England in the Middle Ages
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England in the Middle Ages concerns the
The
The 14th century in England saw the
Political history
Early Middle Ages (600–1066)
At the start of the Middle Ages, England was a part of
In the 7th century, the
However, in the same year Alfred won a decisive victory against the Danes at the
With the death of Edgar, however, the royal succession became problematic.
High Middle Ages (1066–1272)
In 1066,
Norman rule, however, proved unstable; successions to the throne were contested, leading to violent conflicts between the claimants and their noble supporters.
Henry II was the first of the
Richard spent his reign focused on protecting his possessions in France and fighting in the Third Crusade; his brother, John, inherited England in 1199 but lost Normandy and most of Aquitaine after several years of war with France.[42] John fought successive, increasingly expensive, campaigns in a bid to regain these possessions.[43] John's efforts to raise revenues, combined with his fractious relationships with many of the English barons, led to confrontation in 1215, an attempt to restore peace through the signing of Magna Carta, and finally the outbreak of the First Barons' War.[44] John died having fought the rebel barons and their French backers to a stalemate, and royal power was re-established by barons loyal to the young Henry III.[45] England's power structures remained unstable and the outbreak of the Second Barons' War in 1264 resulted in the king's capture by Simon de Montfort.[46] Henry's son, Edward, defeated the rebel factions between 1265 and 1267, restoring his father to power.[47]
Late Middle Ages (1272–1485)
On becoming king, Edward I rebuilt the status of the monarchy, restoring and extending key castles that had fallen into disrepair.[48] Uprisings by the princes of North Wales led to Edward mobilising a huge army, defeating the native Welsh and undertaking a programme of English colonisation and castle building across the region.[49] Further wars were conducted in Flanders and Aquitaine.[50] Edward also fought campaigns in Scotland, but was unable to achieve strategic victory, and the costs created tensions that nearly led to civil war.[51] Edward II inherited the war with Scotland and faced growing opposition to his rule as a result of his royal favourites and military failures.[52] The Despenser War of 1321–22 was followed by instability and the subsequent overthrow, and possible murder, of Edward in 1327 at the hands of his French wife, Isabella, and a rebel baron, Roger Mortimer.[53][nb 2] Isabella and Mortimer's regime lasted only a few years before falling to a coup, led by Isabella's son Edward III, in 1330.[55]
Like his grandfather, Edward III took steps to restore royal power, but during the 1340s the
Edward's grandson, the young Richard II, faced political and economic problems, many resulting from the Black Death, including the Peasants' Revolt that broke out across the south of England in 1381.[62] Over the coming decades, Richard and groups of nobles vied for power and control of policy towards France until Henry of Bolingbroke seized the throne with the support of parliament in 1399.[63] Ruling as Henry IV, he exercised power through a royal council and parliament, while attempting to enforce political and religious conformity.[64] His son, Henry V, reinvigorated the war with France and came close to achieving strategic success shortly before his death in 1422.[65] Henry VI became king at the age of only nine months and both the English political system and the military situation in France began to unravel.[66]
A sequence of bloody civil wars, later termed the
Government and society
Governance and social structures
Early Middle Ages (600–1066)
The Anglo-Saxon kingdoms were
The balance of power between these different groups changed over time. Early in the period, kings were elected by members of the late king's council, but primogeniture rapidly became the norm for succession.[77] The kings further bolstered their status by adopting Christian ceremonies and nomenclature, introducing ecclesiastical coronations during the 8th century and terming themselves "Christ's deputy" by the 11th century.[78] Huge estates were initially built up by the king, bishops, monasteries and thegns, but in the 9th and 10th centuries these were slowly broken up as a consequence of inheritance arrangements, marriage settlements and church purchases.[79] In the 11th century, the royal position worsened further, as the ealdormen rapidly built up huge new estates, making them collectively much more powerful than the king—this contributed to the political instability of the final Anglo-Saxon years.[80] As time went by, the position of the churls deteriorated, as their rights were slowly eroded and their duties to their lords increased.[74]
The kingdom of Wessex, which eventually laid claim to England as a whole, evolved a centralised royal administration. One part of this was the king's council, the
The Anglo-Saxon kings built up a set of written laws, issued either as statutes or codes, but these laws were never written down in their entirety and were always supplemented by an extensive oral tradition of customary law.
High Middle Ages (1066–1272)
Within twenty years of the Norman conquest, the former Anglo-Saxon elite were replaced by a new class of Norman nobility, with around 8,000 Normans and French settling in England.[92] The new earls (successors to the ealdermen), sheriffs and church seniors were all drawn from their ranks.[93] In many areas of society there was continuity, as the Normans adopted many of the Anglo-Saxon governmental institutions, including the tax system, mints and the centralisation of law-making and some judicial matters; initially sheriffs and the hundred courts continued to function as before.[94] The existing tax liabilities were captured in the Domesday Book, produced in 1086.[95]
Changes in other areas soon began to be felt. The method of government after the conquest can be described as a
At the centre of power, the kings employed a succession of clergy as
Many tensions existed within the system of government.[107] Royal landownings and wealth stretched across England, and placed the king in a privileged position above even the most powerful of the noble elite.[108] Successive kings, though, still needed more resources to pay for military campaigns, conduct building programmes or to reward their followers, and this meant exercising their feudal rights to interfere in the land-holdings of nobles.[109] This was contentious and a frequent issue of complaint, as there was a growing belief that land should be held by hereditary right, not through the favour of the king.[110] Property and wealth became increasingly focused in the hands of a subset of the nobility, the great magnates, at the expense of the wider baronage, encouraging the breakdown of some aspects of local feudalism.[111] As time went by, the Norman nobility intermarried with many of the great Anglo-Saxon families, and the links with the Duchy began to weaken.[112] By the late 12th century, mobilising the English barons to fight on the continent was proving difficult, and John's attempts to do so ended in civil war. Civil strife re-emerged under Henry III, with the rebel barons in 1258–59 demanding widespread reforms, and an early version of Parliament was summoned in 1265 to represent the rebel interests.[113]
Late Middle Ages (1272–1485)
On becoming king in 1272, Edward I reestablished royal power, overhauling the royal finances and appealing to the broader English elite by using Parliament to authorise the raising of new taxes and to hear petitions concerning abuses of local governance.
