Edwin Stanton
Edwin Stanton | |
---|---|
Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States-Designate | |
In office Died before assuming office | |
Nominated by | Ulysses S. Grant |
Preceded by | Robert Cooper Grier |
Succeeded by | William Strong |
27th United States Secretary of War | |
In office January 20, 1862 – May 28, 1868[Note 1] | |
President | Abraham Lincoln Andrew Johnson |
Preceded by | Simon Cameron |
Succeeded by | John Schofield |
25th United States Attorney General | |
In office December 20, 1860 – March 4, 1861 | |
President | James Buchanan |
Preceded by | Jeremiah Black |
Succeeded by | Edward Bates |
Personal details | |
Born | Edwin McMasters Stanton December 19, 1814 Steubenville, Ohio, U.S. |
Died | December 24, 1869 Washington, D.C., U.S. | (aged 55)
Resting place | Oak Hill Cemetery, Washington, D.C., U.S. |
Political party | Democratic (before 1862) Republican (1862–1869) |
Spouses | Mary Lamson (m. 1836–1844)Ellen Hutchison (m. 1856) |
Parents |
|
Education | Kenyon College |
Signature | |
Edwin McMasters Stanton (December 19, 1814 – December 24, 1869) was an American lawyer and politician who served as
After
Family and early life
Ancestry
Before the
Early life and education
Edwin McMasters was born to David and Lucy Stanton on December 19, 1814, in Steubenville, Ohio, the first of their four children.
David Stanton's medical practice afforded him and his family a decent living. When David Stanton suddenly died in December 1827 at his residence,
Stanton began his college studies at the
Early career and first marriage
Stanton studied law under the tutelage of Daniel Collier in preparation for the bar. He was admitted to practice in 1835, and began work at a prominent law firm in Cadiz, Ohio, under Chauncey Dewey, a well-known attorney. The firm's trial work often fell to him.[14]
At the age of 18, Stanton met Mary Ann Lamson at Trinity Episcopal Church in Columbus, and they soon were engaged.[15] After buying a home in Cadiz, Stanton went to Columbus where his betrothed was. Stanton and Lamson had wished to be married at Trinity Episcopal, but Stanton's illness rendered this idea moot. Instead, the ceremony was performed at the home of Trinity Episcopal's rector on December 31, 1836. Afterwards, Stanton went to Virginia where his mother and sisters were, and escorted the women back to Cadiz, where they would live with him and his wife.[16]
After his marriage, Stanton partnered with the lawyer and federal judge Benjamin Tappan. Stanton's sister also married Tappan's son. In Cadiz, Stanton was situated prominently in the local community. He worked with the town's anti-slavery society, and with a local newspaper, the Sentinel, writing and editing articles there.[17] In 1837, Stanton was elected the prosecutor of Harrison County, on the Democratic ticket. Further, Stanton's increasing wealth allowed him to purchase a large tract of land in Washington County, and several tracts in Cadiz.[18][17]
Rising attorney (1839–1860)
Return to Steubenville
Stanton's relationship with Benjamin Tappan expanded when Tappan was elected the
He was a member of Steubenville Lodge No. 45 in Steubenville, Ohio, and when he moved to Pittsburgh became a member of Washington Lodge No. 253 on 25 March 1852 as a charter member. He resigned on 29 Nov. 1859. pp. 189-81.“ (Denslow, William R. 10,000 Famous Freemasons. Independence, Missouri: Missouri Lodge of Research, 1957. )[1]
In Steubenville, the Stantons welcomed two children. Their daughter, Lucy Lamson, was born in March 1840. Within months of her birth, Lucy was stricken with an unknown illness. Stanton put aside his work to spend that summer at baby Lucy's bedside. She passed away in 1841, shortly after her second birthday. Their son, Edwin Lamson, was born in August 1842. The boy's birth refreshed the spirits in the Stanton household after baby Lucy's death.
Stanton regrouped and began to focus on his cases by the summer. One such case was defending Caleb J. McNulty, whom Stanton had previously labelled "a glorious fellow". McNulty, a Democrat, was dismissed from his clerkship of the United States House of Representatives by unanimous vote and charged with embezzlement when thousands of the House's money went missing. Democrats, fearing their party's disrepute, made clamorous cries for McNulty to be punished, and his conviction was viewed as a foregone conclusion. Stanton, at Tappan's request, came on as McNulty's defense. Stanton brought a motion to dismiss McNulty's indictment. He employed the use of numerous technicalities and, to the shock and applause of the courtroom, the motion was granted with all charges against McNulty dropped. As every detail of the affair was covered by newspapers around the country, Stanton's name was featured prominently nationwide.[24][25]
After the McNulty scandal, Stanton and Tappan parted ways professionally. Stanton formed a partnership with one of his former students, George Wythe McCook of the "Fighting McCooks". At the beginning of the Mexican–American War, men across the country hastened to enlist in the United States Army, with McCook among them. Stanton might have enlisted as well, if not for his doctor's fears about his asthma. Instead, he focused on law. Stanton's practice was no longer only in Ohio, having expanded to Virginia and Pennsylvania. He concluded that Steubenville would no longer prove adequate as a headquarters, and thought Pittsburgh most appropriate for his new base. He was admitted to the bar there by late 1847.[26]
Attorney in Pittsburgh
In Pittsburgh, Stanton formed a partnership with a prominent retired judge, Charles Shaler, while maintaining his collaboration with McCook, who had remained in Steubenville after returning from service in the Mexican–American War. Stanton argued several high-profile suits. One such proceeding was State of Pennsylvania v. Wheeling and Belmont Bridge Company and others in the
McCormick v. Manny
A by-effect of Stanton's performance in Pennsylvania v. Wheeling and Belmont was that he was sought after for other prominent cases, such as the
Stanton's role in Manny's legal trio was as a researcher. Though he admitted that George Harding, an established
Second marriage
In February 1856 Stanton became engaged to Ellen Hutchinson, sixteen years Stanton's junior.
