English-language vowel changes before historic /l/
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In the
Historical diphthongization before /l/
This section needs additional citations for verification. (February 2014) |
At the end of a word or morpheme, this produced all, ball, call, fall, gall, hall, mall, small, squall, stall, pall, tall, thrall, wall, control, droll, extol, knoll, poll (meaning a survey of people,) roll, scroll, stroll, swollen, toll, and troll. The word shall did not follow this trend, and remains /ʃæl/ today.
Before coronal consonants, this produced Alderney, alter, bald, balderdash, false, falter, halt, malt, palsy, salt, Wald, Walter, bold, cold, fold, gold, hold, molten, mould/mold, old, shoulder (earlier sholder), smolder, told, and wold (in the sense of "tract of land"). As with shall, the word shalt did not follow this trend, and remains /ʃælt/ today.
Before /k/, this produced balk, caulk/calk, chalk, Dundalk, falcon, stalk, talk, walk, folk, Polk, and yolk.
This L-vocalization established a pattern that would influence the
Certain words of more recent origin or coining, however, do not have the change and retain short vowels, including Al, alcohol, bal, Cal, calcium, gal, Hal, mal-, pal, Sal, talc, Val, doll, Moll, and Poll (a nickname for a parrot.)
Historical L-vocalization
In most circumstances, the changes stopped there. But in -alk and -olk words, the /l/ disappeared entirely in most accents (with the notable exception of Hiberno-English). This change caused /ɑulk/ to become /ɑuk/, and /ɔulk/ to become /ɔuk/. Even outside Ireland, some of these words have more than one pronunciation that retains the /l/ sound, especially in American English where spelling pronunciations caused partial or full reversal of L-vocalization in a handful of cases:
- caulk/calk can be /ˈkɔːlk/ or /ˈkɔːk/.
- falcon can be /ˈfælkən/, /ˈfɔːlkən/ or /ˈfɔːkən/.
- yolk can be /ˈjoʊlk/ or /ˈjoʊk/. yoke as /ˈjoʊk/ is only conditionally homophonous.
Words like fault and vault did not undergo L-vocalization, but rather L-restoration, having previously been L-vocalized independently in Old French and lacking the /l/ in Middle English, but having it restored by Early Modern English. The word falcon existed simultaneously as homonyms fauco(u)n and falcon in Middle English. The word moult/molt never originally had /l/ to begin with, instead deriving from Middle English mout and related etymologically to mutate; the /l/ joined the word intrusively.
The Great Vowel Shift changed the diphthongs to their present pronunciations, with /ɑu/ becoming the monophthong /ɔː/, and /ɔu/ raising to /oʊ/.
The loss of /l/ in words spelt with -alf, -alm, -alve and -olm did not involve L-vocalization in the same sense, but rather the elision of the consonant and usually the compensatory lengthening of the vowel.
Variation between /ɔːl/ and /ɒl/ before a consonant in salt and similar words
Some words such as salt, traditionally pronounced by most RP speakers with /ɔːl/ followed by a consonant, have alternative pronunciations with /ɒl/ that are used more frequently by younger British English speakers. This variation between /ɔːl/ and /ɒl/ occurs primarily before voiceless consonants, as in salt, false and alter; less commonly, /ɒl/ may also be used in words where the /l/ comes before a voiced consonant, as in bald, scald and cauldron.[1][2] In Great Britain, this laxing before /l/ was traditionally associated with Northern England and Wales,[3] but has in recent decades become more widespread, including among younger speakers of RP.[2]
Modern L-vocalization
More extensive L-vocalization is a notable feature of certain dialects of
In Cockney, Estuary English and New Zealand English, l-vocalization can be accompanied by
Graham Shorrocks noted extensive L-vocalisation in the dialect of
In the accent of Bristol, syllabic /l/ can be vocalized to /o/, resulting in pronunciations like /ˈbɒto/ (for bottle). By hypercorrection, however, some words originally ending in /o/ were given an /l/: the original name of the town was Bristow, but this has been altered by hypercorrection to Bristol.[10]
African-American English (AAE) dialects may have L-vocalization as well. However, in these dialects, it may be omitted altogether (e.g. fool becomes [fuː]. Some English speakers from San Francisco - particularly those of Asian ancestry - also vocalize or omit /l/.[11]
Salary–celery merger
The salary–celery merger is a conditioned merger of /æ/ (as in bat) and /ɛ/ (as in bet) when they occur before /l/, thus making salary and celery homophones.[12][13][14][15] The merger is not well studied. It is referred to in various sociolinguistic publications, but usually only as a small section of the larger change undergone by vowels preceding /l/ in articles about l-vocalization.
