Donnchadh, Earl of Carrick
Donnchadh (Duncan) | |
---|---|
Donnchadh II, Earl of Fife |
Donnchadh (Scottish Gaelic pronunciation:
Allied to
Sources
Donnchadh's career is not well documented in the surviving sources. Charters provide a little information about some of his activities, but overall their usefulness is limited; this is because no charter-collections (called cartularies) from the Gaelic south-west have survived the Middle Ages, and the only surviving charters relevant to Donnchadh's career come from the heavily Normanised English-speaking area to the east.[2] Principally, the relevant charters record his acts of patronage towards religious houses, but incidental details mentioned in the body of these texts and the witness lists subscribed to them are useful for other matters.[3]
Some English government records describe his activities in relation to
Roger of Hoveden wrote two important works: the Gesta Henrici II ("Deeds of Henry II", alternatively titled Gesta Henrici et Ricardi, "Deeds of Henry and Richard") and the Chronica, the latter a re-worked and supplemented version of the former.
Another important chronicle source is the material preserved in John of Fordun's Chronica gentis Scottorum ("Chronicle of the Scottish people") and Walter Bower's
Geographic and cultural background
Donnchadh's territory lay in what is now Scotland south of the
The rest of the region was settled by the people called Gall-Gaidhil (modern Scottish Gaelic: Gall-Ghàidheil) in their own language, variations of Gallwedienses in
By the middle of the 12th century, the former territory of the kingdom of the Rhinns was part of Galloway kingdom, but the area to the north was not. Strathgryfe, Kyle and Cunningham had come under the control of the Scottish king in the early 12th century, much of it given over to soldiers of French or Anglo-French origin.
Origins and family
Donnchadh was the son of
There is a "body of circumstantial evidence" that suggests Donnchadh's mother was a daughter or sister of
Roger of Hoveden described
It is unclear how many siblings Donnchadh had, but two at least are known. The first, Máel Coluim, led the forces that besieged Gille-Brighde's brother Uhtred on "Dee island" (probably Threave) in Galloway in 1174.[39] This Máel Coluim captured Uhtred, who subsequently, in addition to being blinded and castrated, had his tongue cut out.[39] Nothing more is known of Máel Coluim's life; there is speculation by some modern historians that he was illegitimate.[40] Another brother appears in the records of Paisley Abbey. In 1233, one Gille-Chonaill Manntach, "the Stammerer" (recorded Gillokonel Manthac), gave evidence regarding a land dispute in Strathclyde; the document described him as the brother of the Earl of Carrick, who at that time was Donnchadh.[41]
Exile and return
In 1160,
Having defeated his brother, Gille-Brighde unsuccessfully sought to become a direct vassal of Henry II, king of England.
The activities of Donnchadh's father Gille-Brighde after 1176 are unclear, but some time before 1184 King William raised an army to punish Gille-Brighde "and the other Galwegians who had wasted his land and slain his vassals";[49] he held off the endeavour, probably because he was worried about the response of Gille-Brighde's protector Henry II.[50] There were raids on William's territory until Gille-Brighde's death in 1185.[51] The death of Gille-Brighde prompted Donnchadh's cousin Lochlann, supported by the Scottish king, to attempt a takeover, thus threatening Donnchadh's inheritance.[52] At that time Donnchadh was still a hostage in the care of Hugh de Morwic.[53]
The Gesta Annalia I claimed that Donnchadh's patrimony was defended by chieftains called Somhairle ("Samuel"), Gille-Patraic, and Eanric Mac Cennetig ("Henry Mac Kennedy").[54] Lochlann and his army met these men in battle on 4 July 1185 and, according to the Chronicle of Melrose, killed Gille-Patraic and a substantial number of his warriors.[55] Another battle took place on 30 September, and although Lochlann's forces were probably victorious, killing opponent leader Gille-Coluim, the encounter led to the death of Lochlann's unnamed brother.[56] Lochlann's activities provoked a response from King Henry who, according to historian Richard Oram, "was not prepared to accept a fait accompli that disinherited the son of a useful vassal, flew in the face of the settlement which he had imposed ... and deprived him of influence over a vitally strategic zone on the north-west periphery of his realm".[54]
According to Hoveden, in May 1186 Henry ordered the king and magnates of Scotland to subdue Lochlann; in response, Lochlann "collected numerous horse and foot and obstructed the entrances to Galloway and its roads to what extent he could".
