English Reformation
Part of a series on the |
Reformation |
---|
Protestantism |
Part of a series on |
Anglicanism |
---|
Christianity portal |
Part of a series on the |
History of the Church of England |
---|
The English Reformation took place in
Ideologically, the groundwork for the Reformation was laid by
The
The English Reformation is generally considered to have concluded during the reign of
Competing religious ideas
General |
---|
Church of England Catholic Church in England and Wales Calendar of saints (Church of England) |
Early |
Joseph of Arimathea Legend of Christ in Britain Christianity in Roman Britain |
Middle Ages |
Anglo-Saxon Christianity Religion in Medieval England |
Reformation |
English Reformation |
Post-Reformation |
Puritanism English Civil War 18th-century Church of England 19th-century Church of England Catholic emancipation Church of England (recent) |
England began the 16th century as a Roman Catholic nation.
The Protestant Reformation was initiated by the German monk Martin Luther. By the early 1520s, Luther's views were known and disputed in England.[14] The main plank of Luther's theology was justification by faith alone rather than by good works. In this view, God's unmerited favour is the only way for humans to be justified—it cannot be achieved or earned by righteous living. In other words, justification is a gift from God received through faith.[15]
If Luther was correct, then the Mass, the sacraments, charitable acts,
The publication of
Protestant ideas were popular among some parts of the English population, especially among academics and merchants with connections to continental Europe.
Nevertheless, English Catholicism was strong and popular in the early 1500s, and those who held Protestant sympathies remained a religious minority until political events intervened.
Henrician Reformation
Annulment controversy
Henry VIII acceded to the English throne in 1509 at the age of 17. He made a dynastic marriage with Catherine of Aragon, widow of his brother Arthur, in June 1509, just before his coronation on Midsummer's Day. Unlike his father, who was secretive and conservative, the young Henry appeared the epitome of chivalry and sociability. An observant Roman Catholic, he heard up to five masses a day (except during the hunting season);[citation needed] of "powerful but unoriginal mind", he let himself be influenced by his advisors from whom he was never apart, by night or day. He was thus susceptible to whoever had his ear.[note 2]
This contributed to a state of hostility between his young contemporaries and the
]Anne arrived at court in 1522 as
Henry claimed that this lack of a male heir was because his marriage was "blighted in the eyes of God".
The combination of Henry's "scruple of conscience" and his captivation by Anne Boleyn made his desire to rid himself of his queen compelling.[34] The indictment of his chancellor Cardinal Wolsey in 1529 for praemunire (taking the authority of the papacy above the Crown) and Wolsey's subsequent death in November 1530 on his way to London to answer a charge of high treason left Henry open to both the influences of the supporters of the queen and the opposing influences of those who sanctioned the abandonment of the Roman allegiance, for whom an annulment was but an opportunity.[35]
Actions against clergy
In 1529, the King summoned Parliament to deal with the annulment and other grievances against the church. The Catholic Church was a powerful institution in England with a number of privileges. The King could not tax or sue clergy in civil courts. The church could also grant fugitives sanctuary, and many areas of the law―such as family law―were controlled by the church. For centuries, kings had attempted to reduce the church's power, and the English Reformation was a continuation of this power struggle.[36]
The Reformation Parliament sat from 1529 to 1536 and brought together those who wanted reform but who disagreed what form it should take. There were common lawyers who resented the privileges of the clergy to summon laity to their ecclesiastical courts,[37] and there were those who had been influenced by Lutheranism and were hostile to the theology of Rome. Henry's chancellor, Thomas More, successor to Wolsey, also wanted reform: he wanted new laws against heresy.[38] Lawyer and member of Parliament Thomas Cromwell saw how Parliament could be used to advance royal supremacy over the church and further Protestant beliefs.[39]
Initially, Parliament passed minor legislation to control ecclesiastical fees,