This merger has been detected in the English spoken in
The merger is also found in the Norfuk dialect spoken on Norfolk Island.[15] The salary-celery merger is also characteristic of Chicano English in Los Angeles and has been attested in the Chicano English of northern New Mexico and Albuquerque as well.[18][19][20] /ɛ/ is also often lowered before /l/ in El Paso, but not all speakers show a merger.[21] In varieties with the merger, salary and celery are both pronounced /sæləri/.[13]The study presented by Cox and Palethorpe at a 2003 conference tested just one group of speakers from Victoria: 13 fifteen-year-old girls from a Catholic girls' school in
Deborah Loakes from Melbourne University has suggested that the salary-celery merger is restricted to Melbourne and southern Victoria, not being found in northern border towns such as Albury-Wodonga or Mildura.[16]
In the 2003 study Cox and Palethorpe note that the merger appears to only involve lowering of /e/ before /l/, with the reverse not occurring, stating that "There is no evidence in this data of raised /æ/ before /l/ as in 'Elbert' for 'Albert', a phenomenon that has been popularly suggested for Victorians."[13]
Horsfield (2001) investigates the effects of postvocalic /l/ on the preceding vowels in New Zealand English; her investigation covers all of the New Zealand English vowels and is not specifically tailored to studying mergers and neutralizations, but rather the broader change that occurs across the vowels. She has suggested that further research involving minimal pairs like telly and tally, celery and salary should be done before any firm conclusions are drawn.
A pilot study of the merger was done, which yielded perception and production data from a few New Zealand speakers. The results of the pilot survey suggested that although the merger was not found in the speech of all participants, those who produced a distinction between /æl/ and /el/ also accurately perceived a difference between them; those who merged /æl/ and /el/ were less able to accurately perceive the distinction. The finding has been interesting to some linguists because it concurs with the recent understanding that losing a distinction between two sounds involves losing the ability to produce it as well as to perceive it (Gordon 2002). However, due to the very small number of people participating in the study the results are not conclusive.
/æl/ | /ɛl/ | IPA | Notes |
---|---|---|---|
Allan | Ellen | ælən | |
bally | belly | bæli | |
dally | Delhi | dæli | |
dally | deli | dæli | |
fallow | fellow | fæloʊ | |
Hal | hell | hæl | |
mallow | mellow | mæloʊ | |
Sal | cel | sæl | |
Sal | cell | sæl | |
Sal | sell | sæl | |
salary | celery | sæləri | |
shall |
shell | ʃæl |
Fill–feel merger
The fill–feel merger is a conditioned merger of the vowels /ɪ/ and /iː/ before /l/ that occurs in some accents. In Europe, it is commonly found in Estuary English. Otherwise it is typical of certain accents of American English. The heaviest concentration of the merger is found in, but not necessarily confined to, Southern American English: in North Carolina, eastern Tennessee, northern Alabama, Mississippi, northern and central Louisiana (but not New Orleans), and west-central Texas (Labov, Ash, and Boberg 2006: 69-73). This merger, like many other features of Southern American English, can also be found in AAE.
/ɪl/ | /iːl/ | IPA | Notes |
---|---|---|---|
dill | deal | dɪl | |
fill | feel | fɪl | |
filled | field | fɪld | |
hill | heal | hɪl | |
hill | heel | hɪl | |
hill | he'll | hɪl | |
ill | eel | ɪl | |
Jill | geal | dʒɪl | |
kill | keel | kɪl | |
lil | leal | lɪl | |
lil | Lille | mɪl | |
mill | meal | mɪl | |
nil | kneel | nɪl | |
nil | Neil | nɪl | |
Phil | feel | fɪl | |
pill | peal | pɪl | |
pill | peel | pɪl | |
rill | real | rɪl | |
rill | reel | rɪl | |
shill | she'll | ʃɪl | |
shilled | shield | ʃɪld | |
sill | ceil | sɪl | |
sill | seal | sɪl | |
silly | Seely | sɪli | |
spill | spiel | spɪl | When spiel is not pronounced with initial /ʃ-/ |
still | steal | stɪl | |
still | steel | stɪl | |
till | teal | tɪl | |
will | we'll | wɪl | |
will | wheel | wɪl | With wine-whine merger .
