Eleftherios Venizelos
Eleftherios Venizelos | |
---|---|
Ελευθέριος Βενιζέλος | |
Prime Minister of Greece | |
In office 16 January 1933 – 6 March 1933 | |
President | Alexandros Zaimis |
Preceded by | Panagis Tsaldaris |
Succeeded by | Alexandros Othonaios |
In office 5 June 1932 – 4 November 1932 | |
President | Alexandros Zaimis |
Preceded by | Alexandros Papanastasiou |
Succeeded by | Panagis Tsaldaris |
In office 4 July 1928 – 26 May 1932 | |
President | Pavlos Kountouriotis Alexandros Zaimis |
Preceded by | Alexandros Zaimis |
Succeeded by | Alexandros Papanastasiou |
In office 11 January 1924 – 6 February 1924 | |
Monarch | George II |
Preceded by | Stylianos Gonatas |
Succeeded by | Georgios Kafantaris |
In office 14 June 1917 – 4 November 1920 | |
Monarch | Alexander |
Preceded by | Alexandros Zaimis |
Succeeded by | Dimitrios Rallis |
In office 10 August 1915 – 24 September 1915 | |
Monarch | Constantine I |
Preceded by | Dimitrios Gounaris |
Succeeded by | Alexandros Zaimis |
In office 6 October 1910 – 25 February 1915 | |
Monarchs | George I Constantine I |
Preceded by | Stefanos Dragoumis |
Succeeded by | Dimitrios Gounaris |
Prime Minister of the Cretan State | |
In office 2 May 1910 – 6 October 1910 | |
Preceded by | Alexandros Zaimis (as High Commissioner) |
Minister of Military Affairs | |
In office 27 June 1917 – 18 November 1920 | |
Monarch | Alexander |
Prime Minister | Himself |
Preceded by | Anastasios Charalambis |
Succeeded by | Dimitrios Gounaris |
Minister of Foreign Affairs | |
In office 23 August – 7 October 1915 | |
Monarch | Constantine I |
Prime Minister | Himself |
Preceded by | Dimitrios Gounaris |
Succeeded by | Alexandros Zaimis |
Minister of Justice and Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Cretan State | |
In office 1908–1910 | |
Minister of Justice of the Cretan State | |
In office 17 April 1899 – 18 March 1901 --> | |
Personal details | |
Born | Sophoklis Venizelos | 23 August 1864
Parent(s) | Kyriakos Venizelos Styliani Ploumidaki |
Alma mater | University of Athens |
Profession | Politician Revolutionary Legislator Lawyer Jurist Journalist Translator |
Awards | Order of the Redeemer Grand Cross of the Legion of Honour Order of the White Eagle |
Signature | |
Website | National Foundation Research "Eleftherios K. Venizelos" |
Military service | |
Battles/wars | |
Eleftherios Kyriakou Venizelos (
His first entry into the international scene was with his significant role in the autonomy of the
In
In his subsequent periods in office, Venizelos restored normal relations with Greece's neighbors and expanded his constitutional and economic reforms. In 1935, he resurfaced from retirement to support a
Origins and early years
Ancestry
The ancestors of Venizelos, named Crevvatas, lived in
However, during the National Schism, politician Konstantinos Krevattas denied that his family had any relation to Venizelos. In a letter to a Cretan partner, Venizelos wrote that his father Kyriakos had taken part in the siege of Monemvasia in 1821 with his brother Hatzinikolos Venizelos and 3 more brothers. His grandfather probably was Hatzipetros Benizelos, a merchant from Kythira.[11]
Family and education
Eleftherios was born in
He spent his final year of secondary education at a school in
Entry into politics
The situation in Crete during Venizelos' early years was fluid. The Ottoman Empire was undermining the reforms, which were made under international pressure, while the Cretans desired to see the Sultan, Abdul Hamid II, abandon "the ungrateful infidels".[13] Under these unstable conditions Venizelos entered into politics in the elections of 2 April 1889 as a member of the island's liberal party.[12] As a deputy he was distinguished for his eloquence and his radical opinions.[14]
Political career in Crete
Cretan uprising
Background
The numerous revolutions in Crete, during and after the
In January 1897, violence and disorder escalated on the island, thus polarizing the population. Massacres against the Christian population took place in
Events at Akrotiri
Venizelos, at that time, was on an electoral tour of the island. Once he "saw Canea in flames",
On 20th of February [he] was ordered by the admirals to lower the flag and disband his rebel force. He refused![30]
Venizelos turned towards the port of Souda, where the warships were anchored, and explained: "You have cannon-balls – fire away! But our flag will not come down" ... [after the flag was hit] Venizelos ran forward; his friends stopped him; why expose a valuable life so uselessly?[31]
There was that famous day in February 1897 when ... he rejected the orders of the Protecting Powers and in the picturesque phrase in the Greek newspapers "defied the navies of Europe"[32]
Under the smooth diplomat of today is the revolutionist who prodded the Turks out of Crete and the bold chieftain who camped with a little band of rebels on a hilltop above
Canea and there he defied the consuls and the fleets of all the [Great] Powers![33]
On the same evening of the bombardment, Venizelos wrote a protest to the foreign admirals, which was signed by all the chieftains present at Akrotiri. He wrote that the rebels would keep their positions until everyone was killed from the shells of European warships in order not to let the Turks remain in Crete.[34] The letter was deliberately leaked to international newspapers, evoking emotional reactions in Greece and in Europe, where the idea of Christians, who wanted their freedom, being bombarded by Christian vessels, caused popular indignation. Throughout Western Europe much popular sympathy for the cause of the Christians in Crete was manifested, and much popular applause was bestowed on the Greeks.[28]
War in Thessaly
The Great Powers sent a verbal note on 2 March to the governments of Greece and the Ottoman Empire, presenting a possible solution to the "Cretan Question", under which Crete to become an autonomous state under the suzerainty of the Sultan.