Society and government in England in the early 14th century were challenged by the
By the time that Richard II was deposed in 1399, the power of the major noble magnates had grown considerably; powerful rulers such as Henry IV would contain them, but during the minority of Henry VI they controlled the country.
Women in society
Medieval England was a patriarchal society and the lives of women were heavily influenced by contemporary beliefs about gender and authority.[135] However, the position of women varied considerably according to various factors, including their social class; whether they were unmarried, married, widowed or remarried; and in which part of the country they lived.[136] Significant gender inequities persisted throughout the period, as women typically had more limited life-choices, access to employment and trade, and legal rights than men.[137]
In Anglo-Saxon society, noblewomen enjoyed considerable rights and status, although the society was still firmly patriarchal.
After the Norman invasion, the position of women in society changed. The rights and roles of women became more sharply defined, in part as a result of the development of the feudal system and the expansion of the English legal system; some women benefited from this, while others lost out.
The years after the Black Death left many women widows; in the wider economy labour was in short supply and land was suddenly readily available.
Identity
An English cultural identity first emerged from the interaction of the Germanic immigrants of the 5th and 6th centuries and the indigenous Romano-British inhabitants.[155] Although early medieval chroniclers described the immigrants as Angles and Saxons, they came from a much wider area across Northern Europe, and represented a range of different ethnic groups.[156] Over the 6th century, however, these different groups began to coalesce into stratified societies across England, roughly corresponding to the later Angle and Saxon kingdoms recorded by Bede in the 8th century.[157] By the 9th century, the term the Angelcynn was being officially used to refer to a single English people, and promoted for propaganda purposes by chroniclers and kings to inspire resistance to the Danish invasions.[158]
The Normans and French who arrived after the conquest saw themselves as different from the English. They had close family and economic links to the Duchy of Normandy, spoke
During the 12th and 13th centuries, the English began to consider themselves superior to the Welsh, Scots and
Jews
The Jewish community played an important role in England throughout much of the period. The first Jews arrived in England in the aftermath of the Norman invasion, when William the Conqueror brought over wealthy members of the
Religion
Rise of Christianity
The movement towards Christianity began again in the late 6th and 7th centuries, helped by the conversion of the
The Viking invasions of the 8th and 9th centuries reintroduced paganism to North-East England, leading in turn to another wave of conversion.
Religious institutions
With the conversion of much of England in the 6th and 7th centuries, there was an explosion of local church building.
The 1066 Norman conquest brought a new set of Norman and French churchmen to power; some adopted and embraced aspects of the former Anglo-Saxon religious system, while others introduced practices from Normandy.[194] Extensive English lands were granted to monasteries in Normandy, allowing them to create daughter priories and monastic cells across the kingdom.[195] The monasteries were brought firmly into the web of feudal relations, with their holding of land linked to the provision of military support to the crown.[196] The Normans adopted the Anglo-Saxon model of monastic cathedral communities, and within seventy years the majority of English cathedrals were controlled by monks; every English cathedral, however, was rebuilt to some extent by the new rulers.[197] England's bishops remained powerful temporal figures, and in the early 12th-century raised armies against Scottish invaders and built up extensive holdings of castles across the country.[198]
New orders began to be introduced into England. As ties to Normandy waned, the French
Church, state and heresy
The Church had a close relationship with the English state throughout the Middle Ages. The bishops and major monastic leaders played an important part in national government, having key roles on the king's council.[204] Bishops often oversaw towns and cities, managing local taxation and government. This frequently became untenable with the Viking incursions of the 9th century, and in locations such as Worcester the local bishops came to new accommodations with the local ealdormen, exchanging some authority and revenue for assistance in defence.[205] The early English church was racked with disagreement on doctrine, which was addressed by the Synod of Whitby in 664; some issues were resolved, but arguments between the archbishops of Canterbury and York as to which had primacy across Britain began shortly afterwards and continued throughout most of the medieval period.[206]
William the Conqueror acquired the support of the Church for the invasion of England by promising ecclesiastical reform.
