Hadrian

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Hadrian
Domitia Paulina
ReligionHellenistic religion
Roman imperial dynasties
Aureus of Hadrian
Nerva–Antonine dynasty (AD 96–192)
Chronology
Nerva 96–98
Trajan 98–117
Hadrian 117–138
Antoninus Pius 138–161
Lucius Verus 161–169
Marcus Aurelius 161–180
Commodus 177–192
Family
Succession
Preceded by
Flavian dynasty		 Followed by
Year of the Five Emperors

Hadrian (

Nerva-Antonine dynasty
.

Early in his political career, Hadrian married

panhellenic empire
, led by Rome.

Hadrian energetically pursued his own Imperial ideals and personal interests. He visited almost every province of the Empire, and indulged a preference for direct intervention in imperial and provincial affairs, especially building projects. He is particularly known for building Hadrian's Wall, which marked the northern limit of Britannia. In Rome itself, he rebuilt the Pantheon and constructed the vast Temple of Venus and Roma. In Egypt, he may have rebuilt the Serapeum of Alexandria. As an ardent admirer of Greek culture, he promoted Athens as the cultural capital of the Empire. His intense relationship with Greek youth Antinous and the latter's untimely death led Hadrian to establish a widespread, popular cult. Late in Hadrian's reign, he suppressed the Bar Kokhba revolt; he saw this rebellion as a failure of his panhellenic ideal.

Hadrian's last years were marred by chronic illness. His marriage had been both unhappy and childless. In 138 he adopted

benevolent dictator". His own Senate found him remote and authoritarian. He has been described as enigmatic and contradictory, with a capacity for both great personal generosity and extreme cruelty and driven by insatiable curiosity, conceit, and ambition.[2]

Early life

Hadrian's Arch in central Athens, Greece.[3] Hadrian's admiration for Greece materialised in such projects ordered during his reign.

Publius Aelius Hadrianus was born on 24 January 76, in

Atri), an ancient town in the Picenum region of Italia, the source of the name Hadrianus. One Roman biographer claims instead that Hadrian was born in Rome, but this view is held by a minority of scholars.[4][5][6]

Hadrian's father was

Aelian dynasty".[12]

Hadrian's parents died in 86 when he was ten years old. He and his sister became wards of Trajan and Publius Acilius Attianus (who later became Trajan's Praetorian prefect).[7] Hadrian was physically active and enjoyed hunting; when he was 14, Trajan called him to Rome and arranged his further education in subjects appropriate to a young Roman aristocrat.[13] Hadrian's enthusiasm for Greek literature and culture earned him the nickname Graeculus ("Greekling"), intended as a form of "mild mockery".[14]

Public service

Hadrian's first official post in Rome was as a member of the decemviri stlitibus judicandis, one among many vigintivirate offices at the lowest level of the cursus honorum ("course of honours") that could lead to higher office and a senatorial career. He then served as a military tribune, first with the Legio II Adiutrix in 95, then with the Legio V Macedonica. During Hadrian's second stint as tribune, the frail and aged reigning emperor Nerva adopted Trajan as his heir; Hadrian was dispatched to give Trajan the news – or most probably was one of many emissaries charged with this same commission.[15] Then Hadrian was transferred to Legio XXII Primigenia and a third tribunate.[16] Hadrian's three tribunates gave him some career advantage. Most scions of the older senatorial families might serve one, or at most two, military tribunates as a prerequisite to higher office.[17][18] When Nerva died in 98, Hadrian is said to have hastened to Trajan, to inform him ahead of the official envoy sent by the governor, Hadrian's brother-in-law and rival Lucius Julius Ursus Servianus.[19]

In 101, Hadrian was back in Rome; he was elected

Second Dacian War, Hadrian was in Trajan's personal service again. He was released to serve as legate of Legio I Minervia, then as governor of Lower Pannonia in 107, tasked with "holding back the Sarmatians".[23][24] Between 107 and 108, Hadrian defeated an invasion of Roman-controlled Banat and Oltenia by the Iazyges. [25][26][27] The exact terms of the peace treaty are not known. It is believed the Romans kept Oltenia in exchange for some form of concession, likely involving a one-time tribute payment.[26] The Iazyges also took possession of Banat around this time, which may have been part of the treaty.[28]

Now in his mid-thirties, Hadrian travelled to Greece; he was granted Athenian citizenship and was appointed

Syria was sent to deal with renewed troubles in Dacia, Hadrian was appointed his replacement, with independent command.[33] Trajan became seriously ill, and took ship for Rome, while Hadrian remained in Syria, de facto general commander of the Eastern Roman army.[34] Trajan got as far as the coastal city of Selinus, in Cilicia
, and died there on 8 August 117; he would be regarded as one of Rome's most admired, popular and best emperors.

Relationship with Trajan and his family

Around the time of his quaestorship, in 100 or 101, Hadrian had married Trajan's seventeen- or eighteen-year-old grandniece,

deified, and made Salonia Matidia an Augusta.[40]

Bust of Emperor Trajan; Musée Saint-Raymond, Toulouse

Hadrian's personal relationship with Trajan was complex and may have been difficult. Hadrian seems to have sought influence over Trajan, or Trajan's decisions, through cultivation of the latter's boy favourites; this gave rise to some unexplained quarrel, around the time of Hadrian's marriage to Sabina.[41][42] Late in Trajan's reign, Hadrian failed to achieve a senior consulship, being only suffect consul for 108;[43] this gave him parity of status with other members of the senatorial nobility,[44] but no particular distinction befitting an heir designate.[45] Had Trajan wished it, he could have promoted his protege to patrician rank and its privileges, which included opportunities for a fast track to consulship without prior experience as tribune; he chose not to.[46] While Hadrian seems to have been granted the office of tribune of the plebs a year or so younger than was customary, he had to leave Dacia, and Trajan, to take up the appointment; Trajan might simply have wanted him out of the way.[47] The Historia Augusta describes Trajan's gift to Hadrian of a diamond ring that Trajan himself had received from Nerva, which "encouraged [Hadrian's] hopes of succeeding to the throne".[48][49] While Trajan actively promoted Hadrian's advancement, he did so with caution.[50]

Succession

Failure to nominate an heir could invite chaotic, destructive wresting of power by a succession of competing claimants – a civil war. Too early a nomination could be seen as an abdication and reduce the chance for an orderly transmission of power.

Dio Cassius saw it as bogus and the Historia Augusta writer as genuine.[55] An aureus minted early in Hadrian's reign represents the official position; it presents Hadrian as Trajan's "Caesar" (Trajan's heir designate).[56]

Emperor (117)

Securing power

The Roman Empire in 125, under the rule of Hadrian

According to the Historia Augusta, Hadrian informed the Senate of his accession in a letter as a fait accompli, explaining that "the unseemly haste of the troops in acclaiming him emperor was due to the belief that the state could not be without an emperor".[57] The new emperor rewarded the legions' loyalty with the customary bonus, and the Senate endorsed the acclamation. Various public ceremonies were organised on Hadrian's behalf, celebrating his "divine election" by all the gods, whose community now included Trajan, deified at Hadrian's request.[58]

Hadrian remained in the east for a while, suppressing the Jewish revolt that had broken out under Trajan. He relieved Judea's governor, the outstanding Moorish general Lusius Quietus, of his personal guard of Moorish auxiliaries;[59][60] then he moved on to quell disturbances along the Danube frontier. In Rome, Hadrian's former guardian and current praetorian prefect, Attianus, claimed to have uncovered a conspiracy involving Lusius Quietus and three other leading senators, Lucius Publilius Celsus, Aulus Cornelius Palma Frontonianus and Gaius Avidius Nigrinus.[61] There was no public trial for the four – they were tried in absentia, hunted down and killed.[61] Hadrian claimed that Attianus had acted on his own initiative, and rewarded him with senatorial status and consular rank; then pensioned him off, no later than 120.[62] Hadrian assured the senate that henceforth their ancient right to prosecute and judge their own would be respected.

The reasons for these four executions remain obscure. Official recognition of Hadrian as a legitimate heir may have come too late to dissuade other potential claimants.

Arabia Nabatea would have retained a stake in the East.[67] The Historia Augusta describes Palma and a third executed senator, Lucius Publilius Celsus (consul for the second time in 113), as Hadrian's personal enemies, who had spoken in public against him.[68] The fourth was Gaius Avidius Nigrinus, an ex-consul, intellectual, friend of Pliny the Younger and (briefly) Governor of Dacia at the start of Hadrian's reign. He was probably Hadrian's chief rival for the throne; a senator of the highest rank, breeding, and connections; according to the Historia Augusta, Hadrian had considered making Nigrinus his heir apparent before deciding to get rid of him.[69][70]

A denarius of Hadrian issued in 119 AD for his third consulship. Inscription: HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS / LIBERALITAS AVG. CO[N]S III, P. P.