Emergence in Washington
In Pennsylvania, Stanton had become intimately acquainted with
Ellen Stanton loathed the idea. In California Edwin would be thousands of miles away from her for what was sure to be months, leaving her lonely in Washington, where she had few friends. Moreover, on May 9, 1857, Ellen had a daughter whom the Stantons named Eleanor Adams. After the girl's delivery, Ellen fell ill, which frightened Edwin and delayed his decision to go to California. In October 1857 Stanton finally agreed to represent the Buchanan administration's interests in California. Having agreed to a compensation of $25,000, (~$685,370 in 2023) Stanton set sail from New York on February 19, 1858, aboard the Star of the West, along with his son Eddie, James Buchanan Jr., the President's nephew, and Lieutenant H. N. Harrison, who was assigned to Stanton's detail by the Navy.[47] After a tempestuous voyage, the company docked in Kingston, Jamaica, where slavery was disallowed. On the island, the climate pleased Stanton greatly, and at a church there, Stanton was surprised to see blacks and whites sitting together. Afterwards, Stanton and his entourage landed in Panama, and left there on a ship three times larger than the one on which they came, the Sonora. On March 19 the company finally docked in San Francisco, and bunkered at the International Hotel.[48]
Stanton took to his work with haste. In aid of his case Stanton, along with his entire party and two clerks, went about arranging disordered records from California's time under Mexico. The "Jemino Index" that he uncovered gave information on land grants up to 1844, and with the assistance of a Congressional act, Stanton unearthed records from all over the state pertaining to Mexican grants.[49] Stanton and company worked for months sorting the land archives; meanwhile, Stanton's arrival in California produced gossip and scorn from locals, especially from those whose land claims would be in jeopardy should Stanton's work prove victorious.[50] Further, President Buchanan and Senator Douglas were wrestling for control of California, and Stanton was caught in the crosshairs, resulting in a defamatory campaign against Stanton by Douglas' supporters. The campaign disheartened Stanton, but barely distracted him.[51]
Limantour had built up a speciously substantial case. He had accrued a preponderance of ostensibly sound evidence, such as witness testimony, grants signed by Manuel Micheltorena, the Mexican governor of California prior to cessation, and paper with a special Mexican government stamp. However, Auguste Jouan's information was instrumental in Stanton's case. According to Jouan, Limantour had received dozens of blank documents signed by Governor Micheltorena, which Limantour could fill in as he willed. Further, Jouan had borne a hole in one of the papers to erase something, a hole that was still present in the document. Stanton also acquired letters that explicitly laid out the fraud, and stamps used by customs officials, one authentic and the other fraudulent. The fraudulent one had been used eleven times, all on Limantour's documents. When Stanton sent to the Minister of the Exterior in Mexico City, they could not locate records corroborating Limantour's grants. In late 1858 Limantour's claims were denied by the land commission, and he was arrested on perjury charges. He posted a $35,000 bail and left the country.[52]
As 1858 drew to a close, and Stanton prepared to return home, Eddie became sick. Whenever Stanton made arrangements to leave California, his son's condition grew worse.[53] Edwin had written Ellen as often as he could as her anxiety and loneliness increased in Washington. She criticized him for leaving her in the town alone with young "Ellie".[51] January 3, 1859, saw Stanton and company leave San Francisco.[54] He was home in early February. In the nation's capital Stanton advised President Buchanan on patronage, and helped Attorney General Black extensively, even being mistaken as an Assistant Attorney General. Nonetheless, Stanton's affairs in Washington paled in comparison to the excitement he had experienced on the other side of the country—at least until he found himself defending a man who had become fodder for sensationalists and gossipers around the country.[55]
Daniel Sickles trial
Arguments for the trial began on April 4. The prosecution wanted to advance the theory that Sickles had also committed adultery and did not pay very much mind to his wife or her activities. When the judge disallowed this, the prosecution opted instead to highlight the heinous nature of Sickles' murder, and not address his reasons for doing the crime. Sickles' defense countered that Sickles had suffered from a temporary bout of insanity, the first successful such instance of an
Early work in politics (1860–1862)
During the 1860 United States presidential election Stanton supported Vice President John C. Breckinridge, due to his work with the Buchanan administration and his belief that only a win by Breckinridge would keep the country together. Privately he predicted that Lincoln would win.[58]
In Buchanan's cabinet
In late 1860 President Buchanan was formulating his yearly
Stanton met a
Stanton was unnerved by Buchanan's ambivalence towards the South Carolina secession crisis, and wanted to stiffen him against complying to the South's demands.[67] On December 30 Black came to Stanton's home, and the two agreed to pen their objections to Buchanan ordering a withdrawal from Fort Sumter. If he did such a thing, the two men, along with Postmaster General Holt, agreed that they would resign, delivering a crippling blow to the administration. Buchanan obliged them.[68][Note 3] The South Carolinian delegates got their response from President Buchanan on New Year's Eve 1860; the President would not withdraw forces from Charleston Harbor.[70]
By February 1, six Southern states had followed South Carolina's lead and passed
Cameron's advisor
On July 21, the North and the South experienced their first major clash at
Soon,
Cameron inserted a call to arm the slaves in his report to Congress, which would be sent along with Lincoln's address to the legislature.[79] Cameron gave the report to Stanton, who amended it with a passage that went even further in demanding that slaves be armed,[80] stating that those who rebel against the government lose their claims to any type of property, including slaves, and that it was "clearly the right of the Government to arm slaves when it may become necessary as it is to use gunpowder or guns taken from the enemy".[81] Cameron gave the report to Lincoln, and sent several copies to Congress and the press. Lincoln wanted the portions containing calls to arm the slaves removed, and ordered the transmission of Cameron's report be stopped and replaced with an altered version. Congress received the version without the call to arm slaves, while the press received a version with it. When newspapers published the document in its entirety, Lincoln was excoriated by Republicans, who thought him weak on the issue of slavery, and disliked that he wanted the plea to arm slaves removed.[80]
The President resolved to dismiss Cameron when abolitionists in the North settled over the controversy. Cameron would not resign until he was sure of his successor, and that he could leave the cabinet without damaging his reputation. When a vacancy in the post of
Lincoln's Secretary of War (1862–1865)
Early days in office
Under Cameron, the War Department had earned the moniker "the lunatic asylum."
Stanton was sworn in on January 20.