In the 1380s, several challenges emerged to the traditional teachings of the Church, resulting from the teachings of
Pilgrimages and Crusades
Pilgrimages were a popular religious practice throughout the Middle Ages in England, with the tradition dating back to the Roman period.[217] Typically pilgrims would travel short distances to a shrine or a particular church, either to do penance for a perceived sin, or to seek relief from an illness or other condition.[218] Some pilgrims travelled further, either to more distant sites within Britain or, in a few cases, onto the continent.[219]
During the Anglo-Saxon period, many shrines were built on former pagan sites which became popular pilgrimage destinations, while other pilgrims visited prominent monasteries and sites of learning.[220] Senior nobles or kings would travel to Rome, which was a popular destination from the 7th century onwards; sometimes these trips were a form of convenient political exile.[221] Under the Normans, religious institutions with important shrines, such as Glastonbury, Canterbury and Winchester, promoted themselves as pilgrimage destinations, maximising the value of the historic miracles associated with the sites.[222] Accumulating relics became an important task for ambitious institutions, as these were believed to hold curative powers and lent status to the site.[223] Indeed, by the 12th century reports of posthumous miracles by local saints were becoming increasingly common in England, adding to the attractiveness of pilgrimages to prominent relics.[224]
Participation in the
Economy and technology
Geography
England had a diverse geography in the medieval period, from the
For much of the Middle Ages, England's climate differed from that in the 21st century. Between the 9th and 13th centuries England went through the
Even at the start of the Middle Ages the English landscape had been shaped by human occupation over many centuries.
Economy and demographics
The English economy was fundamentally
Although the Norman invasion caused some damage as soldiers looted the countryside and land was confiscated for castle building, the English economy was not greatly affected.[248] Taxes were increased, however, and the Normans established extensive forests that were exploited for their natural resources and protected by royal laws.[249] The next two centuries saw huge growth in the English economy, driven in part by the increase in the population from around 1.5 million in 1086 to between 4 and 5 million in 1300.[250] More land, much of it at the expense of the royal forests, was brought into production to feed the growing population and to produce wool for export to Europe.[251] Many hundreds of new towns, some of them planned communities, were built across England, supporting the creation of guilds, charter fairs and other medieval institutions which governed the growing trade.[252] Jewish financiers played a significant role in funding the growing economy, along with the new Cistercian and Augustinian religious orders that emerged as major players in the wool trade of the north.[253] Mining increased in England, with a silver boom in the 12th century helping to fuel the expansion of the money supply.[254]
Economic growth began to falter at the end of the 13th century, owing to a combination of overpopulation, land shortages and depleted soils.[255] The Great Famine shook the English economy severely and population growth ceased; the first outbreak of the Black Death in 1348 then killed around half the English population.[255] The agricultural sector shrank rapidly, with higher wages, lower prices and diminishing profits leading to the final demise of the old demesne system and the advent of the modern farming system centring on the charging of cash rents for lands.[256] As returns on land fell, many estates, and in some cases entire settlements, were simply abandoned, and nearly 1,500 villages were deserted during this period.[257] A new class of gentry emerged who rented farms from the major nobility.[258] Unsuccessful government attempts were made to regulate wages and consumption, but these largely collapsed in the decades following the Peasants' Revolt of 1381.[259]
The English
Technology and science
Technology and science in England advanced considerably during the Middle Ages, driven in part by the
The period produced some influential English scholars.
Technological advances proceeded in a range of areas. Watermills to grind grain had existed during most of the Anglo-Saxon period, using
Warfare
Armies
Warfare was endemic in early Anglo-Saxon England, and major conflicts still occurred approximately every generation in the later period.[282] Groups of well-armed noblemen and their households formed the heart of these armies, supported by larger numbers of temporary troops levied from across the kingdom, called the fyrd.[283] By the 9th century, armies of 20,000 men could be called up for campaigns, with another 28,000 men available to guard urban defences.[283] The most common weapon was the spear, with swords used by the wealthier nobles; cavalry was probably less common than in wider Europe, but some Anglo-Saxons did fight from horseback.[284] The Viking attacks on England in the 9th century led to developments in tactics, including the use of shield walls in battle, and the Scandinavian seizure of power in the 11th century introduced housecarls, a form of elite household soldier who protected the king.[285]
Anglo-Norman warfare was characterised by
In the late 13th century Edward I expanded the familia regis to become a small standing army, forming the core of much larger armies up to 28,700 strong, largely comprising foot soldiers, for campaigns in Scotland and France.[290] By the time of Edward III, armies were smaller in size, but the troops were typically better equipped and uniformed, and the archers carried the longbow, a potentially devastating weapon.[291] Cannons were first used by English forces at battles such as Crécy in 1346.[292] Soldiers began to be contracted for specific campaigns, a practice which may have hastened the development of the armies of retainers that grew up under bastard feudalism.[293] By the late 15th century, however, English armies were somewhat backward by wider European standards; the Wars of the Roses were fought by inexperienced soldiers, often with outdated weapons, allowing the European forces which intervened in the conflict to have a decisive effect on the outcomes of battles.[294]
The first references to an
Fortifications
Many of the fortifications built by the Romans in England survived into the Middle Ages, including the walls surrounding their military forts and cities.[302] These defences were often reused during the unstable post-Roman period.[302] The Anglo-Saxon kings undertook significant planned urban expansion in the 8th and 9th centuries, creating burhs, often protected with earth and wood ramparts.[303] Burh walls sometimes utilised older Roman fortifications, both for practical reasons and to bolster their owners' reputations through the symbolism of former Roman power.[304]
Although a small number of castles had been built in England during the 1050s, after the conquest the Normans began to build timber
By the 14th century, castles were combining defences with luxurious, sophisticated living arrangements and landscaped gardens and parks.
Arts
Art
Medieval England produced art in the form of paintings, carvings, books, fabrics and many functional but beautiful objects.
The Norman conquest introduced northern French artistic styles, particular in illuminated manuscripts and murals, and reduced the demand for carvings.