Soon after, in 125, Hadrian appointed

procurator.[72][73] As Hadrian also forbade equestrians to try cases against senators,[74] the Senate retained full legal authority over its members; it also remained the highest court of appeal, and formal appeals to the emperor regarding its decisions were forbidden.[75] If this was an attempt to repair the damage done by Attianus, with or without Hadrian's full knowledge, it was not enough; Hadrian's reputation and relationship with his Senate were irredeemably soured, for the rest of his reign.[76] Some sources describe Hadrian's occasional recourse to a network of informers, the frumentarii,[77] to discreetly investigate persons of high social standing, including senators and his close friends.[78]

Travels

This statue of Hadrian in Greek dress was revealed in 2008 to have been forged in the Victorian era by cobbling together a head of Hadrian and an unknown body. For years, the statue had been used by historians as proof of Hadrian's love of Hellenic culture.[79]
British Museum, London.

Hadrian was to spend more than half his reign outside Italy. Whereas previous emperors had, for the most part, relied on the reports of their imperial representatives around the Empire, Hadrian wished to see things for himself. Previous emperors had often left Rome for long periods, but mostly to go to war, returning once the conflict was settled. Hadrian's near-incessant travels may represent a calculated break with traditions and attitudes in which the empire was a purely Roman hegemony. Hadrian sought to include provincials in a commonwealth of civilised peoples and a common Hellenic culture under Roman supervision.

colonies with Roman constitutions.[81]

A cosmopolitan, ecumenical intent is evident in coin issues of Hadrian's later reign, showing the emperor "raising up" the personifications of various provinces.[82] Aelius Aristides would later write that Hadrian "extended over his subjects a protecting hand, raising them as one helps fallen men on their feet".[83] All this did not go well with Roman traditionalists. The self-indulgent emperor Nero had enjoyed a prolonged and peaceful tour of Greece and had been criticised by the Roman elite for abandoning his fundamental responsibilities as emperor. In the eastern provinces, and to some extent in the west, Nero had enjoyed popular support; claims of his imminent return or rebirth emerged almost immediately after his death. Hadrian may have consciously exploited these positive, popular connections during his own travels.[84] In the Historia Augusta, Hadrian is described as "a little too much Greek", too cosmopolitan for a Roman emperor.[85]

Britannia and the West (122)

Main article: Hadrian's Wall
Hadrian's Wall, the Roman frontier fortification in northern England.
A milecastle is in the foreground.

Prior to Hadrian's arrival in

Britania.[92] By the end of 122, Hadrian had concluded his visit to Britannia. He never saw the finished wall that bears his name
.

Hadrian appears to have continued through southern Gaul. At Nemausus, he may have overseen the building of a basilica dedicated to his patroness Plotina, who had recently died in Rome and had been deified at Hadrian's request.[93] At around this time, Hadrian dismissed his secretary ab epistulis,[94] the biographer Suetonius, for "excessive familiarity" towards the empress.[95] Marcius Turbo's colleague as praetorian prefect, Gaius Septicius Clarus, was dismissed for the same alleged reason, perhaps a pretext to remove him from office.[96] Hadrian spent the winter of 122/123 at Tarraco, in Spain, where he restored the Temple of Augustus.[97]

Africa, Parthia (123)

In 123, Hadrian crossed the Mediterranean to Mauretania, where he personally led a minor campaign against local rebels.[98] The visit was cut short by reports of war preparations by Parthia; Hadrian quickly headed eastwards. At some point, he visited Cyrene, where he personally funded the training of young men from well-bred families for the Roman military. Cyrene had benefited earlier in Hadrian's reign (in 119) from his restoration of public buildings destroyed during the earlier, Trajanic Jewish revolt.[99] Birley describes this kind of investment as "characteristic of Hadrian"[100]

Anatolia; Antinous (123–124)

When Hadrian arrived on the Euphrates, he personally negotiated a settlement with the Parthian King Osroes I, inspected the Roman defences, then set off westwards, along the Black Sea coast.[101] He probably wintered in Nicomedia, the main city of Bithynia. Nicomedia had been hit by an earthquake only shortly before his stay; Hadrian provided funds for its rebuilding and was acclaimed as restorer of the province.[102]

Bust of Antinous from Patras, (National Archaeological Museum, Athens.

It is possible that Hadrian visited

Claudiopolis and saw the beautiful Antinous, a young man of humble birth who became Hadrian's lover. Literary and epigraphic sources say nothing of when or where they met; depictions of Antinous show him aged 20 or so, shortly before his death in 130. In 123 he would most likely have been a youth of 13 or 14.[102] It is also possible that Antinous was sent to Rome to be trained as a page to serve the emperor and only gradually rose to the status of imperial favourite.[103] The actual historical detail of their relationship is mostly unknown.[104]

With or without Antinous, Hadrian travelled through

neocoros).[105]

Greece (124–125)

Hadrian arrived in Greece during the autumn of 124 and participated in the

foundations to fund Athens' public games, festivals and competitions if no citizen proved wealthy or willing enough to sponsor them as a Gymnasiarch or Agonothetes.[110] Generally Hadrian preferred that Greek notables, including priests of the imperial cult, focus on more essential and durable provisions, especially munera such as aqueducts and public fountains (nymphaea).[111] Athens was given two nymphaea; one brought water from Mount Parnes to the Athenia Agora via a complex, challenging and ambitious system of aqueduct tunnels and reservoirs, to be constructed over several years.[112] Several were given to Argos, to remedy a water-shortage so severe and so long-standing that "thirsty Argos" featured in Homeric epic.[113]

The Temple of Olympian Zeus, Athens, completed under Emperor Hadrian in 131.

During that winter, Hadrian toured the

Mantinea, which shared ancient, mythic, politically useful links with Antinous' home at Bithynia. He restored Mantinea's Temple of Poseidon Hippios,[115][116] and according to Pausanias, restored the city's original, classical name. It had been renamed Antigoneia since Hellenistic times, after the Macedonian King Antigonus III Doson. Hadrian also rebuilt the ancient shrines of Abae and Megara, and the Heraion of Argos.[117][118]

During his tour of the Peloponnese, Hadrian persuaded the

Herodes Atticus the Elder. The two aristocrats would be the first from "Old Greece" to enter the Roman Senate, as representatives of Sparta and Athens, traditional rivals and "great powers" of the Classical Age.[119] This was an important step in overcoming Greek notables' reluctance to take part in Roman political life.[120] In March 125, Hadrian presided at the Athenian festival of Dionysia, wearing Athenian dress. The Temple of Olympian Zeus had been under construction for more than five centuries; Hadrian committed the vast resources at his command to ensure that the job would be finished.[112]

Return to Italy and trip to Africa (126–128)

Pentelic marble, found in Athens, National Archaeological Museum, Athens
Hadrian in armour, wearing the gorgoneion on his breastplate; marble, Roman artwork, c. 127–128 AD, from Heraklion, Crete, now in the Louvre
, Paris

On his return to Italy, Hadrian made a detour to

Fucine lake. Less welcome than such largesse was his decision in 127 to divide Italy into four regions under imperial legates with consular rank, acting as governors. They were given jurisdiction over all of Italy, excluding Rome itself, therefore shifting Italian cases from the courts of Rome.[122] Having Italy effectively reduced to the status of a group of mere provinces did not go down well with the Roman Senate,[123] and the innovation did not long outlive Hadrian's reign.[121]

Hadrian fell ill around this time; whatever the nature of his illness, it did not stop him from setting off in the spring of 128 to visit Africa. His arrival coincided with the good omen of rain, which ended a drought. Along with his usual role as benefactor and restorer, he found time to inspect the troops; his speech to them survives.[124] Hadrian returned to Italy in the summer of 128, but his stay was brief, as he set off on another tour that would last three years.[125]

Greece, Asia, and Egypt (128–130); Antinous's death

In September 128, Hadrian attended the

Amphictyonic League based in Delphi, but by now he had decided on something far grander. His new Panhellenion was going to be a council that would bring Greek cities together. Having set in motion the preparations – deciding whose claim to be a Greek city was genuine would take time – Hadrian set off for Ephesus.[126] From Greece, Hadrian proceeded by way of Asia to Egypt, probably conveyed across the Aegean with his entourage by an Ephesian merchant, Lucius Erastus. Hadrian later sent a letter to the Council of Ephesus, supporting Erastus as a worthy candidate for town councillor and offering to pay the requisite fee.[127]

Philae

Hadrian arrived in Egypt before the Egyptian New Year on 29 August 130.