As a representative of the Cretan rebels, Venizelos met the admirals of the
In reaction to the rebellion of Crete and the assistance sent by Greece, the Ottomans had relocated a significant part of their army in the Balkans to the north of
Conclusion
The defeat of Greece in the
Venizelos played an important role in this solution, not only as the leader of the Cretan rebels but also as a skilled diplomat with his frequent communication with the admirals of the Great Powers.
Autonomous Cretan State
After Venizelos submitted the complete juridical legislation on 18 May 1900, disagreements between him and Prince George began to emerge. [citation needed] Prince George decided to travel to Europe and announced to the Cretan population that "When I am traveling in Europe, I shall ask the Powers for annexation, and I hope to succeed on account of my family connections".[43] The statement reached the public without the knowledge or approval of the Committee. Venizelos said to the Prince that it would not be proper to give hope to the population for something that was not feasible at the given moment. As Venizelos had expected, during the Prince's journey, the Great Powers rejected his request.[42][43]
The disagreements continued on other topics; the Prince wanted to build a palace, but Venizelos strongly opposed it as that would mean the perpetuation of the current arrangement of Governorship; Cretans accepted it only as temporary until a final solution was found.[42] Relations between the two men became increasingly soured, and Venizelos repeatedly submitted his resignation.[44]
In a meeting of the Executive Committee, Venizelos expressed his opinion that the island was not autonomous since the military forces of the Great Powers were still present and that the Great Powers were governing through their representative, the Prince. Venizelos suggested that once the Prince's service expired, then the Great Powers should be invited to the Committee, which, according to article 39 of the constitution (which was suppressed in the conference of Rome) would elect a new sovereign, thereby removing the need for the presence of the Great Powers. Once the Great Powers' troops and their representatives left the island, the union with Greece would be easier to achieve. This proposal was exploited by Venizelos' opponents, who accused him of wanting Crete to be an autonomous hegemony. Venizelos replied to the accusations by submitting his resignation once again, with the reasoning that it would be impossible henceforth to collaborate with the Committee's members; he assured the Commissioner, however, that he did not intend to join the opposition.[42]
On 6 March 1901, in a report, he exposed the reasons that compelled him to resign to the High Commissioner, which was however leaked to the press. On 20 March, Venizelos was dismissed because "he, without any authorization, publicly supported opinions opposite of those of the Commissioner".[42][45] Henceforth, Venizelos assumed the leadership of the opposition to the Prince. For the next three years, he carried out a hard political conflict until the administration was virtually paralyzed, and tensions dominated the island. Inevitably, these events led in March 1905 to the Theriso Revolution, whose leader he was.[citation needed]
Revolution of Theriso
On 10 March 1905, the rebels gathered in Theriso and declared "the political union of Crete with Greece as a single free constitutional state".[46] The resolution was given to the Great Powers, where it was argued that the illegitimate provisional arrangement was preventing the island's economic growth and that the only logical solution to the "Cretan Question" was the unification with Greece. The High Commissioner, with the approval of the Great Powers, replied to the rebels that military force would be used against them.[42] However, more deputies joined with Venizelos in Theriso. The Great Powers' consuls met with Venizelos in Mournies in an attempt to achieve an agreement, but without any results.[citation needed]
The revolutionary government asked that Crete be granted a regime similar to that of
Following the
An assembly was convened and declared the independence of Crete. The civil servants were sworn in the name of
Political career in Greece
Goudi military revolution of 1909
After I finished my studies in Athens I returned home and hung out my bandolier. I had not tried many cases in the court of my home island before it became necessary for me to take up arms against the Turkish government. Although my father was born in Greece, I was considered an Ottoman subject—therefore a rebel—because my mother was born under the Turkish flag. At the end of the revolution, I returned again to my hometown and resumed my practice. I did not have time, however, to go far with it, for I had to take up arms again and go to the mountains. I soon reached the point where I had to decide whether I ought to be a lawyer by profession and a revolutionary at intervals or a revolutionary by profession and a lawyer at intervals ... I naturally became a revolutionary by profession.