On January 29 Stanton ordered that all contracts to manufacturers of military materials and supplies outside the United States be voided and replaced with contracts within the country, and that no such further contracts be made with foreign companies. The order provoked apprehension in Lincoln's cabinet.[94] The United Kingdom and France were searching for cause to recognize and support the Confederates, and Stanton's order may have given it to them.[95] Secretary of State Seward thought the order would "complicate the foreign situation." Stanton persisted, and his January 29 order stood.[96]
Meanwhile, Stanton worked to create an effective transportation and communication network across the North. His efforts focused on the railroad system and the
Prior to Stanton's incumbency as War Secretary, President Lincoln apportioned responsibility for the security of government against treachery and other unsavory activities to several members of his cabinet, mostly Secretary Seward, as he did not trust Attorney General Bates or Secretary Cameron. Under Secretary Stanton, the War Department would have consolidated responsibility for internal security. A lynchpin of Seward's strategy to maintain internal security was the use of arbitrary arrests and detentions, and Stanton continued this practice. Democrats harshly criticized the use of arbitrary arrests, but Lincoln contended that it was his primary responsibility to maintain the integrity and security of the government, and that waiting until possible betrayers committed guilty acts would hurt the government.[99] At Stanton's behest, Seward continued the detention of only the most risky inmates, and released all others.[100]
General-in-Chief
Lincoln eventually grew tired of McClellan's inaction, especially after his January 27, 1862, order to advance against the Confederates in the
Meanwhile, McClellan was preparing for the first major military operation in the Eastern Theatre, the
McClellan's campaign lasted several months. However, after
The attacks hurt Stanton, and he considered resigning, but he remained in his position, at Lincoln's request.
War rages on
In the final days of August 1862, Gen. Lee scourged Union forces, routing them at Manassas Junction in the
Burnside, at Halleck's request, submitted a plan to create a ruse at Culpeper and Gordonsville, while the brunt of his force took Fredericksburg, then moved on to Richmond. Halleck's response was sent on November 14: "The President has just assented to your plan. He thinks that it will succeed, if you move rapidly; otherwise not."[117] The following Battle of Fredericksburg was a disaster, and the Army of the Potomac was handily defeated.[118]
Maj. Gen. Joseph Hooker replaced Burnside on January 26, 1863. Stanton did not much care for Hooker, who had loudly denounced Lincoln's administration, and had been insubordinate while serving under Burnside. He would have preferred for Maj. Gen. William Rosecrans to head the army; Lincoln disregarded Stanton's opinion. As Thomas and Hyman tell it, Lincoln "chose Hooker because that general had a reputation as a fighter and stood higher in popular esteem at that moment than any other eastern general."[119] Hooker spent considerable time strengthening the Army of the Potomac, especially regarding morale. Hooker's only major engagement with Lee's Army of Northern Virginia was the Battle of Chancellorsville in early May 1863. Lee had Thomas "Stonewall" Jackson engage Hooker's rearguard in a precipitous flanking maneuver. Stonewall Jackson's maneuver was skilfully employed, resulting a Confederate victory when the fighting ended on May 6, leaving 17,000 Union casualties.[120]
Stanton's attempts to raise Northern spirits after the defeat were hampered by news that, under Hooker, the Army of the Potomac had become grossly undisciplined. Indeed, Hooker's headquarters were described as "combination of barroom and brothel." Stanton petitioned for liquor and women to be forbidden in Hooker's camps.
Lee and Meade first clashed in the
While action in the Eastern Theater wound down, action in the West heated up. After the two-day Battle of Chickamauga in late September, Maj. Gen. Rosecrans, the commander of the Army of the Cumberland, was left trapped in Chattanooga, Tennessee and beset on all sides by Gen. Braxton Bragg's forces. Rosecrans telegraphed Washington: "We have met a serious disaster, extent not yet ascertained." The situation in Chattanooga was desperate. The North needed the town in its hands. According to journalist Charles Anderson Dana, who had been Stanton's assistant secretary since March 1863,[127] Rosecrans might only be able to fight for another 15–20 more days and that, without at least 20,000 to 25,000 more men, Chattanooga would be lost.[128] Stanton organized the secret transportation of thousands of Union troops west by rail.[108] Lincoln and Stanton agreed to make Maj. Gen. Grant the commander of almost all forces in the West, giving Grant the option to dismiss Rosecrans from command of the Army of the Cumberland and replace him with Maj. Gen. George Henry Thomas.[129] This Grant did. In late November, Grant, with good efforts from Thomas and Hooker, broke Gen. Bragg's siege at Chattanooga, while Maj. Gen. William Tecumseh Sherman failed to achieve his stated objective. Confederate Lt. Gen. James Longstreet attempted to besiege Maj. Gen. Burnside's army at Knoxville, but Sherman moved east from Chattanooga, causing the Confederates to retreat.[130]
End of the war
Grant, having been promoted to the rank of lieutenant general and made the general-in-chief of the Union Army, crossed the Rapidan River on May 4, 1864. The following day, his and Lee's armies clashed in the Battle of the Wilderness. The result was inconclusive, but Grant, unlike previous commanders, was loath to stop his onward push; "there will be no turning back," he told Lincoln.[131] Grant again engaged Lee at Spotsylvania Court House, and again Union losses far exceeded those of the Confederates.[132] Several days later, Grant and Lee battled at Cold Harbor, where Grant launched numerous assaults in an open field, incurring heavy losses. Nevertheless, Grant pushed on, secretly moving his army across the James River in a masterful display of engineering, but failed to take Petersburg, the important rail junction south of Richmond. The Union army was forced to forego further attacks and began entrenching; so began the Siege of Petersburg.[133] "Long lines of parallel entrenchments curled south and east of Richmond as both armies dug in," say Thomas and Hyman. "Grant stabbed at Lee's fortifications, always keeping the pressure on, and at the same time probed westward, feeling for the railroads that brought Lee's supplies."[134]
In the 1864 presidential election, Lincoln and his new Vice President, Andrew Johnson, emerged victorious against their Democratic opponents, George B. McClellan and George H. Pendleton. Republicans also won major congressional and gubernatorial victories in Ohio, Indiana, Kentucky and New York.[135] Stanton played no small part in securing the victory. Several days prior to the election, he ordered soldiers from key states such as Illinois, Lincoln's home state, to be returned home to vote. "The men who were doing the fighting had voted for more of it in order to make their efforts worth while," Thomas and Hyman state. Stanton also used his powers at the War Department to ensure that Republican voters were not harassed or threatened at the polls. Thomas and Hyman credit Stanton's troop furlough and other moves for much of the Republican success in the 1864 elections.[136]