Pompey the Great's tomb at Pelusium,[129] offering sacrifice to him as a hero and composing an epigraph for the tomb. As Pompey was universally acknowledged as responsible for establishing Rome's power in the east, this restoration was probably linked to a need to reaffirm Roman Eastern hegemony following social unrest there during Trajan's late reign.[130] Hadrian and Antinous held a lion hunt in the Libyan desert; a poem on the subject by the Greek Pankrates is the earliest evidence that they travelled together.[131]

While Hadrian and his entourage were sailing on the Nile, Antinous drowned. The exact circumstances surrounding his death are unknown, and accident, suicide, murder and religious sacrifice have all been postulated. Historia Augusta offers the following account:

During a journey on the Nile he lost Antinous, his favourite, and for this youth he wept like a woman. Concerning this incident there are varying rumours; for some claim that he had devoted himself to death for Hadrian, and others – what both his beauty and Hadrian's sensuality suggest. But however this may be, the Greeks deified him at Hadrian's request, and declared that oracles were given through his agency, but these, it is commonly asserted, were composed by Hadrian himself.[132]

Hadrian founded the city of

Fayyum at the beginning of December.[133]

Greece and the East (130–132)

Arch of Hadrian in Jerash, Transjordan, built to honour Hadrian's visit in 130

Hadrian's movements after his journey down the Nile are uncertain. Whether or not he returned to Rome, he travelled in the East during 130–131, to organise and inaugurate his new Panhellenion, which was to be focused on the Athenian Temple to Olympian Zeus. As local conflicts had led to the failure of the previous scheme for a Hellenic association centered on Delphi, Hadrian decided instead for a grand league of all Greek cities.[134] Successful applications for membership involved mythologised or fabricated claims to Greek origins, and affirmations of loyalty to imperial Rome, to satisfy Hadrian's personal, idealised notions of Hellenism.[135][136] Hadrian saw himself as protector of Greek culture and the "liberties" of Greece – in this case, urban self-government. It allowed Hadrian to appear as the fictive heir to Pericles, who supposedly had convened a previous Panhellenic Congress – such a Congress is mentioned only in Pericles' biography by Plutarch, who respected Rome's imperial order.[137]

Epigraphical evidence suggests that the prospect of applying to the Panhellenion held little attraction to the wealthier, Hellenised cities of Asia Minor, which were jealous of Athenian and European Greek preeminence within Hadrian's scheme.[138] Hadrian's notion of Hellenism was narrow and deliberately archaising; he defined "Greekness" in terms of classical roots, rather than a broader, Hellenistic culture.[139] Some cities with a dubious claim to Greekness, however – such as Side – were acknowledged as fully Hellenic.[140] The German sociologist Georg Simmel remarked that the Panhellenion was based on "games, commemorations, preservation of an ideal, an entirely non-political Hellenism".[141]

Hadrian bestowed honorific titles on many regional centres.[142] Palmyra received a state visit and was given the civic name Hadriana Palmyra.[143] Hadrian also bestowed honours on various Palmyrene magnates, among them one Soados, who had done much to protect Palmyrene trade between the Roman Empire and Parthia.[144]

Hadrian had spent the winter of 131–32 in Athens, where he dedicated the now-completed Temple of Olympian Zeus,[145] At some time in 132, he headed East, to Judaea.

Third Roman–Jewish War (132–136)

Main article: Bar Kokhba revolt
Coinage minted to mark Hadrian's visit to Judea. Inscription: HADRIANVS AVG. CO[N]S. III, P. P. / ADVENTVI (arrival) AVG. IVDAEAE – S. C.
Statue of Hadrian unearthed at Tel Shalem commemorating Roman military victory over Simon bar Kokhba, displayed at the Israel Museum, Jerusalem
Porphyry statue of Hadrian discovered in Caesarea, Israel

Background, causes

In

imperial cult; such assimilations had long been commonplace practice in Greece and in other provinces, and on the whole, had been successful.[147][148] The neighbouring Samaritans had already integrated their religious rites with Hellenistic ones.[149] Strict Jewish monotheism proved more resistant to imperial cajoling, and then to imperial demands.[150]

A tradition based on the Historia Augusta suggests that the revolt was spurred by Hadrian's abolition of

circumcision (brit milah);[151] which as a Hellenist he viewed as mutilation.[152] The scholar Peter Schäfer maintains that there is no evidence for this claim, given the notoriously problematical nature of the Historia Augusta as a source, the "tomfoolery" shown by the writer in the relevant passage, and the fact that contemporary Roman legislation on "genital mutilation" seems to address the general issue of castration of slaves by their masters.[153][154][155] Other issues could have contributed to the outbreak: a heavy-handed, culturally insensitive Roman administration; tensions between the landless poor and incoming Roman colonists privileged with land-grants; and a strong undercurrent of messianism, predicated on Jeremiah's prophecy that the Temple would be rebuilt seventy years after its destruction, as the First Temple had been after the Babylonian exile.[156]

Revolt

A massive anti-Hellenistic and anti-Roman Jewish uprising broke out, led by Simon bar Kokhba.[157] Given the fragmentary nature of the existing evidence, it is impossible to ascertain an exact date for the beginning of the uprising. It probably began between summer and fall of 132.[158]

The Roman governor

Eusebius, that had to do mostly with Christian converts, who opposed bar Kokhba's messianic claims.[159]

The Romans were overwhelmed by the organised ferocity of the uprising.[150] Hadrian called his general Sextus Julius Severus from Britain and brought troops in from as far as the Danube. Roman losses were heavy; an entire legion or its numeric equivalent of around 4,000.[160] Hadrian's report on the war to the Roman Senate omitted the customary salutation, "If you and your children are in health, it is well; I and the legions are in health."[161]

The rebellion was quashed by 135. According to

Beitar, a fortified city 10 kilometres (6.2 mi) southwest of Jerusalem, fell after a three-and-a-half-year siege.[163]

Aftermath; persecutions

goddess Roma and the Genii of the Senate and the Roman People; marble, Roman artwork, 2nd century AD, Capitoline Museums
, Vatican City

Roman war operations in Judea left some 580,000 Jews dead and 50 fortified towns and 985 villages razed.[162]

An unknown proportion of the population was enslaved. The extent of punitive measures against the Jewish population remains a matter of debate.[163]

Hadrian replaced the province's name by renaming it

Decumanus Maximus, now the location for the (smaller) Muristan. After the suppression of the Jewish revolt, Hadrian provided the Samaritans with a temple dedicated to Zeus Hypsistos ("Highest Zeus")[165] on Mount Gerizim.[166] The bloody repression of the revolt ended Jewish political independence from the Roman imperial order.[167]

Hadrian's itinerary

Inscriptions make it clear that in 133, Hadrian took to the field with his armies against the rebels. He then returned to Rome, probably in that year and almost certainly – judging from inscriptions – via Illyricum.[168]

Final years

imperial group as Mars and Venus; the male figure is a portrait of Hadrian, the female figure was perhaps reworked into a portrait of Annia Lucilla; marble, Roman artwork, c. 120–140 AD, reworked c. 170–175 AD.

Hadrian spent the final years of his life in Rome. In 134, he took an imperial salutation for the end of the Third Jewish War (which was not actually concluded until the following year). Commemorations and achievement awards were kept to a minimum, as Hadrian came to see the war "as a cruel and sudden disappointment to his aspirations" towards a cosmopolitan empire.[169]

Empress Sabina died, probably in 136, after an unhappy marriage with which Hadrian had coped as a political necessity. The Historia Augusta biography states that Hadrian himself declared that his wife's "ill-temper and irritability" would be reason enough for a divorce, were he a private citizen.[170] That gave credence, after Sabina's death, to the common belief that Hadrian had her poisoned.[171] In keeping with well-established imperial propriety, Sabina – who had been made an Augusta sometime around 128[172] – was deified not long after her death.[173]

Arranging the succession

Posthumous portrait of Hadrian; bronze, Roman artwork, c. 140 AD, perhaps from Roman Egypt, Louvre, Paris

Hadrian's marriage to Sabina had been childless. Suffering from poor health, Hadrian turned to the issue of succession. In 136, he adopted one of the ordinary

Jerome Carcopino proposes that Aelius was Hadrian's natural son.[175] It has also been speculated that his adoption was Hadrian's belated attempt to reconcile with one of the most important of the four senatorial families whose leading members had been executed soon after Hadrian's succession.[83] Aelius acquitted himself honourably as joint governor of Pannonia Superior and Pannonia Inferior;[176] he held a further consulship in 137 but died on 1 January 138.[177]

Hadrian next adopted Titus Aurelius Fulvus Boionius Arrius Antoninus (the future emperor Antoninus Pius), who had served Hadrian as one of the five imperial legates of Italy, and as proconsul of Asia. In the interests of dynastic stability, Hadrian required that Antoninus adopt both Lucius Ceionius Commodus (son of the deceased Aelius Caesar) and Marcus Annius Verus (grandson of an influential senator of the same name who had been Hadrian's close friend); Annius was already betrothed to Aelius Caesar's daughter Ceionia Fabia.[178][179] It may not have been Hadrian, but rather Antoninus Pius – Annius Verus's uncle – who supported Annius Verus' advancement; the latter's divorce of Ceionia Fabia and subsequent marriage to Antoninus' daughter Annia Faustina points in the same direction. When he eventually became Emperor, Marcus Aurelius would co-opt Ceionius Commodus as his co-Emperor, under the name of Lucius Verus, on his own initiative.[178]

Hadrian's last few years were marked by conflict and unhappiness. His adoption of Aelius Caesar proved unpopular, not least with Hadrian's brother-in-law Lucius Julius Ursus Servianus and Servianus's grandson Gnaeus Pedanius Fuscus Salinator. Servianus, though now far too old, had stood in the line of succession at the beginning of Hadrian's reign; Fuscus is said to have had designs on the imperial power for himself. In 137, he may have attempted a coup in which his grandfather was implicated; Hadrian ordered that both be put to death.[180] Servianus is reported to have prayed before his execution that Hadrian would "long for death but be unable to die".[181] During his final, protracted illness, Hadrian was prevented from suicide on several occasions.[182]

Death

Mausoleum of Hadrian, commissioned by Hadrian as a mausoleum for himself and his family.