Literature, drama and music
The Anglo-Saxons produced extensive poetry in Old English, some of which was written down as early as the 9th century, although most surviving poems were compiled in the 10th and early 11th century.[327] Beowulf, probably written between 650 and 750, is typical of these poems, portraying a vivid, heroic tale, ending with the protagonist's death at the hands of a dragon, but still showing signs of the new Christian influences in England.[328] Old English was also used for academic and courtly writing from the 9th century onwards, including translations of popular foreign works, including The Pastoral Care.[329]
Poetry and stories written in French were popular after the Norman conquest, and by the 12th century some works on English history began to be produced in French verse.
Music and singing were important in England during the medieval period, being used in religious ceremonies, court occasions and to accompany theatrical works.
Architecture
In the century after the collapse of the Romano-British economy, very few substantial buildings were constructed and many villas and towns were abandoned.[343] New long- and round-houses were constructed in some settlements, while in others timber buildings were built imitating the older Roman styles.[344] The Germanic immigrants constructed small rectangular buildings from wood, and occasionally grander halls.[345] However, the conversion to Christianity in the 6th and 7th centuries reintroduced Italian and French masons, and these craftsmen built stone churches, low in height, following a narrow, rectangular plan, plastered inside and fitted with glass and colourful vestments.[346] This Romanesque style developed throughout the period, featuring characteristic circular arches.[347] By the 10th and 11th centuries, much larger churches and monastery buildings were being built, featuring square and circular towers after the contemporary European fashion.[348] The palaces constructed for the nobility centred on great timber halls, while manor houses began to appear in rural areas.[349]
The Normans brought with them architectural styles from their own duchy, where austere stone churches were preferred.[350] Under the early Norman kings this style was adapted to produce large, plain cathedrals with ribbed vaulting.[351] During the 12th century the Anglo-Norman style became richer and more ornate, with pointed arches derived from French architecture replacing the curved Romanesque designs; this style is termed Early English Gothic and continued, with variation, throughout the rest of the Middle Ages.[352] In the early 14th century the Perpendicular Gothic style was created in England, with an emphasis on verticality, immense windows and soaring arcades.[353] Fine timber roofs in a variety of styles, but in particular the hammerbeam, were built in many English buildings.[354] In the 15th century the architectural focus turned away from cathedrals and monasteries in favour of parish churches, often decorated with richly carved woodwork; in turn, these churches influenced the design of new chantry chapels for existing cathedrals.[355]
Meanwhile, domestic architecture had continued to develop, with the Normans, having first occupied the older Anglo-Saxon dwellings, rapidly beginning to build larger buildings in stone and timber.[356] The elite preferred houses with large, ground-floor halls but the less wealthy constructed simpler houses with the halls on the first floor; master and servants frequently lived in the same spaces.[356] Wealthier town-houses were also built using stone, and incorporated business and domestic arrangements into a single functional design.[357] By the 14th century grander houses and castles were sophisticated affairs: expensively tiled, often featuring murals and glass windows, these buildings were often designed as a set of apartments to allow greater privacy.[358] Fashionable brick began to be used in some parts of the country, copying French tastes.[354] Architecture that emulated the older defensive designs remained popular.[359] Less is known about the houses of peasants during this period, although many peasants appear to have lived in relatively substantial, timber-framed long-houses; the quality of these houses improved in the prosperous years following the Black Death, often being built by professional craftsmen.[360]
Legacy
Historiography
The first history of medieval England was written by Bede in the 8th century; many more accounts of contemporary and ancient history followed, usually termed
By the 1930s, older historical analyses were challenged by a range of
Popular representations
The period has also been used in a wide range of popular culture. William Shakespeare's plays on the lives of the medieval kings have proved to have had long lasting appeal, heavily influencing both popular interpretations and histories of figures such as King John and Henry V.[369] Other playwrights have since taken key medieval events, such as the death of Thomas Becket, and used them to draw out contemporary themes and issues.[370] The medieval mystery plays continue to be enacted in key English towns and cities. Film-makers have drawn extensively on the medieval period, often taking themes from Shakespeare or the Robin Hood ballads for inspiration.[371] Historical fiction set in England during the Middle Ages remains persistently popular, with the 1980s and 1990s seeing a particular growth of historical detective fiction.[372] The period has also inspired fantasy writers, including J. R. R. Tolkien's stories of Middle-earth.[373] English medieval music was revived from the 1950s, with choral and musical groups attempting to authentically reproduce the original sounds.[374] Medieval living history events were first held during the 19th and early 20th centuries, and the period has inspired a considerable community of historical re-enactors, part of England's growing heritage industry.[375]
Notes
- ^ At the time of the succession crisis, Matilda was married to Count Geoffrey of Anjou, but she still used the title of Empress from her first marriage to Henry V, the Holy Roman Emperor.[35]
- ^ Academics have discussed the fate of Edward II at length. The majority opinion is that Edward died in 1327 at Berkeley Castle, possibly murdered; a minority opinion holds that Edward was either released or escaped, and lived on elsewhere in Europe for many years.[54]
- ^ The term feudalism is controversial in current academic debate on the medieval period; depending on the definition used, feudalism may have pre-dated the Conquest instead of being imported by the Normans, and some academics consider the term unreliable altogether.[97]
- ^ The utility of the term bastard feudalism has been extensively discussed by historians, with many different conclusions being drawn.[129]
References
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- ^ Fleming, p. 24.
- ^ Fleming, pp. 30, 40.
- ^ Richard Hogg and Rhona Alcorn, An Introduction to Old English (2012), pp. 3-4
- ^ Nicholas J. Higham and Martin J. Ryan, The Anglo-Saxon World (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2013), pp. 97–101.
- ^ Fred C. Robinson, "Old English," in Early Germanic Literature and Culture (2004), p. 205
- ^ Fleming, pp. 76–77, 106-107.