On March 3, 1865, the day before Lincoln's second inauguration, Grant wired to Washington that Lee had sent representatives to him to sue for peace. Lincoln initially told Grant that he should get peace with the South by any means necessary. Stanton declared, however, that it is the president's duty to sue for peace; otherwise, the president is useless and little more than a figure-head. This engendered an immediate change of tone from the president. Stanton, at Lincoln's urging, told Grant that he was to "have no conference with General Lee unless it be for the capitulation of Gen. Lee's army, or on some minor, and purely, military matter". Further, Grant was not to "decide, discuss, or confer upon any political questions. Such matters the President holds in his own hands; and will submit them to no military conferences or conventions". Grant agreed.[137] Days later, Lincoln visited Grant at his siege headquarters (the Siege of Petersburg was still ongoing). Once Maj. Gen. Philip Sheridan had rejoined his army from the Shenandoah Valley, Grant prepared to make his final push into Richmond.[138] On April 1, 1865, Sheridan defeated Lee's army in the Battle of Five Forks, forcing a retreat from Petersburg. Stanton, who had stayed close to his telegraph for days, told his wife the following evening: "Petersburg is evacuated and probably Richmond. Put out your flags."[139] Stanton was worried that President Lincoln, who had stayed around to watch Grant's push into Richmond, was in danger of being captured, and warned him. Lincoln disagreed, but was happy for Stanton's concern. The President wrote Stanton: "It is certain now that Richmond is in our hands, and I think I will go there to-morrow."[139]
News of Richmond's fall, which came on April 3,
Lee and his army had slipped out of Richmond before its fall, though.[141] Grant marched west to stymie Lee's retreat, while Lincoln remained in Richmond. News of Grant's victories over the withdrawing Confederates lit up Washington's telegraphs. The Union Army was pressing on Lee's tail, and capturing thousands of Confederate prisoners of war. On April 9 Lee finally surrendered, ending the war.[142] On April 13, Stanton suspended conscription and recruiting, as well as the army's acquisition efforts.[143]
Lincoln assassinated
On April 14, Lincoln invited Stanton, Grant and their wives to join him at Ford's Theatre the next evening. Lincoln had invited Stanton to go with him to the theatre several times, invitations Stanton routinely rejected. Further, neither Stanton's nor Grant's wives would go unless the other went. The Grants used a visit to their children in New Jersey as their excuse. Finally, Lincoln decided to go to the theatre with Major Henry Rathbone and his betrothed. Stanton retired home that night after visiting a bedridden Secretary Seward. He went to bed at about 10 pm. Soon after, he heard Ellen yell from downstairs: "Mr. Seward is murdered!"[144] Stanton rushed downstairs. Upon hearing that Lincoln, too, might be dead, Stanton grew intensely animated. He wanted to leave immediately. He was cautioned: "You mustn't go out ... As I came up to the house I saw a man behind the tree-box, but he ran away, and I did not follow him."[144] Stanton paid little mind to the man; he found a taxi and went to Seward's home.[144]
At his arrival, Stanton was told that Lincoln had in fact been attacked. Stanton ordered that the homes of all members of the cabinet and the Vice President be put under guard.
Stanton found Lincoln at the
Stanton ordered testimony taken from those who saw the attack. Witnesses blamed actor John Wilkes Booth for the assassination.[151] Stanton put all soldiers in Washington on guard,[152] and ordered a lockdown of the city.[153] Rail traffic to the south was to be halted, and fishing boats on the Potomac were not to come ashore.[152] Stanton also called Grant back to the capital from New Jersey.[147]
On April 15, Washington was, as journalist
Johnson administration (1865–1868)
Sherman's truce
Lt. Gen. Grant, failing to find Stanton at the War Department, sent a note to his home by courier on the evening of April 21. The matter was urgent.[160] Maj. Gen. Sherman, who had established his army headquarters in Raleigh, North Carolina, had negotiated a peace deal with Confederate commander Gen. Joseph E. Johnston, with the grace of Confederate States Secretary of War John C. Breckinridge. Sherman had been authorized to negotiate with the Southerners only in matters regarding the military, as Grant had been with Lee. Sherman explicitly acknowledged that his negotiations with Confederate leaders were to stay firmly in the realm of military policy, but flouted the limitations anyway. Sherman's deal contained, as expected, a termination of hostilities with the South, but also specified that Southern governments who had rebelled against the United States were to be recognized by the federal government once they swore allegiance to the United States. Further, the deal's terms provided for federal courts to be reinstated in rebellious states, as well as the restoration of property and voting rights to Southerners, and a blanket pardon for Southerners who had rebelled. The deal went even further, allowing Southern troops to place their weapons in the hands of their states' governments, which would effectively rearm the Southern states. Sherman's truce also allotted power to the Supreme Court to resolve jurisdictional disputes between state and local governments in the South, which was a political issue, and not a legal issue, making that a power the court did not constitutionally have.[161]
The courier arrived at Stanton's residence breathless, interrupting his dinner. When he heard the news, Stanton, "in a state of high excitement", rushed to the War Department. He sent for all members of the cabinet in the name of the President. Johnson's cabinet, along with Grant and Preston King, Johnson's advisor, convened at 8 pm that night. Word of Sherman's actions was met with unanimous condemnation by those present. President Johnson instructed Stanton to tell Sherman his deal had been rejected, and that "hostilities should be immediately resumed after giving the Confederates the forty-eight hours' notice required to terminate the truce". Grant would go to Raleigh at once to inform Sherman of Stanton's edict, as well as to assume command of troops in the South.[162]
Stanton took the matter to the press. In addition to publicizing the details of Sherman's deal, Stanton said Sherman intentionally flouted direct orders from both Lincoln and Johnson, and listed nine reasons Sherman's deal had been categorically rejected. Further, Stanton accused Sherman of recklessly opening a path by which Jefferson Davis might flee the country with specie Davis purportedly took with him after abandoning Richmond.[163] The latter claim was based in Sherman's removal of Maj. Gen. George Stoneman's forces from the Greensboro railway—Greensboro was the place to which Davis and other Confederate officials fled.[162] Stanton's words were damning. "It amounted to a castigation of Sherman and virtually accused him of disloyalty", say Thomas and Hyman. Moreover, Sherman being among the most respected generals in the country, Stanton's publication endangered his place in the administration.[163]
Having not seen Stanton's dispatch to the press, Sherman wrote Stanton a conciliatory letter, calling his agreement "folly" and saying that, though he still felt his deal with Johnston and Breckinridge was solid, it was not his place to contest his superior's decision and that he would follow orders.