Having first charged eight bishops and seven other clerics with praemunire, the King decided in 1530 to proceed against the whole clergy for violating the 1392 Statute of Praemunire, which forbade obedience to the Pope or any foreign ruler.[42] Henry wanted the clergy of Canterbury province to pay £100,000 for their pardon; this was a sum equal to the Crown's annual income.[43] This was agreed by the Convocation of Canterbury on 24 January 1531. It wanted the payment spread over five years, but Henry refused. The convocation responded by withdrawing their payment altogether and demanded Henry fulfil certain guarantees before they would give him the money. Henry refused these conditions, agreeing only to the five-year period of payment.[44] On 7 February, Convocation was asked to agree to five articles that specified that:
- The clergy recognise Henry as the "sole protector and supreme head of the English Church and clergy"
- The King was responsible for the souls of his subjects
- The privileges of the church were upheld only if they did not detract from the royal prerogative and the laws of the realm
- The King pardoned the clergy for violating the Statute of Praemunire
- The laity were also pardoned.[45]
In Parliament, Bishop Fisher championed Catherine and the clergy, inserting into the first article the phrase "as far as the word of God allows".[46][47][page needed] On 11 February, William Warham, Archbishop of Canterbury, presented the revised wording to Convocation. The clergy were to acknowledge the King to be "singular protector, supreme lord and even, so far as the law of Christ allows, supreme head of the English Church and clergy". When Warham requested a discussion, there was silence. Warham then said, "He who is silent seems to consent", to which a bishop responded, "Then we are all silent."[48] The Convocation granted consent to the King's five articles and the payment on 8 March 1531.[citation needed] Later, the Convocation of York agreed to the same on behalf of the clergy of York province.[48] That same year, Parliament passed the Pardon to Clergy Act 1531.[citation needed]
By 1532, Cromwell was responsible for managing government business in the House of Commons. He authored and presented to the Commons the Supplication against the Ordinaries, which was a list of grievances against the bishops, including abuses of power and Convocation's independent legislative authority. After passing the Commons, the Supplication was presented to the King as a petition for reform on 18 March.[49] On 26 March, the Act in Conditional Restraint of Annates mandated the clergy pay no more than five percent of their first year's revenue (annates) to Rome.[50]
On 10 May, the King demanded of Convocation that the church renounce all authority to make laws.[51] On 15 May, Convocation renounced its authority to make canon law without royal assent—the so called Submission of the Clergy. (Parliament subsequently gave this statutory force with the Submission of the Clergy Act.) The next day, More resigned as lord chancellor.[52] This left Cromwell as Henry's chief minister. (Cromwell never became chancellor. His power came—and was lost—through his informal relations with Henry.)[citation needed]
Separation from Rome
Archbishop Warham died in August 1532. Henry wanted
This realm of England is an Empire, and so hath been accepted in the world, governed by one Supreme Head and King having the dignity and royal estate of the Imperial Crown of the same, unto whom a body politic compact of all sorts and degrees of people divided in terms and by names of Spirituality and Temporality, be bounden and owe to bear next to God a natural and humble obedience.[54]
This declared England an independent country in every respect. English historian
In 1534, Parliament took further action to limit papal authority in England. A new Heresy Act ensured that no one could be punished for speaking against the Pope and also made it more difficult to convict someone of heresy; however,
The
Moderate religious reform
The break with Rome gave Henry VIII power to administer the English Church, tax it, appoint its officials, and control its laws. It also gave him control over the church's doctrine and ritual.[62] While Henry remained a traditional Catholic, his most important supporters in breaking with Rome were the Protestants. Yet, not all of his supporters were Protestants. Some were traditionalists, such as Stephen Gardiner, opposed to the new theology but felt papal supremacy was not essential to the Church of England's identity.[63] The King relied on Protestants, such as Thomas Cromwell and Thomas Cranmer, to carry out his religious programme and embraced the language of the continental Reformation, while maintaining a middle way between religious extremes.[64] What followed was a period of doctrinal confusion as both conservatives and reformers attempted to shape the church's future direction.[65]
The reformers were aided by Cromwell, who in January 1535 was made