|
willed | wield | wɪld |
Fell–fail merger
The same two regions show a closely related merger, namely the fell–fail merger of /ɛ/ and /eɪ/ before /l/ that occurs in some varieties of Southern American English making fell and fail homophones. In addition to North Carolina and Texas, these mergers are found sporadically in other Southern states and in the Midwest and West.[23][24]
/ɛl/ | /eɪl/ | IPA | Notes |
---|---|---|---|
bell | bail | bɛl | |
bell | bale | bɛl | |
belle | bail | bɛl | |
belle | bale | bɛl | |
cell, cel | sail | sɛl | |
cell, cel | sale | sɛl | |
dell | dale | dɛl | |
ell | ail | ɛl | |
ell | ale | ɛl | |
fell | fail | fɛl | |
gel | gaol, jail | dʒɛl | |
geld | galed | gɛld | |
held | hailed | hɛld | |
hell | hail | hɛl | |
hell | hale | hɛl | |
knell | nail | nɛl | |
L, ell | ail | ɛl | |
L, ell | ale | ɛl | |
Mel | mɛl | ||
Mel | male | mɛl | |
meld | mailed | mɛld | |
Nell | nail | nɛl | |
quell | quail | kwɛl | |
sell | sail | sɛl | |
sell | sale | sɛl | |
shell | shale | ʃɛl | |
swell | swale | swɛl | |
tell | tail | tɛl | |
tell | tale | tɛl | |
weld | wailed | wɛld | |
well | wail | wɛl | |
well | wale | wɛl | |
wells | wales | wɛlz | |
wells | Wales | wɛlz | |
well | whale | wɛl | With wine-whine merger .
|
wells | wails | wɛlz | |
wells | whales | wɛlz | With wine-whine merger .
|
yell | Yale |
jɛl |
Full–fool merger
The full–fool merger is a conditioned merger of /ʊ/ and /uː/ before /l/, making pairs like pull/pool and full/fool homophones. The main concentration of the pull–pool merger is in
The fill–feel merger and full–fool merger are not unified in American English; they are found in different parts of the country, and very few people show both mergers.[28]
/ʊl/ | /uːl/ | IPA (using ⟨uː⟩ for the merged vowel) |
---|---|---|
bull | boule | buːl |
full | fool | fuːl |
pull | pool | puːl |
Hull–hole merger
The hull–hole merger is a conditioned merger of /ʌ/ and /oʊ/ before /l/ occurring for some speakers of
/ʌl/ | /oʊl/ | /ʊl/ | /əl/ | IPA | Notes |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
adult | a dolt | əˈdVlt | Adult as /əˈdʌlt/. | ||
bold | bulled | bVld | |||
bowl | bull | bVl | |||
bowled | bulled | bVld | |||
culled | cold | kVld | |||
cull | coal | kVl | |||
cull | cole | kVl | |||
cult | colt | kVlt | |||
dull | dole | dVl | |||
foal | full | fVl | |||
foaled | fulled | fVld | |||
fold | fulled | fVld | |||
gull | goal | ɡVl | |||
hull | hole | hVl | |||
hull | whole | hVl | |||
hulled | hold | hVld | |||
hulled | holed | hVld | |||
mull | mole | mVl | |||
mulled | mold | mVld | |||
mulled | mould | mVld | |||
null | gnoll | nVl | |||
null | knoll | nVl | |||
pole | pull | pVl | |||
poll | pull | pVl | |||
Seminole | seminal | ˈsɛmɪnVl | |||
skulled | scold | skVld | |||
sull | sole | sVl | |||
sull | soul | sVl | |||
sulled | sold | sVld | |||
sulled | soled | sVld | |||
sulled | souled | sVld |
Gulf-golf merger
The gulf-golf merger is the merger of the diaphonemes /ʌ/ and /ɒ/ before /lC/, where C denotes a consonant. It is attested in Australian English, in which it can co-occur with the
Doll–dole merger
The doll–dole merger is a conditioned merger, for some Londoners, of /ɒ/ and /əʊ/ before syllable-final (or non-prevocalic) /l/, resulting in homophony between pairs like doll and dole.[30] The distinction between /ɒ/ and /əʊ/ is maintained in derived forms containing prevocalic /l/, such as d[ɒ]lling herself up vs. d[ɒʊ]ling it out, which means that the underlying vowel is recoverable if the /l/ is morpheme-final, as in doll and dole.[30] But when the /l/ is followed by a consonant within the same morpheme, as in solve, the distinction is not recoverable; this may be the cause, via hypercorrection, of pronunciations such as [səʊlv] for solve in place of RP [sɒlv].[30]