Hadrian died in the year 138 on 10 July, in his

Dio Cassius and the Historia Augusta record details of his failing health; some modern sources interpret the ear-creases on later portrayals (such as the Townley Hadrian) as signs of coronary artery disease.[184]

He was buried at

deification of Hadrian, his adoptive father.[185] At the same time, perhaps in reflection of the senate's ill will towards Hadrian, commemorative coinage honouring his deification was kept to a minimum.[188]

Military activities

civic crown and muscle cuirass, from Antalya
, Turkey.

Most of Hadrian's military activities were consistent with his ideology of empire as a community of mutual interest and support. He focused on protection from external and internal threats; on "raising" existing provinces rather than the aggressive acquisition of wealth and territory through subjugation of "foreign" peoples that had characterised the early empire.[189] Hadrian's policy shift was part of a trend towards the slowing down of the empire's expansion, such expansion being not closed after him (the empire's greatest extent being achieved only during the Severan dynasty), but a significant step in that direction, given the empire's overstretching.[190] While the empire as a whole benefited from this, military careerists resented the loss of opportunities.

The 4th-century historian Aurelius Victor saw Hadrian's withdrawal from Trajan's territorial gains in

IX Hispania, possibly destroyed in a late Trajanic uprising by the Brigantes in Britain.[192] Trajan himself may have thought his gains in Mesopotamia indefensible and abandoned them shortly before his death.[193] Hadrian granted parts of Dacia to the Roxolani Sarmatians; their king, Rasparaganus, received Roman citizenship, client king status, and possibly an increased subsidy.[194] Hadrian's presence on the Dacian front is mere conjecture, but Dacia was included in his coin series with allegories of the provinces.[195] A controlled partial withdrawal of troops from the Dacian plains would have been less costly than maintaining several Roman cavalry units and a supporting network of fortifications.[196]

Hadrian retained control over

Iberia. The attack was repulsed by Hadrian's governor, the historian Arrian,[199] who subsequently installed a Roman "adviser" in Iberia.[200] Arrian kept Hadrian well-informed on matters related to the Black Sea and the Caucasus. Between 131 and 132, he sent Hadrian a lengthy letter (Periplus of the Euxine) on a maritime trip around the Black Sea that was intended to offer relevant information in case a Roman intervention was needed.[201]

Hadrian also developed permanent fortifications and military posts along the empire's borders (limites,

watchtowers strengthened the Danube and Rhine borders. Troops practised intensive, regular drill routines. Although his coins showed military images almost as often as peaceful ones, Hadrian's policy was peace through strength, even threat,[202] with an emphasis on disciplina (discipline), which was the subject of two monetary series. Cassius Dio praised Hadrian's emphasis on "spit and polish" as cause for the generally peaceful character of his reign.[203] Fronto, by contrast, claimed that Hadrian preferred war games to actual war and enjoyed "giving eloquent speeches to the armies" – like the inscribed series of addresses he made while on an inspection tour, during 128, at the new headquarters of Legio III Augusta in Lambaesis.[204]

Faced with a shortage of legionary recruits from Italy and other Romanised provinces, Hadrian systematised the use of less costly

cataphracts) into the Roman army.[207] Fronto later blamed Hadrian for declining standards in the Roman army of his own time.[208]

Legal and social reforms

Bust of Emperor Hadrian, Roman, 117–138 CE. Probably from Rome, Italy. Formerly in the Townley Collection, now housed in the British Museum
, London

Hadrian enacted, through the jurist Salvius Julianus, the first attempt to codify Roman law. This was the Perpetual Edict, according to which the legal actions of praetors became fixed statutes and, as such, could no longer be subjected to personal interpretation or change by any magistrate other than the Emperor.[209][210] At the same time, following a procedure initiated by Domitian, Hadrian made the Emperor's legal advisory board, the consilia principis ("council of the princeps") into a permanent body, staffed by salaried legal aides.[211] Its members were mostly drawn from the equestrian class, replacing the earlier freedmen of the imperial household.[212][213] This innovation marked the superseding of surviving Republican institutions by an openly autocratic political system.[214] The reformed bureaucracy was supposed to exercise administrative functions independently of traditional magistracies; objectively it did not detract from the Senate's position. The new civil servants were free men and as such supposed to act on behalf of the interests of the "Crown", not of the Emperor as an individual.[212] However, the Senate never accepted the loss of its prestige caused by the emergence of a new aristocracy alongside it, placing more strain on the already troubled relationship between the Senate and the Emperor.[215]

Hadrian codified the customary legal privileges of the wealthiest, most influential, highest-status citizens (described as splendidiores personae or honestiores), who held a traditional right to pay fines when found guilty of relatively minor, non-treasonous offences. Low-ranking persons – alii ("the others"), including low-ranking citizens – were humiliores who for the same offences could be subject to extreme physical punishments, including forced labour in the mines or in public works, as a form of fixed-term servitude. While Republican citizenship had carried at least notional equality under law, and the right to justice, offences in imperial courts were judged and punished according to the relative prestige, rank, reputation and moral worth of both parties; senatorial courts were apt to be lenient when trying one of their peers, and to deal very harshly with offences committed against one of their number by low-ranking citizens or non-citizens. For treason (maiestas), beheading was the worst punishment that the law could inflict on honestiores; the humiliores might suffer crucifixion, burning, or condemnation to the beasts in the arena.[216]

Bust of Hadrian from Athens, c. 130 AD, NAMA.

A great number of Roman citizens maintained a precarious social and economic advantage at the lower end of the hierarchy. Hadrian found it necessary to clarify that

ergastula, private prisons for slaves in which kidnapped free men had sometimes been illegally detained.[222]

Hadrian issued a general rescript, imposing a ban on castration, performed on freedman or slave, voluntarily or not, on pain of death for both the performer and the patient.[223] Under the Lex Cornelia de sicariis et veneficis, castration was placed on a par with conspiracy to murder and punished accordingly.[224] Notwithstanding his philhellenism, Hadrian was also a traditionalist. He enforced dress-standards among the honestiores; senators and knights were expected to wear the toga when in public. He imposed strict separation between the sexes in theatres and public baths; to discourage idleness, the latter were not allowed to open until 2:00 in the afternoon, "except for medical reasons."[225]

Religious activities

Palazzo Nuovo, Capitoline Museums

One of Hadrian's immediate duties on accession was to seek senatorial consent for the deification of his predecessor, Trajan, and any members of Trajan's family to whom he owed a debt of gratitude. Matidia Augusta, Hadrian's mother-in-law, died in December 119 and was duly deified.[226] Hadrian may have stopped at Nemausus during his return from Britannia to oversee the completion or foundation of a basilica dedicated to his patroness Plotina. She had recently died in Rome and had been deified at Hadrian's request.[93]

As Emperor, Hadrian was also Rome's pontifex maximus, responsible for all religious affairs and the proper functioning of official religious institutions throughout the empire. His Hispano-Roman origins and marked pro-Hellenism shifted the focus of the official imperial cult from Rome to the Provinces. While his standard coin issues identified him with the traditional genius populi Romani, other issues stressed his personal identification with Hercules Gaditanus (Hercules of Gades), and Rome's imperial protection of Greek civilisation.[227] He promoted Sagalassos in Greek Pisidia as the Empire's leading imperial cult centre; his exclusively Greek Panhellenion extolled Athens as the spiritual centre of Greek culture.[228]