Cromwell's programme, assisted by Anne Boleyn's influence over episcopal appointments, was not merely against the clergy and the power of Rome. He persuaded Henry that safety from political alliances that Rome might attempt to bring together lay in negotiations with the German Lutheran princes of the Schmalkaldic League.[note 6] There also seemed to be a possibility that Emperor Charles V might act to avenge his rejected aunt (Queen Catherine) and enforce the pope's excommunication. The negotiations did not lead to an alliance but did bring Lutheran ideas to England.[69]
In 1536, Convocation adopted the first doctrinal statement for the Church of England, the Ten Articles. This was followed by the Bishops' Book in 1537. These established a semi-Lutheran doctrine for the church. Justification by faith, qualified by an emphasis on good works following justification, was a core teaching. The traditional seven sacraments were reduced to three only—baptism, Eucharist and penance. Catholic teaching on praying to saints, purgatory and the use of images in worship was undermined.[70]
In August 1536, the same month the Ten Articles were published, Cromwell issued a set of Royal Injunctions to the clergy. Minor feast days were changed into normal work days, including those celebrating a church's patron saint and most feasts during harvest time (July through September). The rationale was partly economic as too many holidays led to a loss of productivity and were "the occasion of vice and idleness".[71] In addition, Protestants considered feast days to be examples of superstition.[72] Clergy were to discourage pilgrimages and instruct the people to give to the poor rather than make offerings to images. The clergy were also ordered to place Bibles in both English and Latin in every church for the people to read.[73] This last requirement was largely ignored by the bishops for a year or more due to the lack of any authorised English translation. The only complete vernacular version was the Coverdale Bible finished in 1535 and based on Tyndale's earlier work. It lacked royal approval, however.[74]
Historian Diarmaid MacCulloch in his study of The Later Reformation in England, 1547–1603 argues that after 1537, "England's Reformation was characterized by its hatred of images, as Margaret Aston's work on iconoclasm and iconophobia has repeatedly and eloquently demonstrated."[75] In February 1538, the famous Rood of Grace was condemned as a mechanical fraud and destroyed at St Paul's Cross. In July, the statues of Our Lady of Walsingham, Our Lady of Ipswich, and other Marian images were burned at Chelsea on Cromwell's orders. In September, Cromwell issued a second set of royal injunctions ordering the destruction of images to which pilgrimage offerings were made, the prohibition of lighting votive candles before images of saints, and the preaching of sermons against the veneration of images and relics.[76] Afterwards, the shrine and bones of Thomas Becket, considered by many to have been martyred in defence of the church's liberties, were destroyed at Canterbury Cathedral.[77]
Dissolution of the monasteries
For Cromwell and Cranmer, a step in the Protestant agenda was attacking
The Crown was also experiencing financial difficulties, and the wealth of the church, in contrast to its political weakness, made confiscation of church property both tempting and feasible.[82] Seizure of monastic wealth was not unprecedented; it had happened before in 1295, 1337, and 1369.[78] The church owned between one-fifth and one-third of the land in all England; Cromwell realised that he could bind the gentry and nobility to Royal Supremacy by selling to them the huge amount of church lands, and that any reversion to pre-Royal Supremacy would entail upsetting many of the powerful people in the realm.[83]
In 1534, Cromwell initiated a
Leading reformers, led by Anne Boleyn, wanted to convert monasteries into "places of study and good letters, and to the continual relief of the poor", but this was not done.[86] In 1536, the Dissolution of the Lesser Monasteries Act closed smaller houses valued at less than £200 a year.[73] Henry used the revenue to help build coastal defences (see Device Forts) against expected invasion, and all the land was given to the Crown or sold to the aristocracy.[additional citation(s) needed] Thirty-four houses were saved by paying for exemptions. Monks and nuns affected by closures were transferred to larger houses, and monks had the option of becoming secular clergy.[87]
The Royal Supremacy and the abolition of papal authority had not caused widespread unrest, but the attacks on monasteries and the abolition of saints' days and pilgrimages provoked violence. Mobs attacked those sent to break up monastic buildings. Suppression commissioners were attacked by local people in several places.