- ^ Fleming, p. 110.
- ^ a b Fleming, p. 205.
- ^ Fleming, pp. 205–207.
- ^ Fleming, p. 208.
- ^ Fleming, p. 271.
- ^ Fleming, pp. 219–221.
- ^ Fleming, p. 220; Williams, p. 327.
- ^ Fleming, p. 270; Yorke, pp. 114, 122.
- ^ Yorke, p. 122; Carpenter, p. 3.
- ^ Fleming, p. 270.
- ^ Fleming, p. 221
- ^ Fleming, p. 314.
- ^ a b Fleming, pp. 314–315.
- ^ a b c Fleming, p. 315.
- ^ Fleming, p. 311; Huscroft, pp. 11, 13, 22-24.
- ^ Carpenter, pp. 67, 72-73.
- ^ Carpenter, pp. 72–74.
- ^ Carpenter, pp. 74–77; Prior, pp. 225–228.
- ^ Carpenter, pp. 76.
- ^ Carpenter, pp. 110–112.
- ^ Carpenter, pp. 125–126.
- ^ Prestwich (1992b), pp. 70–71, 74.
- ^ Chibnall, p. 64.
- ^ Carpenter, pp. 131–133.
- ^ Carpenter, pp. 134–135.
- ^ Huscroft, pp. 65, 69–71; Carpenter, pp. 124, 138-140.
- ^ Chibnall, pp. 64–65, 75.
- ^ Carpenter, p. 161.
- ^ Davis, p. 78; King (2010), p. 281; Review of King Stephen, (review no. 1038), David Crouch, Reviews in History, accessed 12 May 2011.
- ^ Carpenter, p. 191.
- ^ Carpenter, p. 191; Aurell (2003), p. 15.
- ^ White (2000), pp. 2–7; King (2007), p. 40.
- ^ Warren (2000), pp. 161, 561–562.
- ^ Warren (2000), pp. 131–136, 619-622.
- ^ Carpenter, pp. 245, 261-262, 265-268.
- ^ Turner (2009), p. 107.
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- ^ Turner (2009), p. 195; Barlow (1999), p. 357.
- ^ Carpenter, pp. 369, 380.
- ^ Carpenter, pp. 380–381.
- ^ Carpener, pp. 468–469.
- ^ Carpenter, pp. 495, 505–512.
- ^ Carpenter, p. 477.
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- ^ Rubin, pp. 31–34.
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- ^ Mortimer (2008), pp. 80–83.
- ^ Mortimer (2008), pp. 84–90; Rubin, pp. 89, 92–93.
- ^ Rubin, pp. 63–67; Myers, pp. 23–24.
- ^ Rubin, pp. 74–75; Mortimer (2008), pp. 134–136.
- ^ Myers, p. 21.
- ^ Rubin, pp. 78–80, 83; Steane, p. 110.
- ^ Rubin, p. 96; 113–114.
- ^ Rubin, pp. 120–121; Jones, pp. 21–22.
- ^ Rubin, pp. 168–172; Myers, pp. 30–35.
- ^ Rubin, pp. 182–183, 186; Myers, p. 133.
- ^ Rubin, pp. 213–214, 220–223; Myers, pp. 120–121.
- ^ Rubin, pp. 224–227; Myers, pp. 122–125.
- ^ Hicks, pp. 3–8.
- ^ a b c Hicks, p. 5.
- ^ Hicks, pp. 8, 238–245.
- ^ Whitelock, pp. 29–21, 33.
- ^ Whitelock, pp. 50–51.
- ^ Whitelock, pp. 85, 90.
- ^ Whitelock, p. 35.
- ^ a b Whitelock, pp. 97–99.
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- ^ Dyer (2009), pp. 52, 55–56.
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- ^ Whitelock, p. 137.
- ^ Whitelock, p. 140.
- ^ Whitelock pp. 140–141.
- ^ Whitelock, pp. 140, 145.
- ^ Whitelock, pp. 41–45.
- ^ Carpenter, p. 4; Davies, p. 20; Huscroft, p. 81.
- ^ Burton, p. 21; Barlow (1999), p. 87.
- ^ Huscroft, pp. 78–79.
- ^ Barlow (1999), pp. 78–79.
- ^ Carpenter, pp. 84–85; Barlow (1999), pp. 88–89.
- ^ Carpenter, p. 84.
- ^ Carpenter, pp. 84–85, 94; Huscroft, p. 104.
- ^ Carpenter, p. 87.
- ^ Danziger and Gillingham, p. 40.
- ^ Carpenter, p. 52.
- ^ Douglas, p. 312.
- ^ Huscroft, p. 85.
- ^ Bartlett, pp. 395–402
- ^ Carpenter, pp. 290–292.
- ^ Carpenter, p. 291; Danziger and Gillingham, p. 41; Postan, pp. 167–169.
- ^ Huscroft, p. 104.
- ^ Huscroft, p. 95.
- ^ Barlow (1999), p. 320.
- ^ Carpenter, p. 87; Barlow (1999), p. 320; Dyer (2009), pp. 108–109.
- ^ Pounds (1994), pp. 146–147; Carpenter, pp. 399–401, 410.
- ^ Barlow (1999), pp. 308–309.
- ^ Carpenter, pp. 369–370; Stenton, pp. 56–57.
- ^ Carpenter, pp. 477–479.
- ^ Rubin, pp. 34–36.
- ^ Carpenter, pp. 473–474.
- ^ Carpenter, p. 475.
