Egyptian–Hittite peace treaty
Egyptian–Hittite peace treaty | |
---|---|
Created | c. 1259 BC |
Discovered | 1828 (Egyptian) and 1906 (Hittite) |
Present location | Istanbul Archaeology Museums and Precinct of Amun-Re in Karnak |
The Egyptian–Hittite peace treaty, also known as the Eternal Treaty or the Silver Treaty, is the only
The Egyptian Kadesh inscriptions were displayed on large temple inscriptions since antiquity; they were first translated by Champollion, but it was not until 1858 that they were identified with the Hittites mentioned in the Bible.[2] In 1906, Hugo Winckler's excavations in Anatolia identified cuneiform tablets which corresponded with the Egyptian text.[B]
Translation of the texts revealed that this engraving was originally translated from silver tablets given to each side, which have since been lost.
The Egyptian version of the peace treaty was engraved in hieroglyphics on the walls of two temples belonging to Pharaoh
The Hittite version was found in the Hittite capital of
Background
The treaty was signed to end a long war between the
Earlier relationship with Hittites
Hittite-Egyptian relations officially began once Hatti took over Mitanni's role as the ruling power in central Syria and from there tensions would continue to be high until the conclusion of the treaty nearly 100 years later.[9] During the invasion and the eventual defeat of Mitanni, the Hittite armies poured into Syria and began to exert their rule over the Egyptian vassals of Kadesh and Amurru. The loss of these lands in northern Syria would never be forgotten by the Egyptian pharaohs, and their later actions demonstrated that they never would fully concede that loss at the hands of the Hittite Empire.[10] Egypt's attempts to regain the territory lost during the rule of Akhenaten continued to be futile until under the leadership of Seti I, the father of Ramesses II, significant gains started to be made. In his own Kadesh-Amurru campaign against the Hittite armies, Seti I vanquished his foes at a battle near Kadesh, but the gains proved short-lived since Kadesh was eventually given up by Seti in a later treaty.[11]
The short gain by the Egyptians was the "opening salvo" of a conflict between the two empires, which would drag on over the next two decades.[12]
Battle of Kadesh
The accounts of this battle mainly are derived from Egyptian literary accounts known as the Bulletin (also known as the Record) and the Poem as well as pictorial Reliefs.
Although the Egyptians were able to survive a terrible predicament in Kadesh, it was not the splendid victory that Ramesses sought to portray but a stalemate in which both sides had sustained heavy losses.[16] After an unsuccessful attempt to gain further ground the following day, Ramesses headed back south to Egypt bragging about his individual achievements during Kadesh. Even though Ramesses technically won the battle, he ultimately lost the war since Muwatalli and his army retook Amurru and extended the buffer zone with Egypt further southward.[17]
Subsequent campaigns into Syria
Despite suffering the later losses during his invasion of Syria, Ramesses II launched another campaign in his eighth year of rule, which proved largely successful. Instead of launching an attack against the heavily fortified position of Kadesh or going through Amurru, Ramesses conquered the city of Dapur in the hope of using the city as a bridgehead for future campaigns.[18] After the successful capture of Dapur, the army returned to Egypt, and so the recently acquired territory reverted to Hittite control. In the tenth year of his rule, he launched another attack on the Hittite holdings in central Syria, and yet again, all areas of conquest eventually returned to Hittite hands. The pharaoh now recognized the impossible task of holding Syria in such a fashion and so ended the northern campaign.[19]
The period is notable in the relationship between the Hittites and the Egyptians because despite the hostilities between the two nations and military conquests in Syria, Kadesh had been the last direct, official military confrontation fought among the Hittites and Egyptians. In some regards, as historians including German
Egyptian text
The Egyptian treaty was found in two originals:
Hittite text
In 1906–1908, the German archaeologist Hugo Winckler excavated the site of the Hittite capital, Hattusa (now Boğazkale in Turkey) in conjunction with Theodore Makridi, the second director of the Istanbul Archaeological Museum. The joint Turkish-German team found the remains of the royal archives, where they discovered 10,000 clay tablets written with cuneiform documenting many of the Hittites' diplomatic activities.[22] The haul included three tablets on which the text of the treaty was inscribed in the Akkadian language, a lingua franca of the time. Winckler immediately grasped the significance of the discovery:
...a marvelously preserved tablet which immediately promised to be significant. One glance at it and all the achievement of my life faded into insignificance. Here it was – something I might have jokingly called a gift from the fairies. Here it was: Ramses writing to Hattusilis about their joint treaty ... confirmation that the famous treaty which we knew from the version carved on the temple walls at Karnak might also be illuminated from the otherwise. Ramses is identified by his royal titles and pedigree exactly as in the Karnak text of the treaty; Hattusilis is described in the same way – the content is identical, word for word with parts of the Egyptian version [and] written in beautiful cuneiform and excellent Babylonian ... As with the history of the people of Hatti, the name of this place was completely forgotten. But the people of Hatti evidently played an important role in the evolution of the ancient Western world, and though the name of this city and the name of the people were totally lost for so long, their rediscovery now opens up possibilities we cannot yet begin to think of.[23]