/ɒl/ | /oʊl/ | IPA (using ⟨ɒ⟩ for the merged vowel) | Notes |
---|---|---|---|
Balt |
bolt | bɒlt | When Balt is not pronounced as /bɔːlt/[a] |
doll | dole | dɒl | |
malt | moult | mɒlt | When malt is not pronounced as /mɔːlt/[a] |
moll | mole | mɒl | |
paltry | poultry | pɒltri | When paltry is not pronounced as /pɔːltri/[a] |
poll | pole | pɒl | Already homophonous in dialects that pronounce poll as /poʊl/[b] |
vol | vole | vɒl | |
vault | volt | vɒlt | When vault is not pronounced as /vɔːlt/[a] |
Goat split
The goat split is a process that has affected London dialects, Australian English, and Estuary English.[33][34] In the first phase of the split, the diphthong of goat /əʊ/ developed an allophone [ɒʊ] before "dark" (nonprevocalic) /l/. Thus goal no longer had the same vowel as goat ([ɡɒʊɫ] vs. [ɡəʊʔ]).[33] In the second phase, the diphthong [ɒʊ] spread to other forms of affected words. For example, the realization of rolling changed from [ˈɹəʊlɪŋ] to [ˈɹɒʊlɪŋ] on the model of roll [ɹɒʊɫ]. This led to the creation of a minimal pair for some speakers: wholly /ˈhɒʊli/ vs. holy /ˈhəʊli/ and thus to phonemicization of the split. The change from /əʊ/ to /ɒʊ/ in derived forms is not fully consistent; for instance, in cockney, polar is pronounced with the /əʊ/ of goat even though it is derived from pole /ˈpɒʊl/.
In broad Cockney, the phonetic difference between the two phonemes may be rather small and they may be distinguished by nothing more than the openness of the first element, so that goat is pronounced [ɡɐɤʔ] whereas goal is pronounced [ɡaɤ].[33]
Goose split
Similar to the
This distribution has become complicated by morphology in a way that is leading to a phonemic split in words with pre-vocalic /l/: those where the /l/ is stem-final are pronounced with the phonetically back vowel [uː] (as in ruler (monarch), a morphologically transparent derivative of rule), whereas those where the /l/ is stem-medial are pronounced with a fronted vowel [yː] (as in ruler (measuring instrument), which is treated as an unanalyzable unit). The difference in vowel quality is presumably accompanied by a difference in the pronunciation of the following /l/[35] ([ɫ] after [uː], [l] after [yː]).
A similar backing change has occurred in many North American dialects,[37] but this has remained allophonic. For example, in California English, the Goose vowel is realized as a back vowel in words such as school where it is followed by /l/, but is fronted in words where it is not followed by /l/, such as new.[38]
Fool–fall merger
For some English speakers in the UK, the vowels of goose and thought may be merged before dark syllable-final /l/, which may be caused by the raising of the thought vowel to [oː] or [ʊː] in combination with the backing of the goose vowel before /l/ as part of the
/uːl/ | /ɔːl/ | IPA (using ⟨oː⟩ for the merged vowel) |
---|---|---|
boule | ball | boːl |
boule | bawl | boːl |
cool | call | koːl |
cruel | crawl | koːl |
drool | drawl | droːl |
fool | fall | foːl |
ghoul | gall | goːl |
ghoul | Gaul | goːl |
pool | pall | poːl |
pool | Paul | poːl |
schooled | scald | skoːld |
stool | stall | stoːl |
tool | tall | toːl |
Yule | yawl | joːl |
Vile–vial merger
This section needs additional citations for verification. (April 2018) |
The vile–vial merger is where the words in the vile set ending with /-ˈaɪl/ (bile, file, guile, I'll, Kyle, Lyle, mile, Nile, pile, rile, smile, stile, style, tile, vile, while, wile) rhyme with words in the vial set ending with /-ˈaɪəl/ (decrial, denial, dial, espial, Niall, phial, trial, vial, viol).[41] This merger involves the dephonemicization of schwa that occurs after a vowel and before /l/, causing the vowel-/l/ sequence to be pronounced as either one or two syllables.