Hadrian added several imperial cult centres to the existing roster, particularly in Greece, where traditional intercity rivalries were commonplace. Cities promoted as imperial cult centres drew imperial sponsorship of festivals and sacred games, and attracted tourism, trade and private investment. Local worthies and sponsors were encouraged to seek self-publicity as cult officials under the aegis of Roman rule and to foster reverence for imperial authority.[229] Hadrian's rebuilding of long-established religious centres would have further underlined his respect for the glories of classical Greece – something well in line with contemporary antiquarian tastes.[117][230] During Hadrian's third and last trip to the Greek East, there seems to have been an upwelling of religious fervour, focused on Hadrian himself. He was given personal cult as a deity, monuments and civic homage, according to the religious syncretism of the time.[231] He may have had the great Serapeum of Alexandria rebuilt, following damage sustained in 116, during the Kitos War.[232]

In 136, just two years before his death, Hadrian dedicated his Temple of Venus and Roma. It was built on land he had set aside for the purpose in 121, formerly the site of Nero's

Roma – herself a Greek invention, hitherto worshipped only in the provinces – to emphasise the universal nature of the empire.[233]

Antinous

Busts of Hadrian and Antinous
in the British Museum

Hadrian had

Belenos.[238]

Hadrian was criticised for the open intensity of his grief at Antinous's death, particularly as he had delayed the apotheosis of his own sister

Paulina after her death.[239] Nevertheless, his recreation of the deceased youth as a cult figure found little opposition.[240] Though not a subject of the state-sponsored, official Roman imperial cult, Antinous offered a common focus for the emperor and his subjects, emphasising their sense of community.[241] Medals were struck with his effigy, and statues were erected to him in all parts of the empire, in all kinds of garb, including Egyptian dress.[242] Temples were built for his worship in Bithynia and Mantineia in Arcadia. In Athens, festivals were celebrated in his honour and oracles delivered in his name. As an "international" cult figure, Antinous had enduring fame, far outlasting Hadrian's reign.[243] Local coins with his effigy were still being struck during Caracalla's reign, and he was invoked in a poem to celebrate the accession of Diocletian.[244]

Christians

Hadrian continued Trajan's policy on Christians; they should not be sought out and should only be prosecuted for specific offences, such as refusal to swear oaths.[245] In a rescript addressed to the proconsul of Asia, Gaius Minicius Fundanus, and preserved by Justin Martyr, Hadrian laid down that accusers of Christians had to bear the burden of proof for their denunciations[246] or be punished for calumnia (defamation).[247]

Personal and cultural interests

Hadrian on the obverse of an aureus (123). The reverse bears a personification of Aequitas Augusti or Juno Moneta. Inscription: IMP. CAESAR TRAIAN. HADRIANVS AVG. / P. M., TR. P., CO[N]S. III.

Hadrian had an abiding and enthusiastic interest in art, architecture and public works. As part of his imperial restoration program, he founded, re-founded or rebuilt many towns and cities throughout the Empire, supplying them with temples, stadiums and other public buildings. Examples in the Roman Province of

Tivoli) provides the greatest Roman equivalent of an Alexandrian garden, complete with domed Serapeum, recreating a sacred landscape.[251]

An anecdote from

the Column commemorating his Dacian conquest, and his bridge across the Danube – when Hadrian interrupted to offer his advice. Apollodorus gave him a scathing response: "Be off, and draw your gourds [a sarcastic reference to the domes which Hadrian apparently liked to draw]. You don't understand any of these matters." Dio claims that once Hadrian became emperor, he showed Apollodorus drawings of the gigantic Temple of Venus and Roma, implying that great buildings could be created without his help. When Apollodorus pointed out the building's various insoluble problems and faults, Hadrian was enraged, sent him into exile and later put him to death on trumped-up charges.[252][253]

Hadrian was a passionate hunter from a young age.[254] In northwest Asia, he founded and dedicated a city to commemorate a she-bear he killed.[255] In Egypt he and his beloved Antinous killed a lion. In Rome, eight reliefs featuring Hadrian in different stages of hunting decorate a building that began as a monument celebrating a kill.[255]

Bust of the emperor Hadrian in the Capitoline Museums

Hadrian's

Dio of Prusa had equated the growth of the beard with the Hellenic ethos.[256] Hadrian's beard may also have served to conceal his natural facial blemishes.[257] Before him, all emperors except Nero (who occasionally wore sideburns) had been clean-shaven, according to the fashion introduced among the Romans by Scipio Africanus (236 - 183 BCE); all adult emperors after Hadrian were bearded, until Constantine the Great (r. 306 - 337); this imperial fashion was revived by Phocas (r. 602 - 610) at the beginning of the 7th century.[258][259]

Hadrian was familiar with the rival philosophers

Roman philosophy. During his first stay in Greece, before he became emperor, he attended lectures by Epictetus at Nicopolis.[260] Shortly before the death of Plotina, Hadrian had granted her wish that the leadership of the Epicurean School in Athens be open to a non-Roman candidate.[261]

During Hadrian's time as tribune of the plebs, omens and portents supposedly announced his future imperial condition.[262] According to the Historia Augusta, Hadrian had a great interest in astrology and divination and had been told of his future accession to the Empire by a granduncle who was himself a skilled astrologer.[263]

Hadrian wrote poetry in both Latin and Greek; one of the few surviving examples is a Latin poem he reportedly composed on his deathbed (see below). Some of his Greek productions found their way into the Palatine Anthology.[264][265] He also wrote an autobiography, which Historia Augusta says was published under the name of Hadrian's freedman Phlegon of Tralles. It was not a work of great length or revelation but designed to scotch various rumours or explain Hadrian's most controversial actions.[266] It is possible that this autobiography had the form of a series of open letters to Antoninus Pius.[267]

Poem by Hadrian

According to the Historia Augusta, Hadrian composed the following poem shortly before his death:[268]

Animula vagula blandula
Hospes comesque corporis
Quae nunc abibis in loca
Pallidula, rigida, nudula,
Nec, ut soles, dabis iocos...
P. Aelius Hadrianus Imp.
Roving amiable little soul,
Body's companion and guest,
Now descending for parts
Colourless, unbending, and bare
Your usual distractions no more shall be there...

The poem has enjoyed remarkable popularity,[269][270] but uneven critical acclaim.[271] According to Aelius Spartianus, the alleged author of Hadrian's biography in the Historia Augusta, Hadrian "wrote also similar poems in Greek, not much better than this one".[272] T. S. Eliot's poem "Animula" may have been inspired by Hadrian's, though the relationship is not unambiguous.[273]

Appraisals

Bust of Emperor Hadrian

Hadrian has been described as the most versatile of all Roman emperors, who "adroitly concealed a mind envious, melancholy, hedonistic, and excessive with respect to his own ostentation; he simulated restraint, affability, clemency, and conversely disguised the ardor for fame with which he burned."

Mars Gradivus or Dis Pater, rather than to love him."[277] Fronto adds, in another letter, that he kept some friendships, during Hadrian's reign, "under the risk of my life" (cum periculo capitis).[278] Hadrian underscored the autocratic character of his reign by counting his dies imperii from the day of his acclamation by the armies rather than the senate and legislating by frequent use of imperial decrees to bypass the need for the Senate's approval.[279] The veiled antagonism between Hadrian and the Senate never grew to overt confrontation as had happened during the reigns of overtly "bad" emperors because Hadrian knew how to remain aloof and avoid an open clash.[280] That Hadrian spent half of his reign away from Rome in constant travel probably helped to mitigate the worst of this permanently strained relationship.[281]

Bust of Hadrian with an Antinous-shaped gorgoneion, 2nd cent. AD, Museum of Astros, Greece.

In 1503,

Annals would be a work of contemporary history, written "during Hadrian's reign and hating it".[284]

While the balance of ancient literary opinion almost invariably compares Hadrian unfavourably to his predecessor, modern historians have sought to examine his motives, purposes and the consequences of his actions and policies.[285] For M.A. Levi, a summing-up of Hadrian's policies should stress the ecumenical character of the Empire, his development of an alternate bureaucracy disconnected from the Senate and adapted to the needs of an "enlightened" autocracy, and his overall defensive strategy; this would qualify him as a grand Roman political reformer, creator of an openly absolute monarchy to replace a sham senatorial republic.[286] Robin Lane Fox credits Hadrian as creator of a unified Greco-Roman cultural tradition, and as the end of this same tradition; Hadrian's attempted "restoration" of Classical culture within a non-democratic Empire drained it of substantive meaning, or, in Fox's words, "kill[ed] it with kindness".[287]

Hadrian's Portraits

Hadrian Aureus with the portrait type Delta-Omikron, Rome, 129-130AD
Hadrian Aureus with the portrait type Delta-Omikron, Rome, 129-130AD

Hadrian's portraiture shows him as the first Roman emperor with a beard. Most emperors after him followed his lead. 10 different portrait types are known of Hadrian. A juvenile type with curly hair, broad side burns and a light moustache (but a free chin) was shown on coins later in his life on rare aurei, but likely reflects an early portrait before he became emperor.[288] His first portrait type as Caesar and Augustus used on coins in Mid 117AD shows again broad sideburns merging into a strong moustache and still a free chin. The beard thus resembles beard styles popular in the 19th century like emperor Franz Josef of Austria. [289]

Hadrian Portrait type I Rome, denarius 117AD, see below under Hadrian's portraits
Hadrian Portrait type I Rome, denarius 117AD,

This is then followed by portraits showing Hadrian with a short, well groomed full beard until his death. Of note his portraits do not age during his reign.[290] See other portrait images of Hadrian in this article for examples of the later Hadrian portraits.