The Hittite treaty was discovered by Hugo Winckler in 1906 at Boğazkale in Turkey.[24][25] In 1921, Daniel David Luckenbill, crediting Bruno Meissner for the original observation, noted that "this badly broken text is evidently the Hittite version of the famous battle of Kadesh, described in prose and verse by the scribes of Ramses II".[26]
Content
The peace treaty of Ramesses II and Hattušiliš III is known as one of the most important official "international" peace treaties between two great powers from the ancient Near East because its exact wording is known to us.[27] Divided into points, the treaty flows between the Egyptians and Hittites as each side makes pledges of brotherhood and peace to the other in terms of the objectives. The treaty can be seen as a promise of peace and alliance since both powers make the mutual guarantee that they would not invade the other's land. That provision ensured that both participants would act in harmony regarding the disputed Syrian holdings and, in effect, established boundaries for the two conflicting claims.[28] No longer, according to the treaty, would costly Syrian campaigns be waged between the two Near Eastern powers, as a formal renunciation of further hostilities is made.
A second clause promoted alliance by making reassurances of aid, most likely military support, if either party was attacked by a third party or by internal forces of
It is the only ancient Near Eastern treaty for which the versions of both sides have survived, which enables the two to be compared directly. It was structured to be almost-entirely symmetrical by treating both sides equally and requiring them to undertake mutual obligations. There are a few differences, however; for instance, the Hittite version adopts a somewhat evasive preamble, asserting that "as for the relationship between land of Egypt and the Hatti land, since eternity the god does not permit the making of hostility between them because of a treaty valid forever." By contrast, the Egyptian version states straightforwardly that the two states had been at war.[7]
The treaty proclaimed that both sides would forever remain at peace and bound the children and grandchildren of the parties. They would not commit acts of aggression against each other, they would repatriate each other's political refugees and criminals and they would assist each other in suppressing rebellions. Each would come to the other's aid if it was threatened by outsiders: "And if another enemy come [against] the land of Hatti... the great king of Egypt shall send his troops and his chariots and shall slay his enemy and he shall restore confidence to the land of Hatti."[7]
The text concludes with an oath before "a thousand gods, male gods and female gods" of the lands of Egypt and Hatti, witnessed by "the mountains and rivers of the lands of Egypt; the sky; the earth; the great sea; the winds; the clouds." If the treaty was ever violated, the oath-breaker would be cursed by the gods who "shall destroy his house, his land and his servants." Conversely, if he maintained his vows, he would be rewarded by the gods, who "will cause him to be healthy and to live."[7]
Analysis and theories
Previous and contemporary Egyptologists have argued over the character of the treaty. Some have interpreted it as a treaty of peace, but others have seen it as a treaty of alliance after a previous conclusion of hostilities.
Another matter of speculation is which of the two countries pursued
Aims
Egypt
Considering his relatively stronger position over Hattušiliš, it is unknown what Ramesses hoped to achieve by an
Maintaining the status quo in the region became a priority for Ramesses because of the emergence of Assyria's military power, whose might was a force to be reckoned with. Thus, Ramesses would have found it desirable to ensure that Assyria would not have a presence in Syria. If the Assyrians were allowed to enter Syria, they would be an arm's length from Egypt itself and pose a threat to Egypt proper.[40] By accepting the Hittite overture of alliance, Ramesses would count on the fact that the newly-made allies would help to safeguard their mutual holdings in Syria against the upstart power of Assyria.[41]
Besides the added incentive of no longer depleting Egypt's finances with expensive wars against Hatti and increasing the security of Egypt's claims in Syria, signing the treaty with Hatti also provided Ramesses the opportunity to brag about his "defeat" of the Hittites. Since Hattušiliš had been the one to approach Ramesses, the pharaoh, in his depictions at the Ramesseum, represents the settlement as one that the Hittite king had asked for in a position of submission.[42] Considering the official language of the treaties then to be completely independent of each other, Ramesses was able to present the terms of the treaty from his perspective. That free control over the depictions of his role by the language of the treaty gave the pharaoh opportunity to present a greatly-idealized point of view.[29] His ability to assert a sense of supremacy as ruler of Egypt and his attempts to portray that strategic alliance as a victory over the Hittites demonstrate the reasons for Ramesses' to be so willing to choose such a mutually-beneficial peace. The conclusion of open hostilities between the regional powers was a personal triumph for the aging pharaoh and, as his monument at Abu Simbel shows, the pharaoh made his subjects well aware of the fact that Ramesses had conquered the Hittites.[43]
Hittite Empire
In opposition to Ramesses's strength in international affairs, Hattušiliš III was disadvantaged by questions of
In the Near Eastern world, Ramesses wielded great power among the rulers of the day, and formal recognition from him would give Hattušiliš credibility on the international stage.
