on Saturday is not for Canberra, not for Australia, but for South Australia."[117]
Labor remained the largest party in Parliament, but lost the two-party preferred vote at 49.2% and saw its numbers decrease from 26 to 23. The LCL held 20 seats, the
Dunstan continued to try to push through further legislation; he sought to expand on the Hall Government's electoral-boundaries reform,
One famous demonstration of Dunstan's charismatic style and media savvy came in January 1976. A psychic predicted that, due to Dunstan and the state's social liberalisation – which he saw as sinful[124] – God would destroy Adelaide with a tsunami caused by an earthquake.[124] This was publicised by the media, prompting a not insignificant number of residents to sell their property and leave; some businesses had clearance sales while many who decided to stay indulged in doomsday parties.[124] Dunstan promised to stand on the seashore at Glenelg and wait for the imminent destruction. He did so on 20 January, the day of the predicted storm, and nothing happened, although he made newspaper headlines in the United Kingdom for his defiance.[124][125]
In 1976, the Dunstan Government stepped up its legislative efforts. Some bills, such as the one to remove the
After Oliphant's term had expired, Dunstan appointed the first Indigenous Australian Governor,
Dunstan broke new ground in Australian politics with his policies on
Dunstan called another snap election in September at the
Salisbury affair and departure from office
Since 1949, there had been a "Special Branch" within the
However, Peter Ward, a journalist and former Dunstan staffer, published a story about the files.[130] An inquiry was conducted into the Special Branch by Justice White of the Supreme Court of South Australia, and the report was placed in Dunstan's hands on 21 December 1977.[140] It said the dossiers did exist and that they were "scandalously inaccurate, irrelevant to security purposes and outrageously unfair to hundreds, perhaps thousands, of loyal and worthy citizens".[137] The report also noted that the files overwhelmingly focused on left-wing politicians and activists, and that Dunstan had been misled by the Police Commissioner, Harold Salisbury.[137] After reviewing the findings, Dunstan sacked Salisbury in January and threatened to make the report public.[137]
However, controversy erupted regarding the inquiry and Dunstan's subsequent actions because Salisbury had a reputation as a man of integrity. Ward claimed that Dunstan had known about the true contents of the files for several years. A
There were initially no other major controversies for Dunstan, although the economy remained poor and the Redcliff complex was still in limbo, because an agreement with Dow was still to be finalised. The financial difficulties forced a freeze on public sector expansion and hospital developments, and there were claims of theft and mismanagement in the health system. However, the Liberal opposition was in a disorganised state and unpopular, so they were not able to pressure Dunstan effectively.[145]
Towards the end of the year, political and media scrutiny of Dunstan began to grow, and he became uneasy in his dealings with the press. Soon after the Salisbury dismissal, he walked out of a stormy media conference after refusing to be drawn on the rumoured sacking of Seaman from the gubernatorial role.[146] Increasing innuendo about Dunstan's private life, and allegations of corruption and economic mismanagement were worsened by Dunstan's self-righteous tendencies. The premier angrily denied claims that he was using government funds to build an opulent residence in Malaysia, as well as claims about his sexual lifestyle.[147] He pre-emptively called a press conference on one occasion to denounce what he called "idiot rumours" and he further claimed that "reactionary forces" and "right-wing journalists" were engaged in a witchhunt against his "decent and responsible government".[147]
Dunstan also faced difficulties on policy issues. Factional cracks began to appear in the Labor Party, and the discovery of uranium deposits near the northern outback town of Roxby Downs put the premier in a bind. Mining the uranium promised to provide a valuable economic boost in difficult times, but a government ban on its mining, on safety grounds, was still in force.[145] Dunstan was opposed to uranium mining but was seen as lacking conviction by environmentalists, and he was also being criticised by industrialists. By May, his approval rating had fallen to 57%, down from 80% just two years earlier, and unemployment was increasing.[147] It was also widely anticipated that a book titled It's Grossly Improper would soon be released, containing embarrassing allegations about Dunstan's private life.[147]
Together with Mike Rann, his press secretary and speechwriter (and later Premier), who had worked with him in 1978 on a series of speeches on Aboriginal Land Rights, industrial democracy and women's rights, Dunstan made a uranium fact-finding trip to Europe to study safe methods of generating nuclear power and of nuclear waste disposal.[149] By the summer that followed Dunstan became extremely ill.[150] When Parliament resumed, he collapsed on the floor of the House and was forced to use a walking stick; his doctor advised him that he required six months of rest to recover. The Liberal Opposition seized on the state of affairs and charged that the Labor Party was "as ailing as the man who led it". In a stage-managed press conference on 15 February 1979, Dunstan announced his retirement as premier from his room in Calvary Hospital, clearly shaking and wearing a dressing gown.[151][152][153] The book, It's Grossly Improper, by two Adelaide journalists, Des Ryan and Mike McEwen, was published later that year.[154]