Lochlann ignored Henry's summons until an embassy consisting of
Ruler of Carrick
There is no record of any subsequent court hearing, but the Gesta Annalia I relates that Donnchadh was granted Carrick on condition of peace with Lochlann, and emphasises the role of King William (as opposed to Henry) in resolving the conflict.[61] Richard Oram has pointed out that Donnchadh's grant to Melrose Abbey between 1189 and 1198 was witnessed by his cousin Lochlann, evidence perhaps that relations between the two had become more cordial.[62] Although no details are given any contemporary source, Donnchadh gained possession of some of his father's land in the west of the kingdom of Gall-Gaidhil, namely the "earldom" of Carrick.[62]
When Donnchadh adopted or was given the title of earl (Latin: comes), or in his own language mormaer, is a debated question. Historian Alan Orr Anderson argued that he began using the title of comes between 1214 and 1216, based on Donnchadh's appearance as a witness to two charters issued by Thomas de Colville; the first, known as Melrose 193 (this being its number in Cosmo Innes's printed version of the cartulary), was dated by Anderson to 1214.[63] In this charter, Donnchadh has no title.[63] By contrast Donnchadh was styled comes in a charter dated by Anderson to 1216, Melrose 192.[64]
Oram pointed out that Donnchadh was styled comes in a grant to Melrose Abbey witnessed by Richard de Morville (Melrose 32), who died in 1196.[65] If the wording in this charter is accurate, then Donnchadh was using the title before Richard's death: that is, in or before 1196.[66] Furthermore, while Anderson dated Melrose 192 with reference to Abbot William III de Courcy (abbot of Melrose from 1215 to 1216), Oram identified Abbot William as Abbot William II (abbot from 1202 to 1206).[67] Whenever Donnchadh adopted the title, he is the first known "earl" of the region.[68]
Carrick was located in the
The population was governed under these leaders by a customary law that remained distinct from the
Relations with the church
Records exist for Donnchadh's religious patronage, and these records provide evidence for Donnchadh's associates as well as the earl himself. Around 1200 Earl Donnchadh allowed the monks of Melrose Abbey use of saltpans from his land at Turnberry.[77] Between 1189 and 1198 he had granted the church of Maybothelbeg ("Little Maybole") and the lands of Beath (Bethóc) to this Cistercian house.[78] The grant is mentioned by the Chronicle of Melrose, under the year 1193:
Donnchadh, son of Gille-Brighde, of Galloway, gave to God and St Mary and the monks of Melrose a certain part of their land in Carrick that is called Maybole, in perpetual alms, for the salvation of his soul, and the souls of all his relatives; in presence of bishop Jocelin, and many other witnesses.[79]
These estates were very rich, and became attached to Melrose's "super-grange" at Mauchline in Kyle.[80] In 1285 Melrose Abbey was able to persuade the earl of the time to force its tenants in Carrick to use the lex Anglicana (the "English law").[81]
Witness to both grants were some prominent churchman connected with Melrose: magnates like Earl Donnchadh II of Fife, the latter's son
There are records of patronage towards the nunnery of North Berwick, a house founded by Donnchadh's probable maternal grandfather or great-grandfather Donnchadh I of Fife.