Sources and historiography

In Hadrian's time, there was already a well-established convention that one could not write a contemporary Roman imperial history for fear of contradicting what the emperors wanted to say, read or hear about themselves.

sword and sandal, with a sprinkling of Ubu Roi"),[297] but most modern historians consider its account of Hadrian to be relatively free of outright fictions, and probably based on sound historical sources,[298] principally one of a lost series of imperial biographies by the prominent 3rd-century senator Marius Maximus, who covered the reigns of Nerva through to Elagabalus.[299]

The first modern historian to produce a chronological account of Hadrian's life, supplementing the written sources with other epigraphical, numismatic, and archaeological evidence, was the German 19th-century medievalist Ferdinand Gregorovius.[300] A 1907 biography by Weber,[300] a German nationalist and later Nazi Party supporter, incorporates the same archaeological evidence to produce an account of Hadrian, and especially his Bar Kokhba war, that has been described as ideologically loaded.[301][302][303] Epigraphical studies in the post-war period help support alternate views of Hadrian. Anthony Birley's 1997 biography of Hadrian sums up and reflects these developments in Hadrian historiography.

Nerva–Antonine family tree

See also

  • Memoirs of Hadrian, a 1951 semi-fictional autobiography of Hadrian, written by Marguerite Yourcenar.
  • Phallos, a 2004 novella in which the narrator encounters Hadrian and Antinous just before Antinous's murder and then, once more, minutes afterward, which changes the narrator's life, written by Samuel R. Delany.
  • Hadrian, a 2018 opera based on Hadrian's life and death and his relationship with Antinous, composed by Rufus Wainwright.