This merger may also be encountered with other vowel rhymes too, including:
- /-ˈeɪl/ (jail, sale, tail, etc.) and /-ˈeɪəl/ (betrayal, Jael), usually skewing towards two syllables.
- /-ˈɔɪl/ (coil, soil, etc.) and /-ˈɔɪəl/ (loyal, royal), usually skewing towards two syllables.
- /-ˈiːl/ (ceil, feel, steal, etc.) and /-ˈiːəl/ (real), usually skewing towards two syllables.
- /-ˈɔːl/ (all, drawl, haul, etc.) and /-ˈɔːəl/ (withdrawal), usually skewing towards one syllable.
- /-ˈoʊl/ (bowl, coal, hole, roll, soul, etc.) and /-ˈoʊəl/ (Joel, Noel), usually skewing towards one syllable.
- /-ˈuːl/ (cool, ghoul, mewl, rule, you'll, etc.) and /-ˈuːəl/ (cruel, dual, duel, fuel, gruel, jewel), usually skewing towards one syllable.
- /-ˈaʊl/ (owl, scowl, etc.) and /-ˈaʊəl/ (bowel, dowel, Powell, towel, trowel, vowel), inconsistently skewing towards either one or two syllables. Some words may wander across this boundary even in some non-merging accents, such as owl with /-ˈaʊəl/, and bowel with /-ˈaʊl/.
- In some General Americantoday. Some accents with one-syllable squirrel later broke it into two syllables again, as /ˈskwɜrəl/.
- In some rhotic father–bothermerged accents, /-ˈɑrl/ (Carl, marl, etc.) and /-ˈɑrəl/ (coral, moral), usually skewing towards two syllables.
For many speakers, the vowels in cake, meet, vote and moot can become centering diphthongs before /l/, leading to pronunciations like [teəl], [tiəl], [toəl] and [tuəl] for tail, teal, toll and tool.
Merger of non-prevocalic /ʊl/, /ʉːl/, /əl/, /oːl/ with /oː/
In
The merger of /əl/, /oːl/ and /oː/ is the most usual and leads to musical being homophonous with music hall as /ˈmjʉːzɪkoː/. Cockney speakers usually regard both syllables of awful as rhyming: /ˈoːfoː/.[42]
The merger of /oːl/ with /oː/ has been reported to occur in New Zealand English, which does not feature the THOUGHT-split (leading to a larger number of potential homophones).[43]
In the following list, the only homophonous pairs that are included are those involving /oː/ and /oːl/. As the merger is restricted to non-rhotic accents with close THOUGHT, /oː/ in the fifth and sixth columns is assumed to cover not only THOUGHT but also NORTH and FORCE. In the case of Cockney, the sixth column does not participate in the merger.
/ʊl/ | /ʉːl/ | /əl/ | /oːl/ | Morpheme-internal /oː/ | Morpheme-final /oː/ (Cockney /ɔə/) | IPA | Notes |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
— | all | — | awe | ˈoː | |||
— | all | — | or | ˈoː | With the strong form of or.
| ||
— | all | — | ore | ˈoː | |||
— | Alt | ort | ˈoːt | ||||
— | Auld | ord | awed | ˈoːd | |||
bull | Boole | — | ball | — | boar | ˈboː | |
bull | Boole | — | ball | — | bore | ˈboː | |
bulled | — | bald | bawd | bored | ˈboːd | ||
bulled | — | bald | board | bored | ˈboːd | ||
bulled | — | balled | bawd | bored | ˈboːd | ||
bulled | — | balled | board | bored | ˈboːd | ||
cool | — | call | — | core | ˈkoː | ||
coolled | — | called | cord | ˈkoːd | |||
cools | — | calls | cause | cores | ˈkoːz | ||
drool | — | drawl | — | draw | ˈdroː | ||
— | false | force | ˈfoːs | ||||
— | fault | fort | ˈfoːt | ||||
— | fault | fought | ˈfoːt | ||||
full | fool | — | fall | — | for | ˈfoː | With the strong form of for |
full | fool | — | fall | — | fore | ˈfoː | |
full | fool | — | fall | — | four | ˈfoː | |
fulled | foolled | — | ford | ˈfoːd | |||
— | hall | — | whore | ˈhoː | |||
— | halls | Hawes | whores | ˈhoːz | |||
— | mall | — | more | ˈmoː | |||
— | malt | mort | ˈmoːt | ||||
pull | pool | — | Paul | — | paw | ˈpoː | |
pull | pool | — | Paul | — | poor | ˈpoː | With the cure-force merger .