The Pilgrimage of Grace was a more serious matter. The pro-Catholic, anti-land-tax revolt began in October at Yorkshire and spread to the other northern counties. Around 50,000 strong, the rebels under Robert Aske's leadership restored 16 of the 26 northern monasteries that had been dissolved. Due to the size of the rebellion, the King was persuaded to negotiate. In December, Thomas Howard, 3rd Duke of Norfolk offered the rebels a pardon and a parliament to consider their grievances. Aske then sent the rebels home. The promises made to them, however, were ignored by the King, and Norfolk was instructed to put the rebellion down. Forty-seven of the Lincolnshire rebels were executed, and 132 from the Pilgrimage of Grace. In Southern England, smaller disturbances took place in Cornwall and Walsingham in 1537.[90]
The failure of the Pilgrimage of Grace only sped up the process of dissolution and may have convinced Henry VIII that all religious houses needed to be closed. In 1540, the last monasteries were dissolved, wiping out an important element of traditional religion.
Reforms reversed
According to historian Peter Marshall, Henry's religious reforms were based on the principles of "unity, obedience and the refurbishment of ancient truth".[94] Yet, the outcome was disunity and disobedience. Impatient Protestants took it upon themselves to further reform. Priests said Mass in English rather than Latin and were marrying in violation of clerical celibacy. Not only were there divisions between traditionalists and reformers, but Protestants themselves were divided between establishment reformers who held Lutheran beliefs and radicals who held Anabaptist and Sacramentarian views.[95] Reports of dissension from every part of England reached Cromwell daily—developments he tried to hide from the King.[96]
In September 1538, Stephen Gardiner returned to England, and official religious policy began to drift in a conservative direction.
It was becoming clear that the King's views on religion differed from those of Cromwell and Cranmer. Henry made his traditional preferences known during the
On 28 June 1540 Cromwell, Henry's longtime advisor and loyal servant, was executed. Different reasons were advanced: that Cromwell would not enforce the Act of Six Articles; that he had supported Robert Barnes, Hugh Latimer and other heretics; and that he was responsible for Henry's marriage to
[I]t is difficult to have a people entirely opposed to new errors which does not hold with the ancient authority of the Church and of the Holy See, or, on the other hand, hating the Pope, which does not share some opinions with the Germans. Yet the government will not have either the one or the other, but insists on their keeping what is commanded, which is so often altered that it is difficult to understand what it is.[104]
Despite setbacks, Protestants managed to win some victories. In May 1541, the King ordered copies of the Great Bible to be placed in all churches; failure to comply would result in a £2 fine. Protestants could celebrate the growing access to vernacular scripture as most churches had Bibles by 1545.[105][106] The iconoclastic policies of 1538 were continued in the autumn when the Archbishops of Canterbury and York were ordered to destroy all remaining shrines in England.[107] Furthermore, Cranmer survived formal charges of heresy in the Prebendaries' Plot of 1543.[108]
Traditionalists, nevertheless, seemed to have the upper hand. By the spring of 1543, Protestant innovations had been reversed, and only the break with Rome and the dissolution of the monasteries remained unchanged.[109] In May 1543, a new formulary was published to replace the Bishops' Book. This King's Book rejected justification by faith alone and defended traditional ceremonies and the use of images.[110] This was followed days later by passage of the Act for the Advancement of True Religion, which restricted Bible reading to men and women of noble birth. Henry expressed his fears to Parliament in 1545 that "the Word of God, is disputed, rhymed, sung and jangled in every ale house and tavern, contrary to the true meaning and doctrine of the same."[111]
By the spring of 1544, the conservatives appeared to be losing influence once again. In March, Parliament made it more difficult to prosecute people for violating the Six Articles. Cranmer's
In 1546, the conservatives were once again in the ascendant. A series of controversial sermons preached by the Protestant
The conservative persecution of Queen Katherine, however, backfired.