— Venizelos speaking at a banquet given in his honor by the foreign press at the Peace Conference in 1919.[48][49]
In May 1909, a number of officers in the Greek army emulating the
Venizelos went to Athens, and after consulting with the
Reforms in 1910–1914
Venizelos tried to advance his reform program in the realms of political and social ideologies, education, and literature, by adopting practically viable compromises between often conflicting tendencies. In education, for example, the dynamic current in favor of the use of the popular spoken language,
On 20 May 1911, a revision of the Constitution was completed, which focused on strengthening individual freedoms, introducing measures to facilitate the legislative work of the Parliament, establishing obligatory
Balkan Wars
Background
At the time, there were diplomatic contacts with the
Balkan League
Venizelos, seeing no improvements after his approach with the Turks on the Cretan Question and at the same time not wanting to see Greece remain inactive as in the Russo-Turkish War in 1877 (where Greece's neutrality left the country out of the peace talks), he decided that the only way to settle the disputes with Ottoman Empire, was to join the other Balkan countries, Serbia, Bulgaria and Montenegro, in an alliance known as the Balkan League. Crown Prince Constantine was sent to represent Greece to a royal feast in Sofia, and in 1911 Bulgarian students were invited to Athens.[57] These events had a positive impact and on 30 May 1912 Greece and the Kingdom of Bulgaria signed a treaty that ensured mutual support in case of a Turkish attack on either country. Negotiations with Serbia, which Venizelos had initiated to achieve a similar agreement, were concluded in early 1913,[58] before that there were only oral agreements.[59]
Montenegro opened hostilities by declaring war on the Ottoman Empire on 8 October 1912. On 17 October 1912, Greece along with her Balkan allies, declared war on the Ottoman Empire, thus joining the First Balkan War.[58] On 1 October, in a regular session of the Parliament Venizelos announced the declaration of war to the Ottomans and accepting the Cretan deputies, thus closing the Cretan Question, with the declaration of the union of Crete with Greece. The Greek population received these developments very enthusiastically.[citation needed]
First Balkan War – The first conflict with Prince Constantine
The outbreak of the First Balkan War caused Venizelos a great deal of trouble in his relations with Crown Prince Constantine. Part of the problems can be attributed to the complexity of the official relations between the two men. Although Constantine was a Prince and the future King, he also held the title of army commander, thus remaining under the direct order of the Ministry of Military Affairs, and subsequently under Venizelos. But his father, King George, in accordance with the constitutional conditions of the time, had been the undisputed leader of the country. Thus in practical terms, Venizelos' authority over his commander of the army was diminished due to the obvious relation between the Crown Prince and the King.[citation needed]
In these conditions, the army started a victorious march to Macedonia under the command of Constantine. Soon the first disagreement between Venizelos and Constantine emerged, and it concerned the aims of the army's operations. The Crown Prince insisted on the clear military aims of the war: to defeat the opposed Ottoman army as a necessary condition for any occupation, wherever the opponent army was or was going, and the main part of the Ottoman army soon started retreating to the north towards Monastir. Venizelos was more realistic and insisted on the political aims of the war: to liberate as many geographical areas and cities as fast as possible, particularly Macedonia and Thessaloniki; thus heading east. The debate became evident after the victory of the Greek army at Sarantaporo, when the future direction of the armies' march was to be decided. Venizelos intervened and insisted that Thessaloniki, as a major city and strategic port in the surrounding area, should be taken at all costs and thus a turn to the east was necessary.[citation needed] In accordance to his views, Venizelos sent the following telegraph to the General Staff:
Salonique à tout prix![60]
and tried to keep frequent communication with the key figure, the King, in order to prevent the Crown Prince from marching north.