In late May, there would be a Grand Review of the Armies, where the Union Army would parade through the streets of Washington. Halleck offered the hospitality of his home to Sherman; the general bluntly refused. He informed Grant of his rejection, stating as well that he would only listen to orders from Stanton if they were explicitly sanctioned by the President as well. Sherman further stated that "retraction or pusillanimous excusing" would no longer cut it. The only thing acceptable to Sherman would be for Stanton to declare himself a "common libeller". "I will treat Mr. Stanton with like scorn & contempt, unless you have reasons otherwise, for I regard my military career as ended, save and except so far as necessary to put my army into your hands."[167]
Sherman made well on his promise. At the Grand Review, Sherman saluted the President and Grant, but slighted the secretary of war by walking past him without a handshake, in full view of the public. Stanton gave no immediate response. Journalist Noah Brooks wrote "Stanton's face, never very expressive, remained immobile".[168] The affront touched off speculation that Stanton was about to resign. Stanton, too, considered leaving his post, but at the request of the President and numerous others, including people in the military, he kept on. In reparative efforts, Sherman's wife brought the Stantons flowers, and spent time at their home, but Sherman continued to harbor resentment toward Stanton.[169]
Reconstruction
The war was done, and Stanton now bore the substantial task of reshaping the American military establishment such that it would be as capable an apparatus in peacetime as it had proven to be in wartime.[170] To this end, in the North, Stanton reorganized the army into two sections; one to handle "training and ceremonial chores", and another to quell the American Indians in the west, who were agitated and blusterous as a result of the war.[171] In the South, a high priority was mending the power vacuum left in Southern states after the rebellion.[172] Stanton presented his military occupation proposal, which had been endorsed by Lincoln, to the President: two military governments would be established in Virginia and North Carolina, with provost marshals to enforce laws and establish order, tasks the marshals had proven most capable of in the weeks after the end of the war.[173]
President Johnson had promised to his Cabinet in their first meeting on April 15 that he would uphold his predecessor's plans for
In his 1865 message to Congress, the Democratic Johnson contended that the only necessary proof of loyalty a state needed to show was ratification of the Thirteenth Amendment. Republicans in Congress disagreed; Senator Charles Sumner and Representative Thaddeus Stevens thought black suffrage was vitally necessary to the nation's security and the continuing dominance of the Republican Party. Republicans used parliamentary procedures to ensure none of the Southern delegates, who were mostly former Confederate leaders, took a seat in Congress, and established a predominantly Republican joint committee to decide Reconstruction matters.[178]
Concerning Reconstruction, the President and Congress were deeply divided. Johnson, even when his amnesty policy had come under heavy criticism, had obdurately supported and continued it. Radical Republicans in Congress, however, came to prefer Stanton's military occupation proposal.
With the protection offered by the Tenure of Office Act, Stanton's opposition to Johnson became more open.[184] In the following months, Johnson grew increasingly exasperated with his War Secretary.[185] Johnson told Grant he intended to remove Stanton, and give him the War Secretaryship. Grant opposed the idea. He argued for Stanton's retention and stated that the Tenure of Office Act protected Stanton. Further, Grant said, should the tenure law prove impotent, public opinion would turn further against the administration. Seward, who still respected Stanton greatly, also disagreed with his removal.[186] The two men's words made Johnson teeter in uncertainty; however, his will was stiffened with the support from Secretary Welles and Salmon Chase, now the Supreme Court's Chief Justice — the former previously described Stanton as "selfish, insincere, a dissembler, and treacherous", and the latter having dissolved his friendship with Stanton in aid of his political aspirations.[187] On August 12, 1867, Johnson sent a note to Stanton saying that he was suspended from his position as Secretary of War, and was to turn over the department's files and power to Grant. Pursuant to the Tenure of Office Act, he also notified the Senate for its consideration. Stanton grudgingly, but with little resistance, complied.[188]
Impeachment
On January 13, 1868, the Senate voted overwhelmingly to reinstate Stanton as Secretary of War. Grant, fearing the Act's prescribed penalty of $10,000 in fines and five-years of prison, doubly so because of his high likelihood of being the Republican presidential nominee in the upcoming election, turned the office over immediately.[189] Stanton returned to the War Department soon after in "unusually fine spirits and chatting casually", as newspapers reported.[190] His reemergence precipitated a tide of congratulatory writings and gestures, thanking him for his opposition to the greatly disliked Johnson. The President, meanwhile, again began searching for an agreeable person to take the helm at the War Department, but after a few weeks, he seemed to accept Stanton's reinstatement with resignation. He did try to diminish the power of Stanton's office, however, regularly disregarding it. However, with his ability to sign treasury warrants, and his backing by Congress, Stanton still held considerable power.[191]
Johnson became singularly focused on enacting Stanton's downfall. "No longer able to bear the congressional insult of an enemy imposed on his Official family," Marvel says, "Johnson began to ponder removing Stanton outright and replacing him with someone palatable enough to win Senate approval."[192] Johnson sought Lorenzo Thomas, the army's adjutant general, to replace Stanton, to which he agreed. On February 21, Johnson notified Congress that he was dismissing Stanton, and appointing Thomas as secretary ad interim. Stanton, urged by Republican senators, refused to concede his post. That night, Republicans in the Senate, over Democratic resistance, pushed through a resolution declaring Stanton's removal illegal. In the House, a motion was presented to impeach Johnson. On February 24 the motion was agreed to, and Johnson impeached, with a party-line 126 yeas and 47 nays.[193]
Johnson's trial began in late March. With a predominantly Republican Senate, Johnson's conviction seemed to many a foregone conclusion. However, throughout the process, several senators began showing hesitance to remove the President from office. Stanton, meanwhile, had remained barred in the War Department's headquarters for weeks, sneaking off once in a while to visit his home. When it seemed to Stanton that Johnson would not remove him forcefully from office, he began spending more time at home. Stanton watched closely as the trial, which he was convinced would end with Johnson's conviction, continued for several months. When it came time to vote, 35 voted to convict, 19 to acquit, falling one short of the 36-vote supermajority needed for a conviction. The remaining proceedings were delayed for several days for the Republican National Convention. On May 26, after Johnson had been acquitted on all of the ten other charges, Stanton submitted his resignation to the President.[194]
Later years and death
Campaigning in 1868
After Johnson's acquittal and Stanton's resignation, Johnson's administration seized upon the narrative that those who wanted his impeachment were black-hearted, especially Stanton. However, Stanton left office with strong public and Republican support. In other matters, however, Stanton was in peril. His health was in a dire state, the product of his relentless efforts during and after the war, and his finances were greatly lacking. After his resignation, Stanton possessed only the remnants of his salary, and a $500 loan. Stanton rejected calls from his fellow Republicans that he run for the Senate, choosing instead to resume his law practice.[195]
Stanton's law efforts stalled when he was called on in August 1868 by Robert C. Schenck, the Republican candidate for one of Ohio's seats in the House of Representatives. Schenck's rival, Democrat Clement Vallandigham, was well known among Republicans for his Copperhead politics, and disliked by Stanton.[196] Believing that Democratic victory at any level would imperil the results of the war, and nullify Republican efforts during the war, Stanton went on a tour of Ohio to campaign for Schenck, other Ohio Republicans and Grant, the Republican presidential nominee.[197] Meanwhile, Stanton's health continued to deteriorate. His physician warned him against making lengthy speeches as his asthma irritated him severely. Stanton's illness precipitated his return to Washington in early November. His feeble state was replaced by excitement when Republicans were victorious in the Schenck–Vallandingham race, and the presidential election.[198]
Illness worsens
Afterwards, Stanton took to arguing a case in the Pennsylvania federal court involving disputed West Virginia lands, which were valued in the millions of dollars because of their coal and timber. By this time, Stanton's illness was painfully visible.[Note 6] He grew so sickly that papers related to the case had to be delivered to him at his home. The court ruled against Stanton's client, but Stanton won an appeal at the U.S. Supreme Court to have the case remanded back to the lower court. At Christmas time, Stanton was not able to travel down the stairway of his house, so the family celebrated in his room.[200]
Many speculated at the time that Grant, who had largely ignored Stanton for several months, was due to reward him for his campaigning efforts. Stanton stated, however, that should a position in Grant's administration be offered, he would reject it. Ohio congressman
Supreme Court nomination
Stanton's health varied for much of 1869.