|
pull | pool | — | Paul | — | pore | ˈpoː | |
pull | pool | — | Paul | — | pour | ˈpoː | |
recool | — | recall | — | riːˈkoː | Recall is also pronounced with initial /rɪ-/ and /rə-/ | ||
— | salt | sort | ˈsoːt | In contemporary RP salt often has /ɒl/: /ˈsɒlt/ | |||
— | salt | sought | ˈsoːt | In contemporary RP salt often has /ɒl/: /ˈsɒlt/ | |||
— | Saul | — | saw | ˈsoː | |||
— | Saul | — | sore | ˈsoː | |||
school | — | — | score | ˈskoː | |||
schooled | — | scald | scored | ˈskoːd | |||
stool | — | stall | — | store | ˈstoː | ||
stooled | — | stalled | stored | ˈstoːd | |||
stools | — | stalls | stores | ˈstoːz | |||
tool | — | tall | — | tore | ˈtoː | ||
tool | — | tall | — | tour | ˈtoː | With the cure-force merger. | |
wolf | — | wharf | ˈwoːf | ||||
wolf | — | Wharfe | ˈwoːf | ||||
wool | — | wall | — | war | ˈwoː | ||
— | Walt | wart | ˈwoːt | ||||
wools | — | walls | wars | ˈwoːz |
There is a large amount of potential homophones involving adjectives with the suffix -able and phrases consisting of a related verb, the indefinite article and the nouns bull, ball and boar. However, they require not only emphatically stressing the verb but also no glottal stop before the indefinite article (e.g. afford a bull/ball/boar cannot be pronounced as [əˌfoːdəˈboː], [əˌfoːdʔəˈboː] nor [əˈfoːdʔəboː]), which makes the homophony between the phrases and the adjectives ending in -able less likely than the homophony between the phrases themselves for speakers who have the merger. Again, phrases involving the noun boar are distinct for speakers with the thought split regardless of stress: [əˌfoːdəˈbɔə, əˌfoːdʔəˈbɔə, əˈfoːdʔəbɔə, əˈfoːdəbɔə] ('afford a boar').
Other mergers
Labov, Ash, and Boberg (2006:73) mention four mergers before /l/ that may be under way in some accents of North American English, and which require more study:[44]
- /ʊl/ and /oʊl/ (bull vs bowl)
- /ʌl/ and /ɔːl/ (hull vs hall)
- /ʊl/ and /ʌl/ (bull vs hull) (effectively undoing the foot-strut splitbefore /l/)
- /ʌl/ and /oʊl/ (hull vs bowl)
See also
- Phonological history of the English language
- Phonological history of English vowels
- English-language vowel changes before historic r
Notes
- ^ a b c d Words like Balt, malt, paltry and vault can be pronounced with /ɒlt/ or /ɔːlt/ in British English, but the /ɒlt/ pronunciation is used by the majority of younger speakers, see #Variation between /ɔːl/ and /ɒl/ before a consonant in salt and similar words.
- ^ Poll is variably pronounced as /pɒl/ and /poʊl/ in British English, while pole is always pronounced /poʊl/ by speakers without the merger.[31][32]
References
- ^ Wells, John (2010). "scolding water" (February 16). John Wells’s phonetic blog. Retrieved 2016-01-31.
- ^ ISBN 9783030043568.
- ^ Wells, John C. (June 1999). "British English pronunciation preferences: a changing scene". Journal of the International Phonetic Association. 29: 36. Retrieved 2023-09-01.
- ^ KM Petyt, Dialect & Accent in Industrial West Yorkshire, John Benjamins Publishing Company, page 219
- ISBN 978-0080359434
- ISBN 978-3110175325.
- ^ Wells (1982), p. 259.
- S2CID 146349564. Retrieved 6 January 2013.
- ISBN 3-631-34661-1. (based on the author's thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Sheffield, 1981)
- ^ Harper, Douglas. "Bristol". Online Etymology Dictionary.