The threat of his nephew staging another coup against him greatly worried Hattušiliš while he faced a considerable threat from the Assyrians in the east. Hattušiliš's predecessor, the Assyrian king, had taken
Under the terms of the treaty, the Egyptians had to join with their Hatti allies if Assyria invaded Hittite territory. Besides that threat from the east, Hattušiliš recognised the need to strengthen his relationship with his Egyptian neighbours. The competition that had existed between Hatti and Egypt over the Syrian lands no longer served the interests of Hattušiliš. In fact, Trevor Bryce argues that Hattušiliš was satisfied with his current holdings in Syria and that any further expansion of Hittite territory southward was both unjustifiable and undesirable.[42]
Aftermath
After reaching the desired alliance with Hatti, Ramesses could now turn his energies to domestic
Text
- Pritchard 1969, pp. 199–201: "Treaty between the Hittites and Egypt" – via Internet Archive
- University of Halle
References
- ^ a b Klengel 2002, p. 51.
- ^ Langdon & Gardiner 1920, p. 179–180.
- ^ Breasted 1906, p. 173
- ^ "Treaty of Kadesh".
- ^ "Peace Pact..." 1970, p. 18.
- ^ "Peace Treaties..." 1970, p. 13.
- ^ a b c d Bederman 2001, pp. 147–150.
- ^ Burney 2004, p. 233.
- ^ Murnane 1990, pp. 2–3.
- ^ Murnane 1990, p. 24.
- ^ Kitchen 1982, p. 51.
- ^ a b c OEAE: Murnane 2001, "Battle of Kadesh"
- ^ a b OEAE: Cline 2001, "Hittites"
- ^ Bryce 2005, p. 256.
- ^ Kitchen 1982, p. 54.
- ^ Murnane 1990, p. 426.
- ^ Kitchen 1982, p. 63.
- ^ Kitchen 1982, p. 68.
- ^ Kitchen 1982, p. 70.
- ^ Champollion 1844, p. p585
- ^ Zeitschrift für Assyriologie 1999, p. 149.
- ^ Burney 2004, pp. 46–47: "Boğazköy: Excavations".
- ^ Winckler, Hugo, quoted in Wood 1998, p. 174
- ^ Wiseman 2015.
- ^ Winckler 1907.
- ^ Luckenbill 1921, p. 192.
- ^ Klengel 2002, p. 49.
- ^ Breasted 1906, p. 169
- ^ a b c Bryce 2005, p. 307.
- ^ Bryce 2006, p. 9.
- ^ Magnetti 1978, p. 815.
- ^ Breasted 1906, p. 166
- ^ Langdon & Gardiner 1920, p. 186.
- ^ Bryce 2006, p. 1.
- ^ Magnetti 1978, p. 823.
- ^ Langdon & Gardiner 1920, p. 201.
- ^ Bryce 2006, p. 8.
- ^ Bryce 2005, p. 306.
- ^ Kitchen. p. 75.
- ^ Rowton 1959, p. 11.
- ^ Bryce 2005, p. 304.
- ^ a b Bryce 2006, p. 3.
- ^ Breasted 1906, p. 174
- ^ Bryce 2006, p. 6.
- ^ Kitchen 1982, p. 74.
- ^ Bryce 2006, p. 7.
- ^ Bryce 2005, p. 281.
- ^ Klengel 2002, p. 54.
- ^ Kitchen 1982, p. 81.
- ^ Klengel 2002, p. 55.