Donnchadh's most important long-term patronage was a series of gifts to the Cluniac
It is clear from several sources that Donnchadh made these grants on the condition that the Abbey of Paisley established a Cluniac house in Carrick, but that the Abbey did not fulfil this condition, arguing that it was not obliged to do so.[88] The Bishop of Glasgow intervened in 1244 and determined that a house of Cluniac monks from Paisley should indeed be founded there, that the house should be exempt from the jurisdiction of Paisley save recognition of the common Cluniac Order, but that the Abbot of Paisley could visit the house annually. After the foundation, Paisley was to hand over its Carrick properties to the newly established monastery.[91]
A papal bull of 11 July 1265 reveals that Paisley Abbey built only a small oratory served by Paisley monks.[92] Twenty years after the bishop's ruling Paisley complained to the papacy, which led Pope Clement IV to issue two bulls, dated 11 June 1265 and 6 February 1266, appointing mandatories to settle the dispute; the results of their deliberations are unknown.[92] Crossraguel was not finally founded until about two decades after Donnchadh's death, probably by 1270; its first abbot, Abbot Patrick, is attested between 1274 and 1292.[93]
Anglo-French world
In secular affairs one of the few important facts recorded about Donnchadh was his marriage to Avelina, daughter of Alan fitz Walter, lord of Strathgryfe and [northern] Kyle, and
Charter evidence reveals two Anglo-Normans present in Donnchadh's territory. Some of Donnchadh's charters to Melrose were subscribed by an Anglo-Norman knight named Roger de Skelbrooke, who appears to have been Lord of Greenan.[96] De Skelbrooke himself made grants to Melrose regarding the land of Drumeceisuiene (i.e. Drumshang), grants confirmed by "his lord" Donnchadh.[97] This knight gave Melrose fishing rights in the River Doon, rights confirmed by Donnchadh too and later by Roger's son-in-law and successor Ruaidhri mac Gille-Escoib (Raderic mac Gillescop).[98]
The other known Anglo-French knight was Thomas de Colville. Thomas (nicknamed "the Scot") was the younger son of the lord of
It is not known how these two men acquired the patronage of Donnchadh or his family. Writing in 1980, Barrow could find no cause for their presence in the area, and declared that they were "for the present impossible to account for".[103] As Richard Oram pointed out, in one of his charters Roger de Skelbrooke called Donnchadh's father Gille-Brighde "my lord", indicating that Donnchadh probably inherited them in his territory.[104] Neither of them left traceable offspring in the region, and even if they did represent for Carrick what could have been the embryonic stages of the kind of Normanisation that was taking place further east, the process was halted during Donnchadh's period as ruler.[105] Vaudey Abbey transferred the land granted to it by Donnchadh to Melrose Abbey in 1223, because it was "useless and dangerous to them, both on account of the absence of law and order, and by reason of the insidious attacks of a barbarous people".[106]
Ireland
The Anglo-Norman
The earliest information on Donnchadh's and indeed Gall-Gaidhil involvement in Ulster comes from Roger of Hoveden's entry about the death of Jordan de Courcy, John's brother.[109] It related that in 1197, after Jordan's death, John sought vengeance and
Fought a battle with the petty-kings of Ireland, of whom he put some to flight, slew others, and subjugated their territories; of which he gave no small part to Donnchadh, son of Gille-Brighde, the son of Fergus, who, at the time that the said John was about to engage with the Irish, came to assist him with no small body of troops.[110]
Donnchadh's interests in the area were damaged when de Courcy lost his territory in eastern Ulster to his rival Hugh de Lacy in 1203.[107] John de Courcy, with help from his wife's brother King Rǫgnvaldr Guðrøðarson (Raghnall mac Gofraidh) and perhaps from Donnchadh, tried to regain his principality, but was initially unsuccessful.[107] De Courcy's fortunes were boosted when Hugh de Lacy (then Earl of Ulster) and his associate William III de Briouze, themselves fell foul of John; the king campaigned in Ireland against them in 1210, a campaign that forced de Briouze to return to Wales and de Lacy to flee to St Andrews in Scotland.[111]
English records attest to Donnchadh's continued involvement in Ireland. One document, after describing how William de Briouze became the king's enemy in England and Ireland, records that after John arrived in Ireland in July 1210:
[William de Briouze's] wife [Matilda] fled to Scotland with William and Reinald her sons, and her private retinue, in the company of Hugh de Lacy, and when the king was at Carrickfergus Castle, a certain friend and cousin of his of Galloway, namely Donnchadh of Carrick, reported to the king that he had taken her and her daughter the wife of Roger de Mortimer, and William junior, with his wife and two sons, but Hugh de Lacy and Reinald escaped.[112]
The Histoire des Ducs de Normandie recorded that William and Matilda had voyaged to the Isle of Man, en route from Ireland to Galloway, where they were captured.[113] Matilda was imprisoned by the king, and died of starvation.[114]
Another document, this one preserved in an Irish memoranda roll dating to the reign of King Henry VI (reigned 1422–1461), records that after John's Irish expedition of 1210, Donnchadh controlled extensive territory in County Antrim, namely the settlements of Larne and Glenarm with 50 carucates of land in between, a territory similar to the later barony of Glenarm Upper.[115] King John had given or recognised Donnchadh's possession of this territory, and that of Donnchadh's nephew Alaxandair (Alexander), as a reward for his help; similarly, John had given Donnchadh's cousins Ailean and Tómas, sons of Lochlann, a huge lordship equivalent to 140 knight's fees that included most of northern County Antrim and County Londonderry, the reward for use of their soldiers and galleys.[116]
By 1219 Donnchadh and his nephew appear to have lost all or most of his Irish land; a document of that year related that the
Later in the same year Donnchadh wrote to King Henry. His letter was as follows:
[Donnchadh] Thanks him for the mandate which he directed by him to the Justiciar of Ireland, to restore his land there, of which he had been disseized on account of the English war; but as the land has not yet been restored, he asks the King to give by him a more effectual command to the Justiciar.[119]
Henry's response was a writ to his Justiciar:
King John granted to Donnchadh of Carrick, land in Ulster called Balgeithelauche [probably
Bisset family. Historian Séan Duffy argues that the Bissets (later known as the "Bissets of the Glens") helped Hugh de Lacy, and probably ended up with Donnchadh's territory as a reward.[121]Death and legacy
Donnchadh was said by the Martyrology of Glasgow to have died on 13 June 1250.