Once the campaign in Macedonia was completed, a large part of the Greek army under the Crown Prince was redeployed to Epirus, and in the Battle of Bizani, the Ottoman positions were overcome and Ioannina taken on 22 February 1913. Meanwhile, the Greek navy rapidly occupied the Aegean islands, which were still under Ottoman rule. After two victories, the Greek fleet established naval supremacy over the Aegean, preventing the Turks from bringing reinforcements to the Balkans.[62][63]
On 20 November, Serbia, Montenegro, and Bulgaria signed a truce treaty with Turkey. It followed a conference in London, in which Greece took part, although the Greek army still continued its operations in the Epirus front. The conference led to the Treaty of London between the Balkan countries and Turkey. These two conferences gave the first indications of Venizelos' diplomatic efficiency and realism. During the negotiations and facing the dangers of Bulgarian maximalism, Venizelos succeeded in establishing close relations with the Serbs. A Serbian-Greek military protocol was signed on 1 June 1913, ensuring mutual protection in case of a Bulgarian attack.[citation needed]
Second Balkan War
Despite all this, the Bulgarians still wanted to become a hegemonic power in the Balkans and made excessive claims to this end, while Serbia asked for more territory than what was initially agreed with the Bulgarians. Serbia was asking for a revision of the original treaty since it had already lost north Albania due to the Great Powers' decision to establish the state of Albania in an area that had been recognized as a Serbian territory of expansion under the prewar Serbo-Bulgarian treaty. Bulgarians also laid claims on Thessaloniki and most of Macedonia. In the conference of London, Venizelos rebuffed these claims, citing the fact that it had been occupied by the Greek army,[64] and that Bulgaria had denied any definite settlement of territorial claims during the pre-war discussions, as it had done with Serbia.[citation needed]
The rupture between the allies, due to the Bulgarian claims, was inevitable, and Bulgaria found herself standing against Greece and Serbia. On 19 May 1913,
World War I and Greece
Dispute over Greece's role in World War I
With the outbreak of World War I and the Austro-Hungarian invasion of Serbia, a major issue started regarding the participation of Greece and Bulgaria in the war. Greece had an active treaty with Serbia which was the treaty activated in the 1913 Bulgarian attack that caused the Second Balkan War. That treaty was envisaged in a purely Balkan context and was thus invalid against Austria-Hungary, as was supported by Constantine and his advisors.[citation needed]
The situation changed when the Allies, in an attempt to help Serbia, offered Bulgaria the
But Constantine's anti-Bulgarism made such a transaction impossible. Constantine refused to go to war under such conditions, and the men parted. As a consequence, Bulgaria joined the Central Powers and invaded Serbia, an event that led to Serbia's final collapse. Greece remained neutral. Venizelos supported an alliance with the Entente, not only believing that Britain and France would win but also that it was the only choice for Greece because the combination of the strong Anglo-French naval control over the Mediterranean and the geographical distribution of the Greek population, could have ill effects in the case of a naval blockade, as he characteristically remarked:
One cannot kick against geography![68]
On the other hand, Constantine favored the Central Powers and wanted Greece to remain neutral.[69] He was influenced both by his belief in the military superiority of Germany and also by his German wife, Queen Sophia, and his pro-German court. He therefore strove to secure a neutrality, which would be favorable to Germany and Austria.[70]
In 1915, Winston Churchill (then First Lord of the Admiralty) suggested to Greece to take action in Dardanelles on behalf of the allies.[71] Venizelos saw this as an opportunity to bring the country on the side of the Entente in the conflict. However, the King and the Hellenic Army General Staff disagreed and Venizelos submitted his resignation on 21 February 1915.[70] Venizelos' party won the elections and formed a new government.[citation needed]
National Schism
Even though Venizelos promised to remain neutral, after the elections of 1915, he said that Bulgaria's attack on Serbia, with which Greece had a treaty of alliance, obliged him to abandon that policy. A small-scale mobilization of the Greek army took place.
The dispute between Venizelos and the King reached its height shortly after that, and the King invoked a Greek constitutional provision that gave the monarch the right to dismiss a government unilaterally. Meanwhile, using the excuse of saving Serbia, in October 1915, the Entente disembarked an army in Thessaloniki,[72] after invitation by Venizelos. Prime Minister Venizelos's action enraged Constantine.
The dispute continued between the two men, and in December 1915, King Constantine forced Venizelos to resign for a second time and dissolved the Liberal-dominated parliament, calling for new elections. Venizelos left Athens and moved back to Crete. Venizelos did not take part in the elections, as he considered the dissolution of Parliament unconstitutional.[73][74]
On 26 May 1916 the Fort Rupel (a significant military fort in Macedonia) was unconditionally surrendered by the royalist government to Germano-Bulgarian forces.[75] This produced a deplorable impression. The Allies feared a possible secret alliance between the royalist government and the Central Powers, placing their armies in grave danger in Macedonia. On the other hand, the surrender of Fort Rupel for Venizelos and his supporters meant the beginning of the destruction of Greek Macedonia. Despite German assurances that the integrity of the Kingdom of Greece would be respected, they were unable to restrain the Bulgarian forces, which had started dislocating the Greek population, and by 4 September Kavala was occupied.[76]
On 16 August 1916, during a rally in Athens, and with the support of the allied army that had landed in Thessaloniki under the command of General
The National Defence government started assembling an army for the Macedonian front and soon participated in operations against the Central Powers forces.[citation needed]
"Noemvriana" – Greece enters World War I