- ^ Breasted 1906, p. 175
- ^ Mynářová 2014, p. 3: "It is important to stress that the 'exclusiveness' of the 'Eternal Treaty' rests largely in the fact that both versions – the Hittite one written in Akkadian and the Egyptian one – have been extensively preserved and thus remain the objects of an intense study."
- ^ Winckler 1906, cols. 629–630: "Von Briefen sind bis jetzt nur Bruchstücke gefunden worden, unter denen auch nur wenige einen Umfang haben, der für die nähere Bestimmung des Inhaltes etwas erhoffen lässt. Im übrigen ist der Inhalt solcher diplomatischen Noten dem allgemeinen Charakter nach ja von Tel-Amarna her bekannt. Soweit Absender oder Empfänger erhalten sind, rühren die meisten von Wasmuaria oder Wasmuaria satepuaria Ria-masesa-mai Amana d. i. wsr m't R' stp n R', R'ms sa mrj Jmn = Ramses II und seinem Zeitgenossen Hattusil (Ha-at-tu-si-li), dem weiland Chetasar oder Hattusir der ägyptischen Inschriften her. In den verschiedenen Urkunden wird die Genealogie der beiden gegeben (s. unten auch den Vertrag), Hattusil nennt als seine Vorfahren Mur-si-li' und Su-ub-bi-lu-li-u-ma, (der Name ganz so wie von Knudtzon für den Tel- Amarna- Brief festgestellt). Diese beiden sind „Grosskönig, König von Hatti", der Urgrossvater, ebenfalls Hattusil genannt, war „grosser König, König von Ku-us-sar", also ein Vasallenfürst des Hatti -Königs — falls nicht das Grosskönigtum überhaupt eine Gründung von Subliluliuma gewesen ist. Auch der „Mautener" der Aegypter wird in Briefen erwähnt und zwar, wie bereits vermutet (von Jensen zuerst?) tatsächlich in der Form Muttallu. Ein Bruchstück scheint von der Erhebung Subliluliumas zu sprechen. Es ist von Orakelmachenschaften dabei die Rede! Die erste grössere Urkunde, welche — etwa auf halber Höhe des Bergabhanges — gefunden wurde, war der Text eines Vertrags, der abgeschlossen wurde zwischen Hattusil und Ri-a-ma-se-sa-ma-a-i(ilu)A-ma-na mär Mi-im-mu-a-ri-a (Seti I) bin-bin Mi-in-pa-hi-ri-ta-ri-a. Beide Parteien nennen sich sar rabü sar Misri (Hatti) und dahinter noch asaridu (Ur. Sag), genau entsprechend dem bekannten Vertrage von Karnak. Mit diesem ist der unsrige in der Hauptsache identisch, er ist iler keilschriftliche babylonische Text, der ins Aegyptische übersetzt worden ist, wobei nicht überall wörtliche Uebereinstimmung zu herrschen scheint. Der Anhang stand wohl nicht darin, das Ende ist aber nicht erhalten. Auch er spricht von dem „Texte der silbernen Tafel" (sa ina rikilti muhhi dup-bi sa sarpi). Die Aufzählung der Götter von Hatti, welche im Aegyptischen steht, fehlt hier — ob nur abgebrochen, ist nicht festzustellen — wir haben sie aber auf einer sogleich zu erwähnenden anderen hethitisehen Urkunde, im wesentlichen ebenfalls übereinstimmend."
- ^ a b c Breasted 1906, p. 163: "There are two originals: (1) At Karnak on wall extending south of the great hypostyle, published by Champollion, Notices descriptives, II, 195–204 (only 30 lines); Rosellini, Monumenti Storici, 116; Burton, Excerpta hieroglyphica, 17 (not used); Lepsius, Denkmäler, III, 146; Brugsch, Recueil de monuments, I, 28 (ll. 1–20); Bouriant, Recueil, XIII, 153–60; collation of the geographical names by Sayce, Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archæology, XXI, 194 ff.; Müller, Fordersiatische Gesellschaft, VII, 5, Taf. I–XVI; I had also photographs by Borchardt. (2) At the Ramesseum; only fragments of the last 10 lines; Champollion, Notices descriptives, I, 585, 586; Sharpe, Egyptian Inscriptions, II, 50; Bouriant, Recueil, XIV, 67–70. In spite of the mutilated condition of the two monuments, the frequent repetitions make restoration certain in almost all cases. Müller's edition is the only one that is done with care and accuracy; a number of readings may be added to Müller's text from Sharpe's copy, which seems to have escaped him. The following translation was already in my manuscript when Müller's publication appeared. His text added a few new readings, but otherwise, the translation remains unchanged."
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