- ^ Carpenter, p. 479.
- ^ Myers, p. 38; Rubin, p. 78.
- ^ Rubin, pp. 109–111.
- ^ Rubin, pp. 109–112; Barber (2007a), pp. 84–86, 95–96; Barber (2007b), pp. 151–152.
- ^ Dyer (2009), p. 228.
- ^ Dyer (2009), pp. 268–269.
- ^ Jones, p. 15.
- ^ Jones, p. 21.
- ^ Jones, pp. 41–43, 149–155, 199-201.
- ^ Myers, pp. 132–133; Hicks, p. 23.
- ^ Hicks, pp. 28–30.
- ^ Coss, p. 102.
- ^ Myers, p. 134–135.
- ^ Myers, pp. 48–49, 137–138.
- ^ Myers, pp. 140–141; Hicks, pp. 65–72.
- ^ Myers, pp. 142–143.
- ^ Hicks, p. 269.
- ^ Mate, pp. 6–7, 97-99.
- ^ Mate, pp. 2–3; Johns, p. 14.
- ^ Mate, pp. 98–99.
- ^ Mate, pp. 6–7.
- ^ Mate, pp. 78.
- ^ Mate, p. 11.
- ^ Mate, p. 12.
- ^ Mate, pp. 14–15.
- ^ Johns, pp. 25, 195-196; Mate, pp. 20–21.
- ^ Mate, pp. 21–23.
- ^ Johns, pp. 30, 69; Johns, pp. 22–25; Mate, p. 25.
- ^ Mate, p. 26.
- ^ Mate, pp. 32, 36.
- ^ Mate, p. 33.
- ^ Mate, pp. 46–47.
- ^ Mate, p. 47.
- ^ Mate, p. 41.
- ^ Mate, p. 57.
- ^ Mate, pp. 64–65.
- ^ Mate, pp. 81–82.
- ^ Carpenter, p. 1.
- ^ Fleming, p. 61.
- ^ Fleming, pp. 62, 65, 75.
- ^ a b Carpenter, p. 3.
- ^ Carpenter, pp. 6–7.
- ^ Carpenter, p. 6.
- ^ Carpenter, pp. 3–4, p. 8.
- ^ Davies, pp. 18–20; Carpenter, p. 9; Danziger and Gillingham, p. 219.
- ^ Rubin, p. 8; Carpenter, p. 9.
- ^ Davies, pp. 20–22.
- ^ Rubin, p. 106.
- ^ a b Hicks, pp. 52–53.
- ^ Rubin, p. 8.
- ^ Hillaby, pp. 16–17; Douglas, p. 314.
- ^ Hillaby, pp. 16, 21-22.
- ^ Stenton, pp. 193–194, 197.
- ^ Stenton, p. 194.
- ^ Hillaby, p. 29; Stenton, p. 200.
- ^ Skinner, p. 9; Stenton, p. 199.
- ^ Stenton, p. 200; Hillaby, p. 35.
- ^ Stacey, p. 44.
- ^ Stenton, pp. 193–194.
- ^ a b Fleming, pp. 121, 126.
- ^ Whitelock, pp. 21–22; Fleming, p. 127.
- ^ Fleming, pp. 156–157.
- ^ a b Fleming, p. 152.
- ^ Fleming, pp. 152–153.
- ^ Fleming, p. 153.
- ^ Fleming, pp. 160–161.
- ^ Lavelle, pp. 8, 11-12.
- ^ Sawyer, p. 131.
- ^ Lavelle, pp. 319; Rahtz and Watts, pp. 303–305.
- ^ Sawyer, p. 140.
- ^ Nilson, p. 70.
- ^ Fleming, pp. 128–129, 170-173.
- ^ Gilchrist, p. 2.
- ^ a b Fleming, pp. 318–319, 321.
- ^ Fleming, pp. 322–323.
- ^ Fleming, p. 322; Burton, pp. 3–4.
- ^ Burton, pp. 23–24.
- ^ Burton, pp. 29–30.
- ^ Burton, p. 28.
- ^ Burton, pp. 28–29; Nilson, p. 70.
- ^ Huscroft, pp. 126–127; Bradbury, p. 36; Pounds (1994), pp. 142–143.
- ^ Burton, pp. 36–38.
- ^ Carpenter, pp. 444–445.
- ^ Carpenter, p. 446; Danziger and Gillingham, p. 208.
- ^ Carpenter, pp. 448–450; Danziger and Gillingham, p. 209.
- ^ Forey, pp. 98–99, 106-107.
- ^ Whitelock, pp. 54–55.
- ^ Fleming, pp. 246–247.
- ^ Whitelock, pp. 160–163.
- ^ Burton, p. 21; Barlow (1999), p. 75.
- ^ Barlow (1999), pp. 98, 103-104.
- ^ Barlow (1999), p. 104; Duggan (1965), p. 67, cited Alexander, p. 3.
- ^ Hollister, p. 168; Alexander, pp. 2–3, 10; Barlow (1986), pp. 83–84, 88–89.
- ^ Barlow (1999), p. 361.
- ^ Rubin, pp. 148–149.
- ^ Rubin, pp. 149–150.
- ^ Rubin, pp. 150–151; Aston and Richmond, pp. 1–4.
- ^ Rubin, p. 154.
- ^ Rubin, pp. 188–189; 198-199.
- ^ Webb, p. 1.
- ^ Webb, pp. xiii, xvi.
- ^ Webb, pp. xvi-xvii.
- ^ Webb, pp. 3–5.
- ^ Webb, pp. 5–6.