Tir Eoghain king Niall Ruadh Ó Neill, tying in with Donnchadh's Irish activities, accounting for the use of the name Niall, and explaining the strong alliance with the Ó Neill held by Niall's grandsons.[124]Another of Donnchadh's sons, Eóin (John), owned the land of Straiton. He was involved in the Galwegian revolt of
diocese of Glasgow.[125] He received a pardon by granting patronage of the church of Straiton and the land of Hachinclohyn to William de Bondington, Bishop of Glasgow, which was confirmed by Alexander II in 1244.[125] Two other sons, Ailean (Alan) and Alaxandair (Alexander), are attested subscribing to Donnchadh and Cailean's charters to North Berwick.[126] A Melrose charter mentions that Ailean was parson of Kirchemanen.[127] Cailean, and presumably Donnchadh's other legitimate sons, died before their father.[124]Donnchadh's probable grandson, Niall, was earl for only six years and died leaving no son but four daughters, one of whom is known by name.
Dunkeld dynasty, became King of Scots. King Robert's brother, Edward Bruce, became for a short time High King of Ireland.[citation needed]Under the Bruces and their successors to the Scottish throne, the title Earl of Carrick became a prestigious honorific title usually given to a son of the king or intended heir;[130] at some time between 1250 and 1256 Earl Niall, anticipating that the earldom would be taken over by a man from another family, issued a charter to Lochlann (Roland) of Carrick, a son or grandson of one of Donnchadh's brothers. The charter granted Lochlann the title Cenn Cineoil, "head of the kindred", a position which brought the right to lead the men of Carrick in war. The charter also conferred possession of the office of baillie of Carrick under whoever was earl.[131] Precedent had been established here by other native families of Scotland, something similar having already taken place in Fife; it was a way of ensuring that the kin-group retained strong locally based male leadership even when the newly imposed common law of Scotland forced the comital title to pass into the hands of another family.[132] By 1372 the office had passed—probably by marriage—to the Kennedy family of Dunure.[133]
The 17th-century genealogical compilation known as
Scottish Wars of Independence.[136]Notes
- ^ Laing, Descriptive Catalogue, p. 33
- ^ Duncan, Scotland, p. 643
William the Lion, can be found in Barrow (ed.), Acts of William I, pp. 68–94.- ^ Duncan, "Roger of Howden", pp. 135–59, and Gillingham, "Travels", pp. 69–81, for Hoveden's importance; Ross, "Moray, Ulster, and the MacWilliams", pp. 24–44 for discussion of these two sources in reference to more northerly events of the same era
- ^ Corner, "Howden [Hoveden], Roger of"; Duncan, "Roger of Howden", p. 135; Gillingham, "Travels", pp. 70–71; Gransden, Historical Writing, pp. 222–36
- ^ Duncan, "Roger of Howden", p. 135; Gillingham, "Travels", p. 70
- ^ Duncan, "Roger of Howden", p. 135
- ^ Corner, "Howden [Hoveden], Roger of"; Oram, Lordship, pp. 95–97
- ^ Anderson, Scottish Annals, pp. 268, 325; Lawrie, Annals, p. 326; Riley (ed.), Annals of Roger de Hoveden, vol. ii, p. 404
- ^ Broun, Scottish Independence, p. 215
- ^ Broun, Scottish Independence, pp. 257–58; Broun, "New Look at Gesta Annalia, p. 17