Citations

  1. ^ Salmon, 333
  2. JSTOR 1088268
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  3. ^ Kouremenos, Anna (2022). ""The City of Hadrian and not of Theseus": a cultural history of Hadrian's Arch". Academia.edu.
  4. ISBN 978-1-4051-2755-4
    .
  5. ^ Alicia M. Canto, Itálica, sedes natalis de Adriano. 31 textos históricos y argumentos para una secular polémica, Athenaeum XCII/2, 2004, 367–408.
  6. ISBN 978-3-11-018545-4: Cramer, FH., Astrology in Roman Law and Politics, Memoirs of the American Philosophical Society, 37, Philadelphia, 1954 (reprinted 1996), 162–178, footnotes 121b, 122 et al.,Googlebooks preview O. Neugebauer and H. B. Van Hoesen, "Greek Horoscopes" Memoirs of the American Philosophical Society, 48, 76, Philadelphia, 1959, pp. 80–90, 91, and footnote 19, googlebooks preview of 1987 edition
  7. ^ a b Royston Lambert, Beloved And God, pp. 31–32.
  8. ^ CIL VI 10909 ([Text http://www.edr-edr.it/edr_programmi/res_complex_comune.php?do=book&id_nr=EDR131420&partId=1] on the Epigraphic Database Roma)
  9. ^ Morwood 2013, pp. 5 & 43.
  10. ^ Opper 2008, p. 34.
  11. ^ On the numerous senatorial families from Spain residing at Rome and its vicinity around the time of Hadrian's birth see R. Syme, 'Spaniards at Tivoli', in Roman Papers IV (Oxford, 1988), pp. 96–114. Hadrian went on to build an Imperial villa at Tivoli (Tibur)
  12. ^ Alicia M. Canto, "La dinastía Ulpio-Aelia (96–192 d.C.): ni tan Buenos, ni tan Adoptivos ni tan Antoninos". Gerión (21.1): 263–305. 2003
  13. ^ Anthony Birley, Restless Emperor, pp. 24–26
  14. ^ Anthony Birley, Restless Emperor, pp. 16–17
  15. ^ Anthony Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 37
  16. ISBN 0-415-34958-3
    , p. 109
  17. ^ Thorsten Opper, The Emperor Hadrian. British Museum Press, 2008, p. – 39
  18. ISBN 3-7749-3390-1
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  20. ^ Anthony Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 54
  21. ^ Boatwright, in Barrett, p. 158
  22. ^ The text of Historia Augusta (Vita Hadriani, 3.8) is garbled, stating that Hadrian's election to the praetorship was contemporary "to the second consulate of Suburanus and Servianus" – two characters that had non-simultaneous second consulships – so Hadrian's election could be dated to 102 or 104, the later date being the most accepted
  23. ^ a b Bowman, p. 133
  24. ^ Anthony Everitt, 2013, Chapter XI: "holding back the Sarmatians" may simply have meant maintaining and patrolling the border.
  25. ^ Giurescu & Fischer-Galaţi 1998, p. 39.
  26. ^ a b Mócsy 2014, p. 94.
  27. ^ Bârcă 2013, p. 19.
  28. ^ Mócsy 2014, p. 101.
  29. ^ The inscription in footnote 1
  30. ISBN 0-415-11623-6
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  31. sodalis Augustalis
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  32. ^ Anthony Birley, Hadrian the Restless Emperor, p. 68
  33. ^ Anthony Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 75
  34. ^ Karl Strobel: Kaiser Traian. Eine Epoche der Weltgeschichte. Regensburg: 2010, p. 401.
  35. ISBN 978-0-7864-2349-1
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  36. ^ Hidalgo de la Vega, Maria José: "Plotina, Sabina y Las Dos Faustinas: La Función de Las Augustas en La Politica Imperial". Studia historica, Historia antigua, 18, 2000, pp. 191–224. Available at [1]. Retrieved 11 January 2017
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  40. ISBN 978-3-05-004898-7
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  41. ^ Thorsten Opper, Hadrian: Empire and Conflict. Harvard University Press, 2008, p. 170
  42. ISBN 0-8028-3986-X
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  43. ^ Anthony R Birley, Hadrian: The Restless Emperor, p. 54
  44. ^ Alan K. Bowman, Peter Garnsey, Dominic Rathbone, eds., The Cambridge Ancient History, XI, p. 133
  45. ISBN 0-521-80918-5
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  46. ^ Fündling, 335
  47. ISBN 978-90-04-18299-8
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  48. ^ Historia Augusta, Life of Hadrian, 3.7
  49. ^ In 23 BC Augustus handed a similar ring to his heir apparent, Agrippa: see Judith Lynn Sebesta, Larissa Bonfante, eds., The World of Roman Costume. University of Wisconsin Press, 1994, p. 78
  50. ^ Fündling, 351
  51. ^ Fündling, 384; Strobel, 401.
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  53. ^ Birley, Anthony, Hadrian, the restless emperor, London / New York 1997, pp 77f, based on Dio and the Historia Augusta; Elizabeth Speller, p. 25
  54. ^ Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 80
  55. ^ Stephan Brassloff, "Die Rechtsfrage bei der Adoption Hadrians". Hermes 49. Bd., H. 4 (Sep. 1914), pp. 590–601
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  57. ^ Historia Augusta, Life of Hadrian, 6.2
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  60. ^ Cizek, Eugen. L'éloge de Caius Avidius Nigrinus chez Tacite et le " complot " des consulaires. In: Bulletin de l'Association Guillaume Budé, no. 3, octobre 1980. pp. 276–294. Retrieved 10 June 2015. Available at [3]
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  63. ^ Opper, Hadrian: Empire and Conflict, 55
  64. ^ John Antony Crook, Consilium Principis: Imperial Councils and Counsellors from Augustus to Diocletian. Cambridge University Press: 1955, pp. 54f
  65. ^ Marasco, p. 377
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  123. ISBN 978-0-520-22067-6
  124. ^ Royston Lambert, pp. 71–2
  125. ^ Anthony Birley, Restless Emperor, pp. 213–4
  126. ^ Anthony Birley, Restless Emperor, pp. 215–20
  127. ^ Boatwright, p. 81
  128. ^ Foertmeyer, Victoria Anne (1989). Tourism in Graeco-Roman Egypt (PhD). Princeton. pp. 107–108.
  129. ^ Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 235
  130. ^ Boatwright, p. 142
  131. ^ Opper, Hadrian: Empire and Conflict, p. 173
  132. ^ Historia Augusta (c. 395) Hadr. 14.5–7
  133. ^ Foertmeyer, pp. 107–108
  134. ^ Cortes Copete Juan Manuel. "El fracaso del primer proyecto panhelénico de Adriano".Dialogues d'histoire ancienne, vol. 25, n°2, 1999. pp. 91–112. Available at [5] Archived 3 June 2018 at the Wayback Machine. Retrieved 3 January 2019
  135. ^ Boatwright, p. 150
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    , p. 38
  137. ISBN 978-84-8317-659-7
    , p. 76
  138. ISBN 978-1-107-01211-0
    , p. 262
  139. ISBN 978-1-107-01205-9
    , p. 176
  140. ISBN 84-7491-790-5
    , p. 462
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    , p. 288
  142. ISBN 978-1-107-01205-9
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  147. ^ Bazzana, 98
  148. ^ Cf a project devised earlier by Hellenized Jewish intellectuals such as Philo: see Rizzi, Hadrian and the Christians, 4
  149. ISBN 978-3-11-019497-5
    , p. 197.
  150. ^ a b Peter Schäfer (1981), Der Bar Kokhba-Aufstand (in German), Tübingen, pp. 29–50.
  151. ISBN 978-0-674-04321-3
    . Retrieved 1 February 2014. [...] Hadrian's ban on circumcision, allegedly imposed sometime between 128 and 132 CE [...]. The only proof for Hadrian's ban on circumcision is the short note in the Historia Augusta: 'At this time also the Jews began war because they were forbidden to mutilate their genitals (quot vetabantur mutilare genitalia). [...] The historical credibility of this remark is controversial [...] The earliest evidence for circumcision in Roman legislation is an edict by Antoninus Pius (138–161 CE), Hadrian's successor [...] [I]t is not utterly impossible that Hadrian [...] indeed considered circumcision as a 'barbarous mutilation' and tried to prohibit it. [...] However, this proposal cannot be more than a conjecture, and, of course, it does not solve the questions of when Hadrian issued the decree (before or during/after the Bar Kokhba war) and whether it was directed solely against Jews or also against other peoples.
  152. ^ Mackay, Christopher. Ancient Rome a Military and Political History: 230
  153. ^ Peter Schäfer (2003), The Bar Kokhba War Reconsidered: New Perspectives on the Second Jewish Revolt Against Rome, Mohr Siebeck, p. 68.
  154. ^ Peter Schäfer (2003), The History of the Jews in the Greco-Roman World: The Jews of Palestine from Alexander the Great to the Arab Conquest. Routledge, p. 146.
  155. Historia Augusta, Hadrian 14.2
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  156. ISBN 978-0-664-23904-6
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  157. ^ a b Chronicle of Jerome, s.v. Hadrian. See: [6] See also Yigael Yadin (1971), Bar-Kokhba, New York: Random House, pp. 22, 258.
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  159. ISBN 978-1-4917-1256-6
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  160. ^ Possibly the XXII Deiotariana, which according to epigraphy did not outlast Hadrian's reign; see livius.org account Archived 17 March 2015 at the Wayback Machine; however, Peter Schäfer, following Bowersock, finds no traces in the written sources of the purported annihilation of Legio XXII. A loss of such magnitude would have surely been mentioned (Der Bar Kokhba-Aufstand, 14).
  161. ^ Cassius Dio 69, 14.3 Roman History. Many Romans, moreover, perished in this war. Therefore Hadrian in writing to the Senate, did not employ the opening phrase commonly affected by the emperors[...]
  162. ^ a b Dio's Roman History (trans. Earnest Cary), vol. 8 (books 61–70), London: Loeb Classical Library 1925, pp. 449–451.
  163. ^
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  164. ^ Epiphanius, "On Weights and Measures" §14: Hadrian's Journey to the East and the Rebuilding of Jerusalem, Renan Baker, Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik, Bd. 182 (2012), pp. 157-167. Published by: Rudolf Habelt GmbH, available through JSTOR (subscription required, accessed 25 March 2012).
  165. ISBN 0-415-30502-0
    , p. 58.
  166. ISBN 978-1-107-04344-2
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  167. ISBN 0140515658
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  168. ^ Ronald Syme (1988), "Journeys of Hadrian", pp. 164–9.
  169. ^ Ronald Syme, "Journeys Of Hadrian". Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 73 (1988) 159–170. Available at [7]. Retrieved 20 January 2017.
  170. ^ Historia Augusta, Life of Hadrian, 10.3
  171. ^ Historia Augusta, Life of Hadrian, 23.9
  172. ISBN 978-3-05-004898-7
    , pp. 26-27
  173. ISBN 978-0-19-873682-0
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  174. ^ Merlin Alfred. Passion et politique chez les Césars (review of Jérôme Carcopino, Passion et politique chez les Césars). In: Journal des savants. Jan.-Mar. 1958. pp. 5–18. Available at [8]. Retrieved 12 June 2015.