Political scientist Andrew Parkin said one of Dunstan's main achievements was to debunk the notion that state governments and parliaments lacked the ability to make significant changes with profound impacts. As evidence, he cited Dunstan's sweeping social reforms and the fact that many other state governments followed South Australia's lead.[155]
Life after politics
After Dunstan's resignation from Parliament, deputy Des Corcoran took his place as party leader and Premier. At the subsequent Norwood by-election, Dunstan's seat was retained by Labor. Corcoran soon called the 1979 election, which left the party with only 19 seats against the Liberals on 25 seats on an 8.4 percent two-party swing against Labor.[60] The Tonkin Liberal Government came to power and officially abandoned the Monarto project. Dunstan took a trip to Europe after being released from hospital, staying in Perugia for five months and pursuing Italian studies. He subsequently returned home and lived quietly in Adelaide for three years without finding work that appealed to him, such as that related to the shaping of public policy.[156]
During this time, he became increasingly disillusioned with South Australian political affairs.[157] A book by two Adelaide journalists, It's Grossly Improper, was released in November and sold out within a week. It alleged inappropriate use of government funds and a homosexual affair with a restaurateur, John Ceruto, in return for political favours.[158] There was initial fanfare and speculation as to the authenticity of its claims; Dunstan dismissed the book as a "farrago of lies" in his 1981 memoirs, entitled Felicia.[159]
From May 1980
He was the national president of the Freedom from Hunger Campaign (1982–87), president of the Movement for Democracy in Fiji (from 1987),
In his retirement, Dunstan continued to be a passionate critic of
Personal life
Whilst living in Norwood and studying at university, Dunstan met his first wife, Gretel Elsasser, whose Jewish family had fled Nazi Germany to Australia. They married in 1949, and moved to Fiji.[4] They returned to Adelaide in 1951 and settled in George Street, Norwood, with their young daughter, Bronwen. The family was forced to live in squalor for a number of years while Dunstan established his legal practice; during this time, they took in boarders as a source of extra income.[4][12] Gretel later gave birth to two sons, Andrew and Paul.[2]
In 1972, Dunstan separated from his wife and moved into a small flat in Kent Town, adjacent to Norwood. The family home was sold as two of the children were already studying in university. In 1974, the couple were finally divorced. Dunstan notes this period as being initially a "very bleak and lonely" time for him.[4][169] In absence of his family, he made new friends and acquaintances. Friends living nearby would come to his apartment for conversation and good food – cooking was Dunstan's hobby. Dunstan bought another house in 1974, partially financed from a then-unpublished cookbook. In 1976, Don Dunstan's Cookbook was published – the first cookbook released by a serving Australian leader.[170] More generally, Dunstan promoted a revolution in fine dining in the state.[99] Encouraged by Dunstan's enthusiasm for multiculturalism, many new restaurants were opened by proprietors and the diversity of cuisine increased. He also promoted the viticulture industry through his patronage of wine festivals.[91]
In 1973, Adele Koh, a Malaysian journalist formerly living in Singapore, was appointed to work for Dunstan. She had been expelled by the Singaporean Government of Lee Kuan Yew for criticising its policies. The newspaper she had been working for, the Singapore Herald, was shut down by the government and she then moved to Australia.[2][4] The two began a relationship in 1974, and married in 1976 in a small ceremony at Dunstan's residence.[171] Dunstan was much older than Adele, who was in her 30s.[2][4] She was diagnosed with advanced lung cancer in May 1978, and died in October after Dunstan had cared for her at her bedside for months. Her death seriously affected him and his own health began to suffer.[172]
Although Dunstan never publicly commented on his sexuality, it has been said that he "lived as a sexually liberated bisexual man".[173] In 1986, he met his future partner, Steven Cheng, a post-graduate science student then in his twenties.[174] Together, they opened a restaurant called "Don's Table" in 1994.[4] He lived with Cheng in their Norwood home for the rest of his life. Cheng nursed Dunstan through lung cancer until his death, and Dunstan bequeathed their home to Cheng for life.[174]
Death
In 1993, Dunstan was diagnosed with an aggressive
Legacy
A theatre in the Festival Centre was renamed the
The Electoral Commission of South Australia's 2012 redistribution included renaming the seat of Norwood to Dunstan which came into existence as of the 2014 election.[178][179] In 2014 a biography Don Dunstan Intimacy & Liberty by Dino Hodge, written with the co-operation of Dunstan's family and former lovers, was published.[173]
In 1988, Dunstan donated a collection of files pertaining to his political, professional and personal life; photographs; press clippings; speeches and press releases; audiovisual material; books from his library; some items of clothing; and other memorabilia to Flinders University Library, where it can be viewed and accessed for research purposes (see External links).