- ^ With perhaps another chronicle closely related to the Chronicle of Melrose and the Chronicle of Holyrood; see Broun, Scottish Independence, p. 217; Duncan, "Sources and Uses", p. 169
- ^ Broun, Scottish Independence, pp. 215–30
- ^ Barrow, Anglo-Norman Era, p. 51
- ^ Barrow, Anglo-Norman Era, pp. 32–35; Barrow, Kingdom of the Scots, pp. 38–40
- ^ Barrow, Kingdom of the Scots, pp. 112–29
- ^ Woolf, Pictland to Alba, pp. 232–40
- ^ Barrow, Anglo-Norman Era, pp. 48–50; Broun, "Becoming Scottish", p. 19
- ^ Barrow, Anglo-Norman Era, pp. 30–50, illustrative maps at pp. 51–60
- ^ Woolf, Pictland to Alba, pp. 294–96
- ^ Broun, "Welsh Identity", pp. 120–25; Edmonds, "Personal Names", pp. 49–50
- ^ Clancy, "Galloway and the Gall-Ghàidheil", pp. 32–33, et passim
- ^ Clancy, "Gall-Ghàidheil", pp. 29–39
- ^ Byrne, "Na Renna", p. 267; Clancy, "Gall-Ghàidheil", pp. 29–32; Stokes (ed.), Martyrology, pp. 116–17, 184–85, 212–3
- ^ Clancy, "Gall-Ghàidheil", p. 44; Woolf, Pictland to Alba, pp. 293–98
- ^ Clancy, "Gall-Ghàidheil", passim
- ^ Clancy, "Gall-Ghàidheil", pp. 33–34
- ^ Oram, David, pp. 93–96.
- ^ Barrow, Kingdom of the Scots, p. 251; Stringer, "Early Lords of Lauderdale", pp. 46–47
Scots Peerage, vol. vi, pp. 286–91; Barrow, Kingdom of the Scots, pp. 139–40- ^ Oram, Lordship, p. 103; Woolf, "Age of Sea-Kings", p. 103
- ^ For Alan of Galloway, see Stringer, "Acts of Lordship", p. 224; for Donnchadh, see Innes (ed.), Liber Sancte Marie, vol. i, no. 32, at p. 25, where sometime before 1196 he is described as "Donnchadh, son of Gille-Brighde, son of Fergus, earl of Carrick".
- ^ a b Woolf, "Age of Sea-Kings", p. 103
- ^ Oram, Lordship, p. 89
- ^ Cowan and Easson, Medieval Religious Houses, pp. 147–48; Oram, Lordship, p. 89
- ^ Fawcett and Oram, Melrose Abbey, pp. 231–32
Scots Peerage, vol. iv, p. 422- ^ Barrow, Robert Bruce, pp. 430–31, n. 28
- ^
Scots Peerage, vol. ii, p. 422 Scots Peerage, vol. ii, p. 421 Scots Peerage, p. 422; Innes (ed.), Registrum Monasterii de Passelet, pp. 166–68- ^ Barrow, Acts of Malcolm IV, pp. 12–13
- ^ Oram, Lordship, pp. 87–92
- ^ Barrow, Acts of William I, p. 7; Oram, Lordship, p. 93
- ^ Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 258; Oram, Lordship, p. 96
- ^ Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 268; Oram, Lordship, p. 97
- ^ Corner, Scott, Scott and Watt (eds.), Scotichronicon, vol. 4, p. 546, n. 18; Lawrie, Annals, pp. 218, 254; Oram, Lordship, p. 97
- ^ Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 289; Oram, Lordship, p. 100
- ^ Anderson, Early Sources, p. 286
- ^ Oram, Lordship, p. 99
- ^ Oram, Lordship, pp. 99–100
- ^ Oram, Lordship, pp. 100–101
- ^ Lawrie, Annals, p. 218
- ^ a b Oram, Lordship, p. 100
- ^ Anderson, Early Sources, vol. ii, pp. 309–10
- ^ Anderson, Early Sources, vol. ii, p. 310; Oram, Lordship, p. 100
- ^ Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 289
- ^ Anderson, Scottish Annals, pp. 289–90; Corner, et al., Scotichronicon, vol. iv, pp. 366–67; Oram, Lordship, p. 101
- ^ Anderson, Scottish Annals, pp. 289–90; Oram, Lordship, p. 101
- ^ a b c d e Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 290; Oram, Lordship, p. 101