Edwardian Reformation
When Henry died in 1547, his nine-year-old son,
Initially, however, Edward was of little account politically.[120] Real power was in the hands of the regency council, which elected Edward Seymour, 1st Duke of Somerset, to be Lord Protector. The Protestant Somerset pursued reform hesitantly at first, partly because his powers were not unchallenged.[121] The Six Articles remained the law of the land, and a proclamation was issued on 24 May reassuring the people against any "innovations and changes in religion".[122]
Nevertheless, Seymour and Cranmer did plan to further the reformation of religion. In July, a
Iconoclasm and abolition of chantries
In August 1547, thirty commissioners—nearly all Protestants—were appointed to carry out a royal
The injunctions set off a wave of iconoclasm in the autumn of 1547.[130] While the injunctions only condemned images that were abused as objects of worship or devotion, the definition of abuse was broadened to justify the destruction of all images and relics.[131] Stained glass, shrines, statues, and roods were defaced or destroyed. Church walls were whitewashed and covered with biblical texts condemning idolatry.[132]
Conservative bishops Edmund Bonner and Gardiner protested the visitation, and both were arrested. Bonner spent nearly two weeks in the Fleet Prison before being released.[133] Gardiner was sent to the Fleet Prison in September and remained there until January 1548. However, he continued to refuse to enforce the new religious policies and was arrested once again in June when he was sent to the Tower of London for the rest of Edward's reign.[134]
When a new Parliament met in November 1547, it began to dismantle the laws passed during Henry VIII's reign to protect traditional religion.[135] The Act of Six Articles was repealed—decriminalizing denial of the real, physical presence of Christ in the Eucharist.[136] The old heresy laws were also repealed, allowing free debate on religious questions.[137] In December, the Sacrament Act allowed the laity to receive communion under both kinds, the wine as well as the bread. This was opposed by conservatives but welcomed by Protestants.[138]
The
Historians dispute how well this was received.
1549 prayer book
The second year of Edward's reign was a turning point for the English Reformation; many people identified the year 1548, rather than the 1530s, as the beginning of the English Church's schism from the Roman Catholic Church.[147] On 18 January 1548, the Privy Council abolished the use of candles on Candlemas, ashes on Ash Wednesday and palms on Palm Sunday.[148] On 21 February, the council explicitly ordered the removal of all church images.[149]
On 8 March, a royal proclamation announced a more significant change—the first major reform of the Mass and of the Church of England's official eucharistic theology.[150] The "Order of the Communion" was a series of English exhortations and prayers that reflected Protestant theology and were inserted into the Latin Mass.[151][152] A significant departure from tradition was that individual confession to a priest—long a requirement before receiving the Eucharist—was made optional and replaced with a general confession said by the congregation as a whole. The effect on religious custom was profound as a majority of laypeople, not just Protestants, most likely ceased confessing their sins to their priests.[149] By 1548, Cranmer and other leading Protestants had moved from the Lutheran to the Reformed position on the Eucharist.[153] Significant to Cranmer's change of mind was the influence of Strasbourg theologian Martin Bucer.[154] This shift can be seen in the Communion order's teaching on the Eucharist. Laypeople were instructed that when receiving the sacrament they "spiritually eat the flesh of Christ", an attack on the belief in the real, bodily presence of Christ in the Eucharist.[155] The Communion order was incorporated into the new prayer book largely unchanged.[156]
That prayer book and liturgy, the Book of Common Prayer, was authorized by the
The cycles and seasons of the
Nevertheless, the first Book of Common Prayer was a "radical" departure from traditional worship in that it "eliminated almost everything that had till then been central to lay Eucharistic piety".[162] Communion took place without any elevation of the consecrated bread and wine. The elevation had been the central moment of the old liturgy, attached as it was to the idea of real presence. In addition, the prayer of consecration was changed to reflect Protestant theology.[157] Three sacrifices were mentioned; the first was Christ's sacrifice on the cross. The second was the congregation's sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving, and the third was the offering of "ourselves, our souls and bodies, to be a reasonable, holy and lively sacrifice" to God.[163] While the medieval Canon of the Mass "explicitly identified the priest's action at the altar with the sacrifice of Christ", the Prayer Book broke this connection by stating the church's offering of thanksgiving in the Eucharist was not the same as Christ's sacrifice on the cross.[160] Instead of the priest offering the sacrifice of Christ to God the Father, the assembled offered their praises and thanksgivings. The Eucharist was now to be understood as merely a means of partaking in and receiving the benefits of Christ's sacrifice.[164][165]
There were other departures from tradition. At least initially, there was no music because it would take time to replace the church's body of Latin music.