Death and funeral
On the night of December 23 Stanton complained of pains in his head, neck and spine. His doctor, Surgeon General Joseph Barnes, was called. As had happened on many nights before, Stanton's asthma had made breathing difficult. Stanton's lungs and heart felt constricted, which kept Stanton's wife and children, as well as Barnes, by his bedside.[209] Stanton's condition began to improve at midnight, but then he began, as Marvin states, "[gasping] so strenuously for air that someone ran for the pastor of the Church of the Epiphany, and soon after he arrived Stanton lost consciousness."[207] Stanton died at about 3 am on December 24, 1869.[207]
Stanton's body was placed in a black, linen-inlaid coffin in his second-story bedroom.
Stanton was interred beside the grave of his son James Hutchinson Stanton, who had died in infancy several years earlier. An assortment of Cabinet officials, generals, justices and senators carried Stanton's coffin to its final resting place. One of Stanton's professors from Kenyon College performed a service at the graveyard, and a three-volley salute was issued, ending the ceremony.[213]
Stanton on U.S. postage
Edwin Stanton was the second American other than a U.S. president to appear on a U.S. postage issue, the first being Benjamin Franklin, who appeared on a stamp in 1847. The only Stanton stamp was issued March 6, 1871. This was also the only stamp issued by the post office that year. The Stanton 7-cent stamp paid the single rate postage for letters sent from the U.S. to various countries in Europe.[214][215]
Legacy
A distinctive engraved portrait of Stanton appeared on U.S. paper money in 1890 and 1891. The bills are called "treasury notes" or "coin notes" and are widely collected today. These rare notes are considered by many to be among the finest examples of detailed engraving ever to appear on banknotes. The $1 Stanton "fancyback" note of 1890, with an estimated 900–1,300 in existence relative to the millions printed, ranks as number 83 in the "100 Greatest American Currency Notes" compiled by Bowers and Sundman (2006). Stanton also appears on the fourth issue of Fractional currency, in the amount of 50 cents. Stanton Park, four blocks from the United States Capitol in Washington, D.C., is named for him, as is Stanton College Preparatory School in Jacksonville, Florida.
A steam engine, built in 1862, was named the "E. M. Stanton" in honor of the new Secretary of War. Stanton County, Nebraska, is named for him. Stanton Middle School in Hammondsville, Ohio, is named after him. A neighborhood in Pittsburgh is named for him (Stanton Heights) as well as its main thoroughfare (Stanton Avenue). Stanton Park and Fort Stanton in Washington, D.C., were named for him, as was Edwin Stanton Elementary School in Philadelphia. Stanton Street in Trenton, New Jersey, was also named in his honor.[216] Edwin L. Stanton Elementary School in Washington, DC was named for his son who served as the Secretary of the District of Columbia.
In popular culture
Stanton appears in the 1905 Thomas Dixon novel
In the 1930s, a book written by Otto Eisenschiml accused Stanton of arranging the assassination of Lincoln. Although these charges remain largely unsubstantiated, Eisenschim's book inspired considerable debate and the 1977 book and movie, The Lincoln Conspiracy. Stanton was also portrayed negatively in the 1971 TV movie/re-enactment, They've Killed President Lincoln!, narrated by Richard Basehart
Stanton was portrayed by Oscar Apfel in the 1930 film Abraham Lincoln.
Stanton was portrayed by Edwin Maxwell in the 1936 film The Plainsman.
Stanton was portrayed by Raymond Brown in the 1939 short Lincoln in the White House.
Stanton was portrayed by Richard H. Cutting in the 1955 film The Gun That Won the West.
Stanton was portrayed by Roy Gordon in the 1956 film
Stanton was portrayed by Harlan Warde in the 1961 Death Valley Days episode "The Stolen City".
Stanton was portrayed by Bert Freed in the 1974 TV miniseries Lincoln.
Stanton was portrayed by Robert Middleton in the 1977 film The Lincoln Conspiracy.
Stanton was portrayed by Richard Dysart in the 1980 TV film The Ordeal of Dr. Mudd.
Stanton was portrayed by John Rolloff in the 1982 TV miniseries The Blue and the Gray.
Stanton was portrayed by Jon DeVries in the 1988 TV miniseries Lincoln.
Stanton was voiced by Fred Gwynne in the 1992 documentary Lincoln.
Stanton was portrayed by Eddie Jones in the 1998 TV film The Day Lincoln Was Shot.
Stanton was portrayed by Jesse Bennett in the 1998 Touched by an Angel episode, "Beautiful Dreamer".
Stanton was portrayed by Kevin Kline in the 2010 film The Conspirator.
Stanton was portrayed by Bernie Ask in the 2012 TV film Abraham Lincoln vs. Zombies.
Stanton was played by Bruce McGill in the 2012 film Lincoln.
Stanton was portrayed by Graham Beckel in the 2013 TV film, Killing Lincoln.
Stanton was portrayed by Matt Besser in the "Chicago" episode of Drunk History, created by Derek Waters on Comedy Central.
Stanton was played by British actor Tobias Menzies in the 2024 Apple TV+ miniseries Manhunt.
Stanton appears in Philip K. Dick's We Can Build You in the form of a self-aware, cybernetic automaton.