- ^ Corner (et al.), Scotichronicon, vol. iv, pp. 366–69
- ^ a b Oram, Lordship, pp. 103–104
- ^ a b Anderson, Early Sources, vol. ii, pp. 330–31, n. 2; Innes (ed.), Liber de Sancte Marie, vol. i, no. 193, p. 173
- ^ Anderson, Early Sources, vol. ii, pp. 330–31, n. 2; Innes (ed.), Liber de Sancte Marie, vol. i, nos. 192 and 193, pp. 172–73
- ^ Innes (ed.), Liber de Sancte Marie, vol. i, no. 32, pp. 25–26; Oram, Lordship, p. 111, n. 80
- ^ Oram, Lordship, p. 111, n. 80
- ^ Oram, Lordship, p. 111, n. 80; Watt and Shead, Heads of Religious Houses, pp. 149–50
- ^ E.g. Balfour Paul, Scots Peerage, vol. iv, p. 422
- ^ a b MacQueen, "Survival and Success", p. 74, n. 31
- ^ MacQueen, "Laws of Galloway", p. 132
- ^ MacQueen, "Kin of Kennedy", pp. 278–80
- ^ MacQueen, "Survival and Success", pp. 75–76
- ^ MacQueen, "Laws of Galloway", pp. 138–39
- ^ MacQueen, "Laws of Galloway", p. 134
- ^ MacQueen, "Kin of Kennedy", p. 280; MacQueen, "Laws of Galloway", p. 134
- ^ Oram, Lordship, pp. 212–13
- ^ Fawcett and Oram, Melrose Abbey, p. 243; Innes (ed.), Liber de Sancte Marie, no. 37, p. 29; Reid and Barrow, Sheriffs of Scotland, p. 3
- ^ Innes (ed.), Liber de Sancte Marie, vol. i, nos. 29 and 30, pp. 20–24; Oram, Lordship, p. 104
- ^ Anderson, Early Sources, p. 330
- ^ Fawcett and Oram, Melrose Abbey, pp. 228–40, for details, and p. 228 for the term "super-grange"
- ^ Barrow, Anglo-Norman Era, p. 119; Innes (ed.), Liber de Sancte Marie, vol. i, no. 316, pp. 277–78
- ^ Carrick and Maidment, Some Account of the Ancient Earldom of Carric, p. 28; Innes (ed.), Liber de Sancte Marie, vol. i, nos. 29, 30, pp. 20–24
- ^ Innes (ed.), Registrum Episcopatus Glasguensis, vol. i, no. 102, pp. 87–88 Neville, Native Lordship, p. 55
- ^ Cowan and Easson, Medieval Religious Houses, p. 147; Fawcett and Oram, Melrose Abbey, pp. 231–32
- ^ Innes (ed.), Carte Monialium de Northberwic, nos. 13–14, pp. 13–14; Watt and Murray, Fasti Ecclesiae, p. 238
- ^ Cowan, Parishes, p. 118; Innes (ed.), Carte Monialium de Northberwic, nos. 1, 28, pp. 3, 30–31
- ^ Innes (ed.), Registrum Episcopatus Glasguensis, vol. i, no. 139, pp. 117–18; Shead and Cunningham, "Glasgow"
- ^ a b Cowan and Easson, Medieval Religious Houses, pp. 63–64
- ^ Cowan, Parishes, pp. 123, 189–90
- ^ Cowan, Parishes, pp. 73, 120; another early possession of Crossraguel was the church of Inchmarnock, for which see Cowan, Parishes, pp. 35–36.
- ^ Cowan and Easson, Medieval Religious Houses, p. 64; Cowan, Parishes, p. 123
- ^ a b Cowan and Easson, Medieval Religious Houses, p. 64
- ^ Cowan and Easson, Medieval Religious Houses, pp. 63–64; Watt and Shead, Heads of Religious Houses, p. 47
- ^ Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 325; Lawrie, Annals, pp. 326–27
- ^ Oram, Lordship, p. 132; Alan, who died four years later, fell into disgrace with King William and disappeared from royal circles, but his son Walter (nicknamed Óg, "the little" or "younger" in several Melrose charters) recovered the family's position, and by the late 1210s held, along with the Galloway family, a dominant position in the councils of William's successor Alexander II; see Boardman, "Gaelic World", p. 92; Innes (ed.), Liber de Sancte Marie, vol. ii, nos. 452–55, pp. 420–23; Oram, Lordship, pp. 132–33.