  175. ^ Albino Garzetti, From Tiberius to the Antonines : A History of the Roman Empire AD 14–192. London: Routledge, 2014, p. 699
  176. ISBN 978-0-415-74582-6
    , p. 102
  177. ^ Anthony Birley, pp. 289–292.
  178. ^ a b The adoptions: Anthony Birley, pp. 294–5; T.D. Barnes, 'Hadrian and Lucius Verus', Journal of Roman Studies (1967), Ronald Syme, Tacitus, p. 601. Antoninus as a legate of Italy: Anthony Birley, p. 199
  179. ^ Annius Verus was also the step-grandson of the Prefect of Rome,
    ISBN 978-0-306-81916-2
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  180. ^ Anthony Birley, pp. 291–2
  181. ^ Dio 69.17.2
  182. ^ Anthony Birley, p. 297
  183. ^ Anthony Birley, p. 300
  184. S2CID 33084298
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  185. ^ a b Salmon, 816
  186. ^ Dio 70.1.1
  187. ISBN 978-1-108-08324-9
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  188. ISBN 978-3-89971-685-6
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  189. ISBN 0-520-22067-6
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  191. ISBN 90-04-03545-1
    , p. 41
  192. ISBN 0-415-22295-8
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  193. ISBN 978-1-138-01920-1
    , p. 381
  194. ^ The partial withdrawal was probably supervised by the governor of Moesia Quintus Pompeius Falco; see Birley, Restless Emperor, pp. 84, 86.
  195. ^ Eutropius's notion that Hadrian contemplated withdrawing from Dacia altogether appears to be unfounded; see Jocelyn M. C. Toynbee, The Hadrianic School: A Chapter in the History of Greek Art. CUP Archive, 1934, 79
  196. ISBN 0-253-21435-1
    , p. 165
  197. ^ Opper, Empire and Conflict, p. 67
  198. ISSN 2464-6830
    .
  199. ^ N. J. E. Austin & N. B. Rankov, Exploratio: Military & Political Intelligence in the Roman World from the Second Punic War to the Battle of Adrianople. London: Routledge, 2002, p. 4
  200. ^ Austin & Rankov, p. 30
  201. ISBN 0-8078-2852-1
    , p. 183
  202. ^ Elizabeth Speller, p. 69
  203. ^ Opper, p. 85
  204. ^ Birley, Restless Emperor, pp. 209–212
  205. ISBN 0-8018-2158-4
    , p. 123
  206. ^ Christol & Nony, p. 180
  207. ISBN 978-1-78076-060-5
    . Retrieved 3 September 2016.
  208. ISBN 978-1-78093-442-6
    , pp. 184f
  209. ISBN 978-1-107-02436-6
    p. 66
  210. ISBN 978-1-61530-207-9
    p. 133
  211. ISBN 90-279-7744-5
    p. 471
  212. ^ a b Salmon, 812
  213. ^ R.V. Nind Hopkins, Life of Alexander Severus, CUP Archive, p. 110
  214. ISBN 0-87169-435-2
    p. 650
  215. ^ Salmon, 813
  216. JSTOR 650001
  217. ^ Westermann, 109
  218. ISBN 978-2-251-60254-7
    , p. 230
  219. ISBN 0-415-09678-2
    ;William Linn Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1955, p. 115
  220. ISBN 978-0-415-41651-1
    , p. 107
  221. ISBN 978-0-415-39744-5
  222. ISBN 978-0-19-973784-0
    , p. 102
  223. ISBN 978-0-19-957488-9
    , p. 95
  224. ^ Peter Schäfer, Judeophobia, 104.
  225. ^ Garzetti, p. 411
  226. ^ Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 107
  227. ISBN 0-19-815275-2
    , pp. 194–5.
  228. ISBN 978-0-19-926526-8
    , pp. 6, 10.
  229. ^ Boatwright, p. 136
  230. ISBN 0-521-55340-7
    , p. 162
  231. ^ Marcel Le Glay. "Hadrien et l'Asklépieion de Pergame". In: Bulletin de correspondance hellénique. Volume 100, livraison 1, 1976. pp. 347–372. Available at [9]. Retrieved 24 July 2015.
  232. ^ Alan Rowe; B. R. Rees (1956). "A Contribution To The Archaeology of The Western Desert: IV – The Great Serapeum Of Alexandria" (PDF). Manchester.
  233. ISBN 3-11-010389-3
    , pp. 960–964
  234. ^ Cassius Dio, LIX.11; Historia Augusta, Hadrian
  235. ISBN 0-415-14689-5
    , p. 97
  236. ISBN 978-0-521-47137-4
    , p. 15
  237. ISBN 0-19-284201-3
    , p. 176f.
  238. ^ Williams, p. 61
  239. ISBN 0-521-86739-8
    , pp. 52–135.
  240. ISBN 978-0-19-511300-6
    , pp. 60f
  241. ^ Marco Rizzi, p. 12
  242. ^ Elsner, Imperial Rome, p. 183f.
  243. ^ see Trevor W. Thompson "Antinoos, The New God: Origen on Miracle and Belief in Third Century Egypt" for the persistence of Antinous's cult and Christian reactions to it. Freely available. The relationship of P. Oxy. 63.4352 with Diocletian's accession is not entirely clear.
  244. ^ Caroline Vout, Power and Eroticism in Imperial Rome. Cambridge University Press; 2007, p. 89
  245. ^ Birley, Restless Emperor, pp. 127, 183.
  246. ISBN 978-3-11-022470-2
    , pp. 77f
  247. ISBN 978-1-58979-575-4
    , p. 16
  248. ^ Martinova-Kjutova, Maya, Project BG0041, "The Ancient Stadium of Philippopolis – Preservation, Rehabilitation and Urban Renewal", Regional Administration Plovdiv, 2011-2023, accessed 14 December 2023 [10]
  249. ^ "Edirne | Turkey | Britannica". 7 March 2024.
  250. ^ Birley, Restless Emperor, pp. 176-180
  251. ^ It was lost in large part to despoliation by the Cardinal d'Este, who had much of the marble removed to build the Villa d'Este in the 16th century.
  252. ISBN 978-1-4724-2062-6
    , p. 20
  253. ^ "Cassius Dio — Epitome of Book69". penelope.uchicago.edu.
  254. ^ Historia Augusta, Hadrian 2.1.
  255. ^ a b Fox, Robin The Classical World: An Epic History from Homer to Hadrian Basic Books. 2006 p. 574
  256. ^ Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 62
  257. ^ The Historia Augusta however claims that "he wore a full beard to cover up the natural blemishes on his face", H.A. 26.1
  258. ^ Papathanassiou, Manolis. "Byzantine first & last times". Βυζαντινον Χρονικον. Byzantium.xronikon.com. Retrieved 7 November 2012.
  259. ^ "Barba – NumisWiki, The Collaborative Numismatics Project". Forumancientcoins.com. Retrieved 7 November 2012.
  260. ISBN 978-0-465-02497-1
    , p. 578
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  262. ISBN 3-412-10505-8
    , p. 225
  263. ISBN 978-0-8014-4396-1
    , p. 177
  264. ISBN 978-84-00-09193-4
    , p. 100
  265. ^ Direct links to Hadrian's poems in the A.P. with W.R. Paton's translation at the Internet Archive VI 332, VII 674, IX 137, IX 387
  266. ^ T. J. Cornell, ed., The Fragments of the Roman Historians. Oxford University Press: 2013, p. 591
  267. ^ Opper, Hadrian: Empire and Conflict, p. 26
  268. ^ Historia Augusta, Hadrian Dio 25.9; Antony Birley, p. 301
  269. ^ see e.g.Forty-three translations of Hadrian's "Animula, vagula, blandula ..." including translations by Henry Vaughan, A. Pope, Lord Byron.
  270. ^ A.A. Barb, "Animula, Vagula, Blandula", Folklore, 61, 1950 : "... since Casaubon almost three and a half centuries of classical scholars have admired this poem"
  271. JSTOR 20547373
    "Animula vagula blandula: Adriano debitore di Plutarco", Quaderni Urbinati di Cultura Classica, 1997
  272. ^ "tales autem nec multo meliores fecit et Graecos", Historia Augusta, ibidem
  273. ^ Russell E. Murphy, Critical Companion to T. S. Eliot: A Literary Reference to His Life and Work, 2007. p. 48
  274. ^ Varius multiplex multiformis in the anonymous, ancient Epitome de Caesaribus, 14.6: trans. Thomas M. Banchich, Canisius College, Buffalo, New York, 2009 Archived 8 November 2020 at the Wayback Machine Retrieved 24 March 2018
  275. ^ cf Ronald Syme, among others; see Ando, footnote 172
  276. ^ McLynn, 42
  277. ^ "Wytse Keulen, Eloquence rules: the ambiguous image of Hadrian in Fronto's correspondence". [11] Retrieved 20 February 2015
  278. Journal of Hellenic Studies, 130 (2010), pp. 121–135.[12]
    . Accessed 16 October 2017
  279. ISBN 0-415-04504-5
    , pp. 314f
  280. ^ Paul Veyne, L'Empire Gréco-Romain, p. 40
  281. ^ Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 1
  282. ^ See also Paul Veyne, L'Empire Gréco-Romain, p. 65
  283. ISBN 978-1-4051-9032-9
    , p. 1
  284. ^ Marache, R.: R. Syme, Tacitus, 1958. In: Revue des Études Anciennes. Tome 61, 1959, n°1–2. pp. 202–206.available at [13]. Accessed 30 April 2017
  285. ISBN 3-7749-3229-8
  286. ^ Franco Sartori, "L'oecuménisme d'un empereur souvent méconnu : [review of] M.A. Levi, Adriano, un ventennio di cambiamento". In: Dialogues d'histoire ancienne, vol. 21, no. 1, 1995. pp. 290–297. Available at [14]. Retrieved 19 January 2017
  287. ISBN 978-0-465-02497-1
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  288. ^ Strack, PL, Untersuchungen zur Römischen Reichsprägung des zweiten Jahrhunderts – Teil 2 Die Reichsprägung zur Zeit des Hadrian, Stuttgart 1933, also Abdy RA and Mittag PF, Roman Imperial Coinage (RIC), Volume II, Part 3: From AD 117 to AD 138 – Hadrian, London 2019
  289. ^ Pangerl, Andreas, Hadrian’s First and Second Imperial Portrait Types of 117–118 AD; Jahrbuch für Numismatik und Geldgeschichte 71, 2021, pp 171-184
  290. ^ Wegner, Max, Hadrian, Das Römische Herrscherbild, Berlin 1956 and Evers, Cecile, Les Portraits d’Hadrien, typologie et ateliers, Bruxelles 1994
  291. ISBN 978-90-04-15671-5
    , p. 60
  292. ^ Adam M. Kemezis, "Lucian, Fronto, and the absence of contemporary historiography under the Antonines". The American Journal of Philology Vol. 131, No. 2 (Summer 2010), pp. 285–325
  293. ^ Mary Taliaferro Boatwright, Hadrian and the Cities of the Roman Empire. Princeton University Press, 2002, pp. 20-26
  294. ^ Birley, Restless Emperor, 160
  295. ISBN 0-521-55340-7
    , p. 171.
  296. ^ Boatwright, 20
  297. péplum
    et un peu d'Ubu Roi.
  298. ISBN 978-90-04-17438-2
    , p. 93.
  299. ISBN 978-0521263351
    , p. 132.
  300. ^
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    , p. 7.
  301. ISBN 978-0-521-19626-0
    , p. 121.
  302. ISBN 3-16-148514-9
    , p. 199.
  303. ^ Birley, Hadrian: the Restless Emperor, 7: Birley describes the results of Ernst Kornemann's attempt to sift the Historia Augusta biography's facts from its fictions (through textual analysis alone) as doubtful. B.W. Henderson's 1923 English language biography of Hadrian focuses on ancient written sources, and largely ignores or overlooks the published archaeological, epigraphic and non-literary evidence used by Weber.

References

Primary sources

Inscriptions:

Secondary sources

Further reading

External links

Wikimedia Commons has media related to Publius Aelius Traianus Hadrianus.
Hadrian
Nervan–Antonine dynasty
Born: 24 January AD 76 Died: 10 July AD 138
Regnal titles
Preceded by Roman emperor
117–138 		Succeeded by
Political offices
Preceded byas Ordinary consuls Roman suffect consul
108
with M. Trebatius Priscus 		Succeeded byas Suffect consuls
Preceded byas Suffect consuls Roman consul
118
with Gn. Pedanius Fuscus Salinator (Jan–Feb)
Bellicius Tebanianus (March)
G. Ummidius Quadratus (May) 		Succeeded byas Suffect consuls
Preceded byas Suffect consuls Roman consul
119
with Publius Dasumius Rusticus (Jan–Feb)
Aulus Platorius Nepos (March–April) 		Succeeded byas Suffect consuls
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