- ^ Webb, pp. 19–21.
- ^ Webb, pp. 24–27.
- ^ Webb, pp. 35–38.
- ^ Webb, p.xii.
- ^ Carpenter, p. 455.
- ^ Tyerman, pp. 11, 13.
- ^ Carpenter, p. 456.
- ^ Carpenter, p. 458; Tyerman, pp. 16–17.
- ^ Cantor, p. 22.
- ^ Cantor, pp. 22–23.
- ^ a b c Dyer (2009), p. 13.
- ^ Danziger and Gillingham, pp. 48–49.
- ^ Dyer (2000), pp. 261–263.
- ^ Prior, p. 83; Creighton, pp. 41–42.
- ^ Danziger and Gillingham, p. 33; Hughes and Diaz, p. 111.
- ^ Danziger and Gillingham, p. 33.
- ^ Hughes and Diaz, p. 131; Cowie, p. 194.
- ^ Cowie, p. 194.
- ^ Rotherham, p. 79.
- ^ Dyer (2009), pp. 25, 161, 236.
- ^ Rotherham, p. 80; Dyer (2009), p. 13.
- ^ Dyer (2009), p. 14.
- ^ Dyer (2009), pp. 19, 22.
- ^ a b Bartlett, p. 313.
- ^ Bartlett, p. 313; Dyer (2009), p. 14.
- ^ Dyer (2009), p. 26.
- ^ Douglas, p. 310; Dyer (2009), pp. 87–88.
- ^ Dyer (2009), p. 89; Barlow (1999), p. 98.
- ^ Cantor 1982, p. 18.
- ^ Bailey, p. 41; Bartlett, p. 321; Cantor 1982, p. 19.
- ^ Hodgett, p. 57; Bailey, p. 47; Pounds (2005), p. 15.
- ^ Hillaby, p. 16; Dyer (2009), p. 115.
- ^ Blanchard, p. 29.
- ^ a b Jordan, p. 12; Bailey, p. 46; Aberth, pp. 26–7; Cantor 1982, p. 18.
- ^ Hodgett, p. 206; Bailey, p. 46.
- ^ Hodgett, p. 206.
- ^ a b Hodgett, p. 148; Ramsay, p.xxxi; Kowalesk, p. 248.
- ^ Dyers (2009), pp. 291–293.
- ^ Myers, pp. 161–4; Raban, p. 50; Barron, p. 78.
- ^ Bailey, p. 53.
- ^ Hicks, pp. 50–51, 65.
- ^ Geddes, p. 181
- ^ Gillingham and Danziger, p. 237.
- ^ Gillingham and Danziger, p. 237; Humphrey, pp. 106–107.
- ^ Hill, p. 245.
- ^ Gillingham and Danziger, pp. 239, 241.
- ^ Hackett, pp. 9, 16, 19, 20-21.
- ^ Normore, p. 31; Spade, p. 101.
- ^ Gillingham and Danziger, pp. 234–235.
- ^ Getz, p.liii; Danziger and Gillingham, p. 9.
- ^ Myers, p. 99.
- ^ Cobban, p. 101; Danziger and Gillingham, p. 9.
- ^ Dyer (2009), pp. 25–26.
- ^ Dyer (2009), p. 131.
- ^ Dyer (2009), pp. 212–213, 324-325.
- ^ Dyer (2009), pp. 326–327.
- ^ Dyer (2009), p. 323.
- ^ Dyer (2009), pp. 214, 324.
- ^ Myers, p. 250.
- ^ Dyer (2009) pp. 214–215.
- ^ Lavelle, pp. 8, 14-15.
- ^ a b Bachrach, p. 76.
- ^ Halsall, p. 185; Davidson, pp. 8–9.
- ^ Hooper (1992a), p. 1, 11; Halsall, p. 185.
- ^ a b Bradbury, p. 71.
- ^ a b Bradbury, p. 74.
- ^ Morillo, p. 52; Prestwich (1992a), pp. 97–99.
- ^ Stringer, pp. 24–25; Morillo, pp. 16–17, 52.
- ^ Prestwich (1992a), p. 93; Carpenter, p. 524.
- ^ Prestwich (2003), pp. 172, 176-177.
- ^ Prestwich (2003), p. 156.
- ^ Prestwich (2003), pp. 173–174; Coss, p. 91.
- ^ Hicks, pp. 9–10; 231-232, 234-235.
- ^ Hooper (1992b), p. 17.
- ^ Hooper (1992b), pp. 18–19, 22.
- ^ Hooper (1992b), pp. 20–24.
- ^ Rose, p. 57.
- ^ Warren (1991), p. 123.
- ^ Turner (2009), p. 106; Warren (1991), p. 123; Rose, p. 69.
- ^ Rose, pp. 64–66, 71; Coppack, pp. 19–20.
- ^ a b Turner (1971), pp. 20–21; Creighton and Higham, pp. 56–58.
- ^ Turner (1971), pp. 19–20.
- ^ Turner (1971), pp. 19–20: Lavelle, p. 10; Creighton and Higham, pp. 56–58.
- ^ Liddiard, pp. 22, 24, 37; Brown, p. 24.
- ^ Hulme, p. 213.
- ^ Pounds (1994), pp. 44–45, 66, 75-77.
- ^ Pounds (1994), pp. 107–112; Turner (1971), pp. 23–25.
- ^ Liddiard, pp. 61–63, 98.
- ^ Pounds (1994), pp. 253–255.
- ^ Pounds (1994), pp. 250–251, 271; Johnson, p. 226.