Stanton appears prominently in the alternate history Civil War trilogy by Newt Gingrich and William R. Forstchen.
Stanton was portrayed by Jeremy Schwartz in the podcast 1865.[217]
See also
- List of United States political appointments that crossed party lines
Notes
- Explanatory notes
- ^ From August 12, 1867, until January 14, 1868, Stanton was suspended from office, and Ulysses S. Grant served as Acting Secretary of War. For more on President Johnson's attempts to remove Stanton from office, see impeachment of Andrew Johnson.
- ^ In his preparations for the case, Stanton was questioning sailors at Pittsburgh's docks when he fell into the hold of the cargo vessel Isaac Newton. The result was a limp in his gait that would keep with him for the rest of his life.[28]
- ^ In years subsequent, and after a falling out between him and Stanton, Black said that it was he, and he alone, that authored the document and was responsible for Buchanan's decision. Stanton did not deny this, merely saying that he was part of the process. In a letter to a friend, Stanton said that, at that moment, Black was going to the White House to "present the written objections, which [Stanton had] just prepared."[69]
- ^ Stanton even tore up two written requests from First Lady Mary Todd Lincoln to promote an individual favorable to the Lincoln administration, and later lambasted her for making such a request.[92] He also refused to appoint Benjamin Tappan, Jr., his sister Oella's son, until Lincoln intervened.[93]
- ^ In his 1863 State of the Union Address, Lincoln declared that his Reconstruction plan had two major facets. Firstly, Lincoln would issue an impartial pardon to individuals in offense against the United States, excepting certain persons of high rank, if they agreed to swear acceptance of the government, Constitution, the Emancipation Proclamation, and all of the country's slave laws. Secondly, acceptance of any state back into the Union would hinge on whether ten percent of those who voted in that state in the 1860 elections swore allegiance to the United States. If this condition was met, the state could establish a government, and select delegates to send to a state constitutional convention, and he would recognize and protect the governments.[175]
- ^ Indeed, the case judge remarked that he had expected "an immense, burly, rough, and resistless man, full of health and power and ready for any emergency. Instead of my ideal, there came in, walking slowly and wearily, a feeble and exhausted invalid, whose death-like pallor shocked all beholders. His argument was delivered in low conversational style, but with wonderful clearness, directness, and completeness."[199]
- Citations
- ^ Sears, Steven. Chancellorsville: Chapter 1: Revolt of the General Washington Post. 1996. Retrieved December 26, 2015.
- ^ "The Admission of Ohio as a State". House.gov. United States House of Representatives. Retrieved July 15, 2015.
- ^ Gorham 1899, p. 6.
- Ohio History Central
- ^ Gorham 1899, pp. 6–7.
- ^ Gorham 1899, pp. 7.
- ^ a b Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 6.
- ^ Flower 1905, p. 22, 25.
- ^ a b c Flower 1905, p. 23.
- ^ Gorham 1899, p. 8.
- ^ Allison 2009, p. 9.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 12.
- ^ Gorham 1899, pp. 17–18.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 18.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 14.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, pp. 19–20.
- ^ a b c Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 21.
- ^ Flower 1905, p. 33.
- ^ Gorham 1899, p. 25.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, pp. 21–22.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, pp. 27–29.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, pp. 33–35.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 35.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 37.
- ^ Flower 1905, p. 44.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, pp. 38–45.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, pp. 60–61.
- ^ a b Flower 1905, pp. 56–57.
- ^ a b Flower 1905, p. 57.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 62.
- ^ "H.R. 297 (32nd): Declaring the Wheeling bridges lawful structures, and for other purposes". GovTrack. Retrieved July 22, 2015.
- ^ Flower 1905, pp. 58–59.
- ^ Goodwin 2006, pp. 173–174; Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 63
- ^ Goodwin 2006, p. 174.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 65.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, pp. 63–65.
- ^ Flower 1905, pp. 62–65.
- ^ "Col. Wm. P. Wood Dead". Washington Evening Star. March 21, 1903.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 69.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 68.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, pp. 69–70.
- ^ Flower 1905, p. 66.
- ^ a b Thomas & Hyman 1962, pp. 70–71.
- ^ Flower 1905, p. 67.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 74.
- ^ Flower 1905, pp. 67–68.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 75.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 76.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 77.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, pp. 77–78.
- ^ a b Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 78.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, pp. 79–80.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 81.
- ^ a b Flower 1905, p. 73.
- ^ a b c Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 83.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 84.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, pp. 84–85.
- ISBN 978-1-4767-3930-4.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, pp. 88–89.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 89.
- ^ a b Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 90–91.
- ^ Flower 1905, p. 83.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 93.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 94.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 96.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, pp. 97–98.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 98.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, pp. 100–101.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 102.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 104.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 110.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 113.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 117–118.
- ^ a b Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 119.
- ^ Flower 1905, p. 103.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, pp. 125–126.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 126.
- ^ Flower 1905, p. 115.
- ^ a b Flower 1905, pp. 115–116.
- ^ a b Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 134.
- ^ Flower 1905, p. 116.
- ^ Flower 1905, p. 116; Thomas & Hyman 1962, pp. 116, 134–135
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 131.
- ^ Flower 1905, p. 117.
- ^ a b Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 152.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 143.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 147; Flower 1905, p. 119
- ^ Flower 1905, p. 119.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 148.
- ^ Flower 1905, pp. 119, 127.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, pp. 164–165.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 165.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 166.
- ^ Flower 1905, p. 127.
- ^ Flower 1905, pp. 118, 128.
- ^ Flower 1905, p. 128.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 153.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, pp. 154–155.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 157.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 158.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, pp. 182–183.
- ^ Flower 1905, pp. 140–141.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 185.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 187.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 188.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 189.
- ^ Salmon 2001, pp. 60–67.
- ^ a b Holzer, Harold (August 4, 2017). "Lincoln's Enforcer". WSJ.
- ^ Sears 1992, p. 355.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, pp. 201–202.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 202.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, pp. 204–205.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 214.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, pp. 222–223.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, pp. 223–224.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 225.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 251.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 253.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 258.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 270.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 271.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 272.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 273.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 274.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 274–275.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 275.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 267.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 285–286.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 291.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 292.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 300.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 301.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 302–303.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 303.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 330–331.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 333–334.
- ^ Flower 1905, p. 259.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 350.
- ^ a b Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 351.
- ^ a b Flower 1905, p. 262.
- ^ a b c Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 352.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 353.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 356.
- ^ a b c Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 396.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, pp. 396–397.
- ^ a b Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 397.