In 1549, Parliament also legalized clerical marriage, something already practised by some Protestants (including Cranmer) but considered an abomination by conservatives.[166]
Rebellion
Enforcement of the new liturgy did not always take place without a struggle. In the West Country, the introduction of the Book of Common Prayer was the catalyst for a series of uprisings through the summer of 1549. There were smaller upheavals elsewhere from the West Midlands to Yorkshire. The Prayer Book Rebellion was not only in reaction to the prayer book; the rebels demanded a full restoration of pre-Reformation Catholicism.[167] They were also motivated by economic concerns, such as enclosure.[168] In East Anglia, however, the rebellions lacked a Roman Catholic character. Kett's Rebellion in Norwich blended Protestant piety with demands for economic reforms and social justice.[169]
The insurrections were put down only after considerable loss of life.
Further reform
From that point on, the Reformation proceeded apace. Since the 1530s, one of the obstacles to Protestant reform had been the bishops, bitterly divided between a traditionalist majority and a Protestant minority. This obstacle was removed in 1550–1551 when the episcopate was purged of conservatives.
The newly enlarged and emboldened Protestant episcopate turned its attention to ending efforts by conservative clergy to "counterfeit the popish mass" through loopholes in the 1549 prayer book. The Book of Common Prayer was composed during a time when it was necessary to grant compromises and concessions to traditionalists. This was taken advantage of by conservative priests who made the new liturgy as much like the old one as possible, including elevating the Eucharist.[178] The conservative Bishop Gardiner endorsed the prayer book while in prison,[159] and historian Eamon Duffy notes that many lay people treated the prayer book "as an English missal".[179]
To attack the mass, Protestants began demanding the removal of stone
In March 1550, a new ordinal was published that was based on Martin Bucer's own treatise on the form of ordination. While Bucer had provided for only one service for all three orders of clergy, the English ordinal was more conservative and had separate services for deacons, priests and bishops.[171][181] During his consecration as bishop of Gloucester, John Hooper objected to the mention of "all saints and the holy Evangelist" in the Oath of Supremacy and to the requirement that he wear a black chimere over a white rochet. Hooper was excused from invoking the saints in his oath, but he would ultimately be convinced to wear the offensive consecration garb. This was the first battle in the vestments controversy, which was essentially a conflict over whether the church could require people to observe ceremonies that were neither necessary for salvation nor prohibited by scripture.[182]
1552 prayer book and parish confiscations
The 1549 Book of Common Prayer was criticized by Protestants both in England and abroad for being too susceptible to Roman Catholic re-interpretation. Martin Bucer identified 60 problems with the prayer book, and the Italian
This new prayer book removed many of the traditional elements in the 1549 prayer book, resulting in a more Protestant liturgy. The communion service was designed to remove any hint of consecration or change in the bread and wine. Instead of unleavened wafers, ordinary bread was to be used.[185] The prayer of invocation was removed, and the minister no longer said "the body of Christ" when delivering communion. Rather, he said, "Take and eat this, in remembrance that Christ died for thee, and feed on him in thy heart by faith, with thanksgiving". Christ's presence in the Lord's Supper was a spiritual presence "limited to the subjective experience of the communicant".[185] Anglican bishop and scholar Colin Buchanan interprets the prayer book to teach that "the only point where the bread and wine signify the body and blood is at reception".[186] Rather than reserving the sacrament (which often led to Eucharistic adoration), any leftover bread or wine was to be taken home by the curate for ordinary consumption.[187]
In the new prayer book, the last vestiges of prayers for the dead were removed from the funeral service.[188] Unlike the 1549 version, the 1552 prayer book removed many traditional sacramentals and observances that reflected belief in the blessing and exorcism of people and objects. In the baptism service, infants no longer received minor exorcism and the white chrisom robe. Anointing was no longer included in the services for baptism, ordination and visitation of the sick.[189] These ceremonies were altered to emphasise the importance of faith, rather than trusting in rituals or objects. Clerical vestments were simplified—ministers were only allowed to wear the surplice and bishops had to wear a rochet.[185]
Throughout Edward's reign, inventories of parish valuables, ostensibly for preventing embezzlement, convinced many the government planned to seize parish property, just as was done to the chantries.