In the months following the creation of the provisional government in Thessaloniki in late August, negotiations between the Allies and the king intensified. The Allies wanted further demobilization of the Greek army as a counterbalance to the royalist government's unconditional surrender of Fort Rupel and the military evacuation of Thessaly to ensure the safety of their troops in Macedonia. On the other hand, the king wanted assurances that the Allies would not officially recognize Venizelos' provisional government or further support it, guarantees that Greece's integrity and neutrality would be respected, and a promise that any war material surrendered to the Allies would be returned after the war.[79]
The Franco-British use of Greece's territory in co-operation with the Venizelos government[i] throughout 1916 was opposed in royalist circles and therefore increased Constantine's popularity, and caused much excitement and several anti-Allied demonstrations took place in Athens.[77] Moreover, a growing movement had been developed in the army among lower officers, led by military officers Ioannis Metaxas and Sofoklis Dousmanis, determined to oppose disarmament and the surrender of any war materials to the Allies.[80]
The Allies' pressure on the government of Athens continued. On the next day, 24 November, du Fournet presented a new ultimatum ending on 1 December to the government of Athens, demanding the immediate surrender of at least ten mountain batteries.[81] The admiral made a last effort to persuade the king to accept France's demands. He advised the king that according to his orders, he would land an Allied contingent with the aim to occupy certain positions in Athens until his demands were satisfied.[81] In reply, the King claimed that he was pressed by the army and the people not to submit to disarmament and refused to make any commitment. However, he promised that the Greek forces would receive orders not to fire against the Allied contingent.[82] Despite the gravity of the situation, both the royalist government and the Allies let the events take their own course. The royalist government decided to reject the admirals' demands on 29 November, and armed resistance was organized. By 30 November, military units and royalist militia (the epistratoi, "reservists") from surrounding areas had been recalled and gathered in and around Athens (in total over 20,000 men[83][84][85]) and occupied strategic positions, with orders not to fire unless fired upon.[82] On the other hand, the Allied authorities failed in their assessment of the prevailing temper. A diplomat characteristically insisted that the Greeks were bluffing, and in the face of force, they would "bring the cannons on a plater"; a viewpoint that Du Fournet also shared.[82]
The Allies landed a small contingent in Athens on 1 December [
After the armed confrontation in Athens, on 2 December [
The course of events paved the way for Venizelos to return to Athens on 29 May 1917, and Greece, now unified, officially entered the war on the side of the Allies. Subsequently, the entire Greek army was mobilized (though tensions remained inside the army between supporters of the
Conclusion of World War I
By the fall of 1918, the Greek army numbering 300,000 soldiers, was the largest single national component of the Allied army in the Macedonian front.
Treaty of Sèvres and assassination attempt
Following the conclusion of World War I, Venizelos took part in the
In July 1919, Venizelos reached an agreement with the Italians on the cession of the
In spite of all this, fanaticism continued to create a deep rift between the opposing political parties and to impel them towards unacceptable actions. On his journey home on 12 August 1920, Venizelos survived an assassination attack by two royalist soldiers at the Gare de Lyon railway station in Paris.[101] This event provoked unrest in Greece, with Venizelist supporters engaging in acts of violence against known anti-Venizelists, and provided further fuel for the national division. The persecution of Venizelos' opponents reached a climax with the assassination of the idiosyncratic anti-Venizelist Ion Dragoumis[70] by paramilitary Venizelists on 13 August.[102] After his recovery Venizelos returned to Greece, where he was welcomed as a hero because he had liberated areas with Greek populations and had created a state stretching over "five seas and two continents".[70]
1920 electoral defeat, self-exile and the Great Disaster
Once the anti-Venizelists came to power, it became apparent that they intended to continue the campaign in Asia Minor. However, the dismissal of the war experienced pro-Venizelist military officers for political reasons
Following the
During these absences from power, he translated Thucydides into modern Greek, although the translation and incomplete commentary were only published in 1940, after his death.[citation needed]
Return to power (1928–32): Greco-Turkish alliance, assassination attempt and subsequent exile
In the elections held on 5 July 1928, Venizelos' party regained power and forced the government to hold
In 1929, the Venizelos government, in an effort to avoid reactions from the lower classes whose conditions had worsened due to the wave of immigration, introduced the so-called Idionymon (#4229), a law that restricted civil liberties and initiated the repression against unionism, left-wing supporters and communists.[citation needed]
His domestic position was weakened, however, by the effects of the
Death
Venizelos left for Paris and on 12 March 1936 wrote his last letter to
Legacy
One of the main contributions of Venizelos to Greek political life was the creation, in 1910, of the Liberal Party, which contrasted with the Greek parties of that period. Until the early twentieth century, the Greek parties were inspired by the protecting powers (
Its main ideas, adapted from its creator, were: opposition to the monarchy; the defense of the Megali Idea; formation of alliances with Western democratic countries, in particular, the United Kingdom and France against Germany during the First and Second World Wars, and later with the United States against the Soviet Union during the Cold War; and finally a protectionist economic policy.[119]
Venizelos was one Greek politician who achieved worldwide fame during his lifetime, and in the six years between 1915 and 1921, five biographies of him were published in English together with numerous profiles in the newspapers.[121] The character of Constantine Karolides, the able and charismatic prime minister of Greece in John Buchan's 1915 adventure spy novel The Thirty-Nine Steps, is a thinly disguised version of Venizelos.[121] Venizelos's advocacy throughout his career in varying ways of a bloc of Balkan states led the press, especially in Britain, to portray him as a far-sighted statesman who was bringing peace and stability to the unstable Balkans.[122]
Athens International Airport is named after Venizelos.