- ^ a b Marvel 2015, p. 370.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 401.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 400; Marvel 2015, p. 370
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, pp. 400–401.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, pp. 397–398.
- ^ a b Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 398.
- ^ Marvel 2015, p. 369.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 400.
- ^ Steers 2001, p. 209.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 419.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 420.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, pp. 420–421.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, pp. 425–434.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 405.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 406.
- ^ a b Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 407.
- ^ a b Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 408.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, pp. 410–411.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 411.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 412.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, pp. 414–415.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 416.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, pp. 416–417.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 436.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, pp. 436–437.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 438.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, pp. 357–358, 438, 444–445.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 402.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 307.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 446.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, pp. 446–447.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, pp. 452, 464.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, pp. 465–466; Marvel 2015, pp. 416–417
- ^ Marvel 2015, pp. 405–406.
- ^ Marvel 2015, p. 410.
- ^ Marvel 2015, p. 412.
- ^ Marvel 2015, pp. 413–418.
- ^ Marvel 2015, pp. 416–418.
- ^ Marvel 2015, pp. 418–426.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 548.
- ^ Marvel 2015, p. 403; Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 548
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, pp. 549–551.
- ^ Marvel 2015, pp. 433–434.
- ^ Marvel 2015, p. 435.
- ^ Marvel 2015, pp. 436–438.
- ^ Marvel 2015, p. 439.
- ^ Marvel 2015, pp. 439–442.
- ^ Marvel 2015, pp. 444–450.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, pp. 614–615.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, pp. 616–617.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 619.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 621.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 622.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, pp. 622–623.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 624.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 627.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, pp. 627–628.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, pp. 627–632.
- ^ a b c Satola, James W. (December 2017). "Mr. Justice Stanton" (PDF). The Federal Lawyer. Arlington, Virginia: Federal Bar Association. pp. 5–9, 76–77. Retrieved April 3, 2022.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, pp. 634–635.
- ^ a b c Marvel 2015, p. 462.
- ^ McMillion, Barry J. (March 8, 2022). Supreme Court Nominations, 1789 to 2020: Actions by the Senate, the Judiciary Committee, and the President (PDF) (Report). Washington, D.C.: Congressional Research Service. Retrieved April 3, 2022.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 638; Marvel 2015, p. 462
- ^ Marvel 2015, pp. 462–463.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, pp. 639–640.
- ^ Marvel 2015, p. 463.
- ^ Thomas & Hyman 1962, p. 640.
- ^ "Edwin M. Stanton issue of 1871". Smithsonian National Postal Museum. Retrieved December 18, 2010.
- ^ Scott United States Stamp Catalogue
- ^ "Trenton Historical Society, New Jersey".
- ^ "Airship | 1865". Archived from the original on May 3, 2021. Retrieved May 3, 2021.
References
- Allison, Amy (2009). Edwin Stanton. Infobase Publishing. ISBN 978-1-4381-0270-2.
- Bowers, Q.D., and Sundman, D.M. 2006, 100 Greatest American Currency Notes, Whitman Pub., Atlanta, GA, 134 p.
- Carnegie, Andrew (1906). Edwin M. Stanton: An Address. Doubleday, Page.
- Day, Sandra Hudnall; Hall, Alan (2005). Steubenville. Charleston, S.C.: Arcadia Publishing. ISBN 0738533998.
- Flower, Frank Abial (1905). Edwin McMasters Stanton: The Autocrat of Rebellion, Emancipation, and Reconstruction. New York: Western W. Wilson.
- ISBN 978-1-4165-4983-3.
- Gorham, George Congdon (1899). Life and Public Services of Edwin M. Stanton. Houghton, Mifflin. Archived from the original on June 24, 2016. Retrieved May 26, 2016.
- Hanchett, William. The Lincoln Murder Conspiracies (1983); demolishes the allegation that Stanton was the center of the plot to assassinate Lincoln.
- Hyman, Harold M. "Johnson, Stanton, and Grant: A Reconsideration of the Army's Role in the Events Leading to Impeachment", American Historical Review 66 (October 1960): 85–96 in JSTOR.
- Hendrick, Burton J. Lincoln's War Cabinet (1946).
- Kunhardt, Dorothy Meserve, and Kunhardt Jr., Phillip B. Twenty Days. Castle Books, 1965. ISBN 1-55521-975-6
- Marvel, William (April 15, 2015). Lincoln's Autocrat: The Life of Edwin Stanton. University of North Carolina Press. ISBN 978-1-4696-2250-7.
- Meneely, A. Howard, "Stanton, Edwin McMasters", in Dictionary of American Biography, Volume 9 (1935)
- Pratt, Fletcher. Stanton: Lincoln's Secretary of War (1953).
- Salmon, John S. (2001). The Official Virginia Civil War Battlefield Guide (illustrated ed.). Mechanicsburg, Pennsylvania: Stackpole Books. ISBN 0-8117-2868-4.
- Schroeder-Lein, Glenna R.; Zuczek, Richard (2001). Andrew Johnson: A Biographical Companion. Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC-CLIO. p. 273. ISBN 1576070301.
Edwin M. Stanton asthma.
- ISBN 0-89919-790-6.
- Simpson, Brooks D. Let Us Have Peace: Ulysses S. Grant and the Politics of War and Reconstruction, 1861–1868 (1991)
- Skelton, William B. "Stanton, Edwin McMasters"; American National Biography Online 2000.
- Stahr, Walter, Stanton: Lincoln’s War Secretary (2017). New York: Simon & Schuster.
- Stanton, Edwin (Edited by Ben Ames Williams Jr.) Mr. Secretary (1940), partial autobiography.
- Steers, Edward (2001). Blood on the Moon: The Assassination of Abraham Lincoln. University Press of Kentucky. ISBN 0-8131-2217-1.
- ISBN 978-0-3078-2890-3.
External links
- Mary Stanton, Wife Of Secretary Of War Edwin Stanton
- Biography from "Impeach Andrew Johnson".
- Mr. Lincoln and Friends: Edwin M. Stanton Biography. Archived February 7, 2009, at the Wayback Machine
- Mr. Lincoln's White House: Edwin M. Stanton Biography.
- Pictures of Fractional Currency featuring Edwin Stanton, provided by the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco.
- Pictures of U.S. Treasury Notes featuring Edwin Stanton, provided by the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco. Archived January 16, 2009, at the Wayback Machine
- Spartacus Educational: Edwin M. Stanton.
- Stanton biography in Columbia Electronic Encyclopedia, 6th ed.
- Appletons' Cyclopædia of American Biography. 1900. .