- ^ L Hall-Lew & RL Starr, Beyond the 2nd generation: English use among Chinese Americans in the San Francisco Bay Area, English Today: The International Review of the English Language, Vol. 26, Issue 3, pp. 12-19. [1]
- ^ Cox, F.; Palethorpe, S. (2001). "The Changing Face of Australian Vowels". In Blair, D.B.; Collins, P (eds.). Varieties of English Around the World: English in Australia. John Benjamins Publishing, Amsterdam. pp. 17–44.
- ^ a b c d Cox, F. M.; Palethorpe, S. (2004). "The border effect: Vowel differences across the NSW–Victorian Border". Proceedings of the 2003 Conference of the Australian Linguistic Society: 1–14.
- ISBN 1-86408-871-0. Archived from the original(PDF) on 2008-03-07.
- ^ a b Ingram, John. Norfolk Island-Pitcairn English (Pitkern Norfolk) Archived 2009-02-25 at the Wayback Machine, University of Queensland, 2006
- ^ a b Are Melburnians mangling the language?
- ^ The /el/-/æl/ Sound Change in Australian English: A Preliminary Perception Experiment, Deborah Loakes, John Hajek and Janet Fletcher, University of Melbourne
- ISBN 9789027248657.
- .
- ^ Brumbaugh, Susan (2017). Anglo and Hispanic Vowel Variation in New Mexican English (PhD). University of New Mexico. Retrieved March 15, 2022.
- ^ Williams, Lance Levi (2010). /ӕ/ and /e/ in El Paso English (MA). University of Texas at El Paso.
- ^ "Map 4". Ling.upenn.edu. Retrieved 2011-03-02.
- ^ "Map 7". Ling.upenn.edu. Retrieved 2011-03-02.
- ^ "Chapter 11". www.ling.upenn.edu. Archived from the original on 28 October 2006. Retrieved 12 January 2022.
- ^ "Map 5". Ling.upenn.edu. Retrieved 2011-03-02.
- ^ Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006:70)
- ^ "Transcribing Estuary English". Phon.ucl.ac.uk. Retrieved 2011-03-02.
- ^ "Map 6". Ling.upenn.edu. Retrieved 2011-03-02.
- ^ Lewis, Eleanor. "/ɐlC/-/ɔlC/ Sound change in Australian English: Preliminary res[ɔ]lts".
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(help) - ^ a b c Wells (1982), p. 317
- Cambridge Dictionary. Retrieved 2023-09-03.
- Cambridge Dictionary. Retrieved 2023-09-03.
- ^ a b c Wells (1982), pp. 312–313
- ^
Altendorf, Ulrike (2003). Estuary English: Levelling at the Interface of RP and South-Eastern British English. Tübingen: Gunter Narr Verlag. p. 34. ISBN 3-8233-6022-1.
- ^ a b c Wells, John (3 February 2012). "newly minimal". John Wells’s phonetic blog. Retrieved 19 April 2023.
- ^ a b Lindsey, Geoff (24 December 2013). "GOOSE backing". Speech Talk blog. Retrieved 19 April 2023.
- ^ William Labov: The Changing Patterns of Philadelphia English, retrieved 2022-09-26
- ^ Eckert, Penelope. "Vowel Shifts in California and the Detroit Suburbs". Retrieved July 5, 2023.
- ^ Lindsey, Geoff (11 September 2016). "People fool in love (extended mix)". Speech Talk Blog. Retrieved 25 March 2018.
- ^ MacKenzie, Laurel; Bailey, George; Turton, Danielle (2016). "Who pronounces 'fool' and 'fall' the same?". Our Dialects: Mapping variation in English in the UK. Retrieved 25 March 2018.
- ^ According to Dictionary.com, dial, trial and vial all specify variable /-ˈaɪəl/ or /-ˈaɪl/ pronunciations, while words like bile and style only specify /-ˈaɪl/ pronunciations.
- ^ Wells (1982).
- ^ Gordon & Maclagan (2004), pp. 611–612.
- ISBN 3-11-016746-8.
Bibliography
- Gordon, Elizabeth; Maclagan, Margaret (2004), "Regional and social differences in New Zealand: phonology", in Schneider, Edgar W.; Burridge, Kate; Kortmann, Bernd; Mesthrie, Rajend; Upton, Clive (eds.), A handbook of varieties of English, vol. 1: Phonology, Mouton de Gruyter, pp. 603–613, ISBN 3-11-017532-0
- Horsfield, Rachel (2001). The Changing Vowels of New Zealand English (Thesis). University of Otago.
- ISBN 978-3-11-016746-7.
- ISBN 9780521246484.