Don Dunstan Foundation
The Don Dunstan Foundation was established by Dunstan at the University of Adelaide in 1999, shortly before his death, to push for progressive change and to honour Dunstan's memory.[9][180] Dunstan had spent his last months helping to lay the platform for its establishment.[9] At the inauguration of the body Dunstan had said, "What we need is a concentration on the kind of agenda which I followed and I hope that my death will be useful in this."[9]
The Foundation aims to represent and advocate for the values of its founder, such as
On 3 June 2020, Jane Lomax-Smith was announced as new chair of the organisation, taking over from Lynn Arnold,[185] who had held the position for 10 years and remains on the Board as Director and Patron as of June 2022.[186]
Don Dunstan Award
Since its commencement in 2003, the Adelaide Film Festival has presented The Don Dunstan Award in recognition of outstanding contribution by an individual to the Australian film industry. Deemed by the Adelaide Film Festival's Board to have "enriched Australian screen culture through their work", its recipients include David Gulpilil, Rolf de Heer, and Scott Hicks. After receiving the award in 2013, Hicks acknowledged Dunstan's vision for the creation of a film industry in South Australia as being instrumental to his professional development.[187]
References
Notes
- ^ "Donald Allan Dunstan AC QC". Government of South Australia. 2013.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l Milliken, Robert (17 February 1999). "Obituary: Don Dunstan". The Independent. London. Retrieved 26 May 2010.
- ^ Whitelock, p. 137.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r "Donald Allan Dunstan 1926–1999". Flinders University. Archived from the original on 22 January 2010. Retrieved 26 May 2010.
- ^ a b c d Yeeles, p. 15.
- ^ a b c d Cockburn, p. 312.
- ISSN 1833-7538.
- ^ Yeeles, p. 16.
- ^ a b c d "Former South Australian Premier Donald Allan Dunstan". ABC News Online. Australian Broadcasting Corporation. 6 February 1999. Archived from the original on 10 May 2009. Retrieved 26 May 2010.
- ^ Yeeles, p. 63.
- ^ a b c Yeeles, p. 17.
- ^ a b Dunstan, pp. 25–32.
- ^ a b Dunstan, pp. 35–36.
- ^ a b c Crocker, p. 115.
- ^ "Norwood Electorate Profile". Australian Broadcasting Corporation. 21 April 2006. Retrieved 10 October 2010.
- Results of the South Australian state election, 1968 (House of Assembly).
- ^ Dunstan, p. 47.
- ^ a b c d Cockburn, p. 314.
- ^ Cockburn, pp. 311–312.
- ^ a b Cockburn, p. 292.
- ^ Inglis, pp. 29–30.
- ^ Cockburn, pp. 293–294.
- ^ Crocker, pp. 81–82.
- ^ Cockburn, p. 297.
- ^ Cockburn, pp. 294–296.
- ^ Cockburn, p. 299.
- ^ Cockburn, pp. 299–300.
- ^ Cockburn, p. 303.
- ^ Cockburn, pp. 302–303.
- ^ Cockburn, p. 305.
- ^ Cockburn, pp. 301, 304–307.
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External links
- "Dunstan, Don". Former members of the Parliament of South Australia. Retrieved 19 August 2022.
- Don Dunstan Foundation
- Dunstan Collection, Flinders University Library
- Don Dunstan ABC News Obituary