- ^ Pounds (1994), p. 287; Reid, pp. 12, 46.
- ^ Creighton and Higham, p. 166–167.
- ^ a b Kessler, pp. 14, 19.
- ^ Whitelock, pp. 224–225.
- ^ Whitelock, p. 224.
- ^ Whitelock, p. 224; Webster, p. 11.
- ^ Webster, p. 11.
- ^ Webster, p. 20.
- ^ Thomas, pp. 368–369.
- ^ Thomas, pp. 372–373.
- ^ Marks (2001), pp. 265–266.
- ^ Baker, p. 2; Marks (1993), p. 3.
- ^ Myers, p. 107.
- ^ Myers, pp. 108–109.
- ^ Myers, p,255.
- ^ Whitelock, pp. 207, 213.
- ^ Whitelock, pp. 211–213.
- ^ Whitelock, pp. 214–217.
- ^ Stenton, pp. 274–275.
- ^ Myers, p. 275; Aurell (2007), p. 363.
- ^ Myers, pp. 96–98.
- ^ Rubin, p. 158; Myers, pp. 98–99.
- ^ Myers, pp. 100–101.
- ^ Mers, pp. 182–183, 250-251.
- ^ Happé, p. 335–336; Danziger and Gillingham, pp. 29–30.
- ^ Myers, pp. 112–113.
- ^ Myers, p. 197.
- ^ Myers, pp. 184–85.
- ^ Myers, p. 186.
- ^ Myers, p. 97.
- ^ Myers, pp. 187–188.
- ^ Fleming, pp. 32–33.
- ^ Fleming, pp. 34–35, 38.
- ^ McClendon, p. 59.
- ^ McClendon, pp. 60, 83-84; Whitelock, p. 225.
- ^ Whitelock, p. 239.
- ^ Whitelock, pp. 238–239.
- ^ Whitelock, pp. 88–89; Emery, pp. 21–22.
- ^ Stenton, pp. 268–269.
- ^ Stenton, p. 269.
- ^ Stenton, pp. 270–271.
- ^ Myers, pp. 102, 105.
- ^ a b Myers, p. 105.
- ^ Myers, pp. 190–192.
- ^ a b Emery, p. 24.
- ^ Pantin, pp. 205–206.
- ^ Liddiard, pp. 60–62.
- ^ Liddiard, pp. 64–66.
- ^ Dyer (2000), pp. 153–162.
- ^ Whitelock, p. 11.
- ^ Bevington, p. 432; Vincent, p. 3.
- ^ Sreedharan, pp. 122–123.
- ^ Dyer (2009), p. 4; Coss, p. 81.
- ^ Aurell (2003), p. 15; Vincent, p. 16.
- ^ Hinton, pp. vii–viii; Crouch, pp. 178–9.
- ^ Dyer (2009), pp. 4–6.
- ^ Rubin, p. 325.
- ^ Driver and Ray, pp. 7–14.
- ^ Tiwawi and Tiwawi, p. 90.
- ^ Airlie, pp. 163–164, 177-179; Driver and Ray, pp. 7–14.
- ^ Ortenberg, p. 175; D'haen, pp. 336–337.
- ^ Timmons, pp. 5–6.
- ^ Page, pp. 25–26.
- ^ Redknap, pp. 45–46.
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- Kessler, Herbert L. (2004). Seeing Medieval Art. Toronto, Canada: University of Toronto Press. ISBN 978-1-55111-535-1.
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- Morillo, Stephen (1994). Warfare Under the Anglo-Norman Kings 1066–1135. Woodbridge, UK: Boydell Press. ISBN 978-0-85115-689-7.
- Mortimer, Ian (2004). The Greatest Traitor: The Life of Sir Roger Mortimer, Ruler of England 1327–1330. London: Pimlico Press. ISBN 978-0-7126-9715-6.
- Normore, Calvin G. (1999). "Some Aspects of Ockham's Logic". In Spade, Paul Vincent (ed.). The Cambridge Companion to Ockham. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-58790-7.
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- Ramsay, Nigel (2001). "Introduction". In Blair, John; Ramsay, Nigel (eds.). English Medieval Industries: Craftsmen, Techniques, Products. London: Hambledon Press. ISBN 978-1-85285-326-6.
- Rose, Susan (2002). Medieval Naval Warfare, 1000–1500. London: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-23976-9.
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- Spade, Paul Vincent (1999). "Ockham's Nominalist Metaphysics: Some Main Themes". In Spade, Paul Vincent (ed.). The Cambridge Companion to Ockham. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-58790-7.
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- Timmons, Daniel (2000). "Introduction". In Clark, George; Timmons, Daniel (eds.). J.R.R. Tolkien and His Literary Resonances: Views of Middle-Earth. Westport, US: Greenwood Press. ISBN 978-0-313-30845-1.
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Historiography
- D'haen, Theo (2004). "Stalking Multiculturalism: Historical Sleuths at the end of the Twentieth Century". In Bak, Hans (ed.). Uneasy Alliance: Twentieth-Century American Literature, Culture and Biography. Amsterdam, the Netherlands: Rodopi. ISBN 978-90-420-1611-8.
- Redknap, Mark (2002). Re-Creations: Visualising Our Past. Cardiff, UK: National Museums and Galleries of Wales and Cadw. ISBN 978-0-7200-0519-6.
- Sreedharan, E. (2004). A Textbook of Historiography, 500 B.C. to A.D. 2000. Hyderabad, India: Orient Longman. ISBN 978-81-250-2657-0.