- ^ Barrow, Anglo-Norman Era, pp. 46, 115
- ^ Carrick and Maidment, Some Account of the Ancient Earldom of Carric, p. 28; Innes (ed.), Liber de Sancte Marie, vol. i, nos. 31–35, pp. 24–28
- ^ Fawcett and Oram, Melrose Abbey, p. 243; Innes (ed.), Liber de Sancte Marie, vol. i, nos. 34–36, pp. 27–29
- ^ Barrow, Anglo-Norman Era, pp. 31, 177
- ^ Barrow, Anglo-Norman Era, p. 31; Duncan, Scotland, pp. 182–83
- ^ Barrow, Anglo-Norman Era, pp. 31–32; Innes (ed.), Liber de Sancte Marie, vol. i, nos. 192 and 193, pp. 172–73
- ^ Barrow, Anglo-Norman Era, p. 31; MacQueen, ""Survival and Success", p. 77
- ^ Barrow, Anglo-Norman Era, pp. 46–47
- ^ Oram, Lordship, pp. 90–91
- ^ Barrow, Anglo-Norman Era, pp. 31–32; Oram, Lordship, p.
- ^ Barrow, Anglo-Norman Era, p. 32; Innes (ed.), Liber de Sancte Marie, vol. i, no. 195, pp. 174–75
- ^ a b c d e Duffy, "Courcy [Courci], John de"
- ^ Duffy, "Courcy [Courci], John de"; Oram, Lordship, p. 105
- ^ Greeves, "Galloway lands in Ulster", p. 115
- ^ Riley (ed.), Annals of Roger de Hoveden, vol. ii, p. 404
- ^ Smith, "Lacy, Hugh de, earl of Ulster"
- ^ Bain (ed.), Calendar of Documents, vol. i, no. 480, p. 82; spellings modernised
- ^ Anderson, Early Sources, vol. ii, p. 387; McDonald, Manx Kingship, p. 132
- ^ Lawrie, Annals, p. 327
- ^ Duffy, "Lords of Galloway", p. 37
- ^ Duffy, "Lords of Galloway", p. 38
- ^ a b Bain (ed.), Calendar of Documents, vol. i, no. 737, p. 130; Duffy, "Lords of Galloway", pp. 43–44
Scots Peerage, vol. ii, p. 422, n. 7; Smith, "Lacy, Hugh de"- ^ Bain (ed.), Calendar of Documents, vol. i, no. 878, p. 156
- ^ Bain (ed.), Calendar of Documents, vol. i, no. 879, p. 156
Meic Uilleim and would quickly become Gaelicised; Duffy, "Lords of Galloway", pp. 39–42, 50; see also, Stringer, "Periphery and Core", pp. 92–95. Scots Peerage, vol. ii, p. 423; Innes (ed.), Registrum Episcopatus Glasguensis, vol. ii, p. 616 Scots Peerage, vol. ii, p. 423; MacQueen, "Survival and Success", p. 72- ^ a b c d Barrow, Robert Bruce, pp. 34–35;, 430, n. 26
- ^
Scots Peerage, vol. ii, p. 243; Innes (ed.), Registrum Episcopatus Glasguensis, vol. i, no. 187, pp. 151–52 Scots Peerage, vol. ii, p. 243; Innes (ed.), Carte Monialium de Northberwic, nos. 13–14, pp. 13–15; MacQueen, "Kin of Kennedy", p. 284, illus; MacQueen, "Survival and Success", p. 72, illus; there is a possibility that he had two sons named Alaxandair [Alexander], as appears in MacQueen's illustrations Scots Peerage, vol. ii, p. 243; Innes (ed.), Liber de Sancte Marie, vol. i, no. 189, pp. 170–71 Scots Peerage, p. 426; MacQueen, "Survival and Success", p. 78- ^ MacQueen, "Survival and Success", p. 78
- ^ Boardman, Early Stewart Kings, pp. 22, 57, 198–99, 279, 282, 294–95
- ^ MacQueen, "Kin of Kennedy", pp. 278–80; MacQueen, "Survival and Success", pp. 76, 78–80
- ^ Bannerman, "Macduff of Fife", pp. 20–28, for discussion in relation to Fife; MacQueen, Common Law, p. 174
- ^ MacQueen, "Kin of Kennedy", pp. 278, 286–87
- ^ Boardman, Campbells, p. 18; Campbell of Airds, History, p. 41; Sellar, "Earliest Campbells", p. 115
- ^ Sellar, "Earliest Campbells", pp. 115–16
- ^ Campbell of Airds, History, pp. 41–42; Sellar, "Earliest Campbells", p. 116
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