Personal life and family
In December 1891, Venizelos married Maria Katelouzou, daughter of Eleftherios Katelouzos. The newlyweds lived on the upper floor of the Chalepa house, while Venizelos' mother and his brother and sisters lived on the ground floor. There, they enjoyed the happy moments of their marriage and also had the birth of their two children, Kyriakos in 1892 and Sofoklis in 1894. Their married life was short and marked by misfortune. Maria died of post-puerperal fever in November 1894 after the birth of their second child. Her death deeply affected Venizelos and as a sign of mourning, he grew his characteristic beard and mustache, which he retained for the rest of his life.[12]
After his defeat in the November elections of 1920, he left for
The married couple settled down in Paris in a flat at 22 rue Beaujon.[clarification needed] He lived there until 1927 when he returned to Chania.[12]
Gallery
-
Venizelos father's shop in Chania.
-
Venizelos in 1935
-
Building 22 rue Beaujon in Paris where Venizelos died.
-
A statue in Thessaloniki (sculpt. Giannis Pappas).
-
A bust by Athanasios Apartis
See also
- History of Modern Greece
- Turkish Genocide
- List of massacres during the Greco-Turkish War (1919–1922)
Notes
^ i: The most pronounced violation was when the Allies occupied the island of Corfu and used it as a base to gather the remains of the Serbian army. The Allies informed Athens of their intention a few hours before the first ships reached the island.[123]
^ ii: Rhodes became a part of Greece in 1949.
Citations
- Old Style.
- ^ Kitromilides, 2006, p. 178
- ^ a b c "Liberty Still Rules", Time, 18 February 1924.
- ^ Encyclopædia Britannica Online. 2008.
- ^ Duffield, J. W. (30 October 1921). "Venizelos, Maker of Modern Greece". The New York Times.
- ISBN 978-1-84885-164-1.
- ISBN 978-960-03-4246-8.
- ISBN 978-0-226-67374-5.
- ^ "Intrigue in Greece". The Argus. Melbourne. 4 July 1916. p. 7. Retrieved 29 November 2012 – via National Library of Australia.
- ^ a b c Chester, 1921, p. 4
- ^ "Ποιος ήταν ο παππούς του Ελευθερίου Βενιζέλου". 11 May 2020.
- ^ a b c d Mitsotaki, Zoi (2008). "Venizelos the Cretan. His roots and his family". National Foundation Research. Archived from the original on 18 May 2007.
- ^ a b Ion, 1910, p. 277
- ^ Kitromilides, 2006, pp. 45, 47
- ^ Kitromilides, 2006, p. 16
- ^ Clogg, 2002, p. 65
- ^ "Pact of Halepa". Encyclopædia Britannica Online. 2008.
- ^ a b Kitromilides, 2006, p. 58
- ^ Lowell Sun (newspaper), 6 February 1897, p. 1
- ^ Holland, 2006, p. 87
- ^ a b c Papadakis, Nikolaos E. (2008). "Eleftherios Venizelos His path between two revolutions 1889–1897". National Foundation Research. Archived from the original on 18 May 2007.
- ^ Holland, 2006, p. 91
- ^ Chester, 1921, p. 35
- ^ Chester, 1921, p. 34
- ^ Kitromilides, 2006, p. 30
- ^ Kitromilides, 2006, p. 62
- ^ Kerofilias, 1915, p. 14
- ^ a b Dunning, Jun. 1987, p. 367
- ^ Chester, 1921, pp. 35–36
- ^ Gibbons, p. 24
- ^ Kerofilias, 1915, pp. 13–14
- ^ Leeper, 1916, pp. 183–184
- ^ Anne O'Hare, McCormark, "Venizelos the new Ulysses of Hellas", The New York Times Magazine, 2 September, p. 14
- ^ Kitromilides, 2006, pp. 63–64
- ^ Understanding life in the borderlands: boundaries in depth and in motion, I. William Zartman, 2010, p. 169
- ^ Kitromilides, 2006, p. 65
- ^ Rose, 1897, pp. 2–3
- ^ Dunning, June 1897, p. 368
- ^ a b Dunning Dec. 1897, p. 744
- ^ Ion, 1910, p. 278
- ^ a b Kitromilides, 2006, p. 68
- ^ a b c d e f g h Manousakis, George (2008). "Eleftherios Venizelos during the years of the High Commissionership of Prince George (1898–1906)". National Foundation Research. Archived from the original on 27 September 2007.
- ^ a b Kerofilias, 1915, pp. 30–31
- ^ Kerofilias, 1915, p. 33
- ^ Chester, 1921, p. 82
- ^ Chester, 1921, p. 95
- ^ Archontaki, Stefania (2008). "1906–1910, The Preparation and Emergence of Venizelos on the Greek Political Stage – Venizelos as Prime Minister". National Foundation Research. Archived from the original on 27 September 2007.
- ^ Gibbons pp. 35–37
- ^ Alastos p. 38
- ^ a b Mazower, 1992, p. 886
- ^ "Military League". Encyclopædia Britannica Online. 2008.
- ^ Chester, 1921, pp. 129–133
- ^ a b c Gardika-Katsiadaki, Eleni (2008). "Period 1910–1914". National Foundation Research. Archived from the original on 18 May 2007.
- ^ Kyriakou, 2002, pp. 491–492
- ^ Hall, 2000, pp. 1–9
- ^ Kitromilides, 2006, p. 141
- ^ Chester, 1921, p. 150
- ^ a b Kitromilides, 2006, p. 145
- ^ Hall, 2000, p. 13
- ^ a b Chester, 1921, pp. 159–160
- ^ Hall, 2000, pp. 61–62
- ^ Chester, 1921, pp. 161–164
- ^ Hall, 2000, p. 17
- ^ Chester, 1921, p. 169
- ^ "Bulgaria, The Balkan Wars". Encyclopædia Britannica Online. 2008.
- ^ Tucker, 1999, p. 107
- ^ Kitromilides, 2006, p. 154
- ^ Seligman, 1920, p. 31
- ^ "World War I – Greek Affairs". Encyclopædia Britannica Online. 2008.
- ^ a b c d e f Theodorakis, Emanouil; Manousakis George (2008). "First World War 1914–1918". National Foundation Research. Archived from the original on 18 May 2007.
- ^ Firstworldwar.com The Minor Powers During World War One – Greece
- ^ "Constantine I". Encyclopædia Britannica Online. 2008.
- ^ Chester, 1921, p. 271
- ^ Kitromilides, 2006, p. 122
- ^ Leon, 1974, pp. 356–357
- ^ Leon, 1974, p. 381
- ^ a b Kitromilides, 2008, p. 124
- ^ Clogg, 2002, p. 87
- ^ Leon, 1974, p. 422
- ^ Leon, 1974, p. 428
- ^ a b Leon, 1974, p. 434
- ^ a b c Leon, 1974, p. 435
- ^ Chester, 1921, p. 293
- ^ Seligman, 1920, p. 139
- ^ Ion, 1918, pp. 796–812
- ^ Burg, 1998, pp. 145–146
- ^ Vatikotes, 1998 p. 98
- ^ Burg, 1998, p.145
- ^ Kitromilides, 2006, p. 367
- ^ Hickey, 2004, p. 87
- ^ Clogg, 2002, p. 89
- ^ Gibbons, 1920, p. 299
- ^ Chester, 1921, pp. 295–304
- ^ "Land of Invasion", Time, 4 November 1940.
- ^ Chester, 1921, p. 311
- ^ The Encyclopædia Britannica, 1922, p. 308
- ^ Chester, 1921, pp. 312–313
- ^ Chester, 1921, p. 6
- ^ a b Kitromilides, 2006, p. 165
- ^ Chester, 1921, p. 320
- ^ "Venizelos shot, twice wounded by Greeks in Paris". The New York Times. 13 August 1920. p. 1.
- ^ Kitromilides, 2006, p. 129
- ^ a b c Clogg, 2002, p. 95
- ^ Kitromilides, 2006, p. 131
- ^ a b Theodorakis, Emanouil; Manousakis George (2008). "Period 1920–1922". National Foundation Research. Archived from the original on 18 May 2007.
- ^ a b Clogg, 2002, p. 96
- ^ Karamanlis, 1995, p. 55, 70
- ^ Karamanlis, 1995, pp. 144–146
- ^ Karamanlis, 1995, pp. 158–160
- ^ Nobel Foundation. The Nomination Database for the Nobel Prize in Peace, 1901–1955.nobelprize.org
- ^ Clogg, 2002, p. 107
- ^ Karamanlis, 1995, pp. 95–97
- ^ Black, 1948, p. 94
- ^ Clogg, 2002, p. 103
- ^ Black, 1948, pp. 93–96
- ^ Manolikakis, 1985, pp. 18–22; Hélène Veniselos, A l'ombre de Veniselos (Paris, 1955)
- ^ Koliopoulos, 2002, pp. 53–54
- ^ Legg, pp. 188–189
- ^ Contogeorgis, 1996, pp. 379–404
- ^ Koliopoulos, 2002, p. 104
- ^ a b Michail, 2011 p. 111
- ^ Michail, 2011 pp. 111–112
- ^ Leon, 1974, pp. 315–316
General references
Books
- Abbott, G. F. (2008). Greece and the Allies 1914–1922. London: Methuen & co. ltd. ISBN 978-0554394626.
- Alastos, D. (1942). Venizelos, Patriot, Statesman, Revolutionary. London: P. Lund, Humphries & co.
- Bagger, E. S. (1922). Eminent Europeans; studies in continental reality (PDF). G.P. Putnam's Sons.
- Burg, D. F. (1998). Almanac of World War I. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky. ISBN 0813120721.
- Chester, S. M. (1921). Life of Venizelos, with a letter from His Excellency M. Venizelos (PDF). London: Constable.
- Clogg, R. (2002). A Concise History of Greece. London: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0521004799.
- Dalby, Andrew. Eleftherios Venizelos: Greece (Haus Publishing, 2011).
- Dutton, D. (1998). The Politics of Diplomacy: Britain and France in the Balkans in the First World War. I. B. Tauris. ISBN 978-1860640797.
- Fotakis, Z. (2005). Greek naval strategy and policy, 1910–1919. London: Routledge. ISBN 978-0415350143.
- Gibbons, H. A. (1920). Venizelos. Houghton Mifflin Company., A favorable biography by an American expert.
- Hall, Richard C. (2000). The Balkan Wars, 1912–1913: Prelude to the First World War. Routledge. ISBN 0415229464.
- Hibben, Paxton (1920). Constantine I and the Greek People. New York: The Century Co. ISBN 978-1110760329.
- Hickey, M. (2007). First World War: Volume 4 The Mediterranean Front 1914–1923. Taylor & Francis. ]
- Holland, R. F.; Makrides D. (2006). The British and the Hellenes: Struggles for mastery in the Eastern Mediterranean 1850–1960. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0199249962.
- Kerofilias, C. (1915). Eleftherios Venizelos, his life and work (PDF). John Murray.
- Kitromilides, P. (2006). Eleftherios Venizelos: The Trials of Statesmanship. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. ISBN 0748624783.
- Koliopoulos, G.; Veremis, T. (2002). Greece : the modern sequel : from 1831 to the present. New York: NYU Press. ISBN 0814747671.
- Legg, K. R. (1969). Politics in modern Greece. Stanford University Press. ISBN 0804707057.
- Leon, G. B. (1974). Greece and the Great Powers 1914–17. Thessaloniki: Institute of Balkan Studies.
- Manolikakis, Giannis (1985). Eleftherios Venizelos: his unknown life. Athens.
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) - Michalopoulos, Dimitris (2012). Eleutherios Venizelos: An Outline of His life and Time. Saarbrücken: Lambert Academic Publishing. ISBN 978-3659267826.
- Michail, Eugene (2011). The British and the Balkans: Forming Images of Foreign Lands, 1900–1950. London: Bloomsbury Publishing. ISBN 978-1441170613.
- Pentzopoulos, D.; Smith M. L. (2002). The Balkan exchange of minorities and its impact on Greece. C. Hurst & Co Publishers. ISBN 1850656746.
- Price, Crawfurd (1917). Venizelos and the war, a sketch of personalities and politics (PDF). London: Simpkin.
- Rose, W. K. (2003) [1987 (1st ed.)]. With the Greeks in Thessaly (2nd ed.). Adamant Media Corporation. ISBN 1402106289.
- Seligman, V. J. (1920). Victory of Venizelos (PDF).
- Tucker, Spencer C.; Wood, L. M.; Murphy, J. D. (1999). The European Powers in the First World War: An Encyclopedia. Taylor & Francis. ISBN 081533351X.
- Vatikotes, P. (1998). Popular autocracy in Greece, 1936–41: a political biography of general Ioannis Metaxas. London: Routledge. ISBN 978-0714648699.
- Venizelos, E.; Anthony S.; Xanthaky, Sakellarios N. G. (1916). Greece in Her True Light: Her Position in the World-wide War as Expounded by E. Venizelos (PDF). New York.
Journals
- Black, Cyril E. (January 1948). "The Greek Crisis: Its Constitutional Background". The Review of Politics. 10 (1): 84–99. S2CID 144919492.
- Christopoulos, Marianna. "Anti-Venizelist criticism of Venizelos' policy during the Balkan Wars (1912–13)". Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 39.2 (2015): 249–265. .
- Dunning, Wm. A. (June 1897). "Record of Political Events". Political Science Quarterly. 12 (3): 352–380. JSTOR 2140141.
- Dunning, Wm. A. (December 1897). "Record of Political Events". Political Science Quarterly. 12 (4): 734–756. JSTOR 2139703.
- Gerolymatos, Andre. "Lloyd George and Eleftherios Venizelos, 1912–1917". Journal of the Hellenic Diaspora (1988) Vol. 15 Issue 3/4, pp. 37–50.
- Ion, Theodore P. (April 1910). "The Cretan Question". The American Journal of International Law. 4 (2): 276–284. S2CID 147554500.
- Kyriakidou, Maria (2002). "Legislation in Inter-war Greece Labour Law and Women Workers: A Case Study of Protective" (PDF). European History Quarterly. 32 (4): 489. S2CID 143711700. Archived from the original(PDF) on 27 March 2009. Retrieved 12 June 2008.
- Leeper, A. W. A. (1916). "Allied Portraits: Eleftherios Venizelos". The New Europe I.
- Mazower, M. (December 1992). "The Messiah and the Bourgeoisie: Venizelos and Politics in Greece, 1909–1912". The Historical Journal. 35 (4): 885–904. S2CID 154495315.
- Papacosma, S. Victor. "The Republicanism of Eleftherios Venizelos: Ideology or Tactics?" Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 7 (1981): 169–202.
- Prevelakis, Eleutherios. "Eleutherios Venizelos and the Balkan Wars". Balkan Studies 7.2 (1966): 363–378.