The confiscations caused tensions between Protestant church leaders and Warwick, now Duke of Northumberland. Cranmer, Ridley and other Protestant leaders did not fully trust Northumberland. Northumberland in turn sought to undermine these bishops by promoting their critics, such as
Edward's succession
King Edward became seriously ill in February and died in July 1553. Before his death, Edward was concerned that Mary, his devoutly Catholic sister, would overturn his religious reforms. A new plan of succession was created in which both of Edward's sisters Mary and Elizabeth were bypassed on account of
Marian Restoration
Reconciling with Rome
Both Protestants and Roman Catholics understood that the accession of Mary I to the throne meant a restoration of traditional religion.[200] Before any official sanction, Latin Masses began reappearing throughout England, despite the 1552 Book of Common Prayer remaining the only legal liturgy.[201] Mary began her reign cautiously by emphasising the need for tolerance in matters of religion and proclaiming that, for the time being, she would not compel religious conformity. This was in part Mary's attempt to avoid provoking Protestant opposition before she could consolidate her power.[202] While Protestants were not a majority of the population, their numbers had grown through Edward's reign. Historian Eamon Duffy writes that "Protestantism was a force to be reckoned with in London and in towns like Bristol, Rye, and Colchester, and it was becoming so in some northern towns such as Hessle, Hull, and Halifax."[203]
Following Mary's accession, the Duke of Norfolk along with the conservative bishops Bonner, Gardiner, Tunstall, Day and Heath were released from prison and restored to their former dioceses. By September 1553, Hooper and Cranmer were imprisoned. Northumberland himself was executed but not before his conversion to Catholicism.[204]
The break with Rome and the religious reforms of Henry VIII and Edward VI were achieved through parliamentary legislation and could only be reversed through Parliament. When Parliament met in October, Bishop Gardiner, now Lord Chancellor, initially proposed the repeal of all religious legislation since 1529. The House of Commons refused to pass this bill, and after heated debate,[205] Parliament repealed all Edwardian religious laws, including clerical marriage and the prayer book, in the First Statute of Repeal.[206] By 20 December, the Mass was reinstated by law.[207] There were disappointments for Mary: Parliament refused to penalise non-attendance at Mass, would not restore confiscated church property, and left open the question of papal supremacy.[208]
If Mary was to secure England for Roman Catholicism, she needed an heir and her Protestant half-sister Elizabeth had to be prevented from inheriting the Crown. On the advice of her cousin
By the end of 1554, Henry VIII's religious settlement had been re-instituted, but England was still not reunited with Rome. Before reunion could occur, church property disputes had to be settled—which, in practice, meant letting the nobility and gentry who had bought confiscated church lands keep them. Cardinal Reginald Pole, the Queen's cousin, arrived in November 1554 as papal legate to end England's schism with the Roman Catholic Church.[209] On 28 November, Pole addressed Parliament to ask it to end the schism, declaring "I come not to destroy, but to build. I come to reconcile, not to condemn. I come not to compel, but to call again."[210] In response, Parliament submitted a petition to the Queen the next day asking that "this realm and dominions might be again united to the Church of Rome by the means of the Lord Cardinal Pole".[210]
On 30 November, Pole spoke to both houses of Parliament, absolving the members of Parliament "with the whole realm and dominions thereof, from all heresy and schism".[211] Afterwards, bishops absolved diocesan clergy, and they in turn absolved parishioners.[212] On 26 December, the Privy Council introduced legislation repealing the religious legislation of Henry VIII's reign and implementing the reunion with Rome. This bill was passed as the Second Statute of Repeal.[213]
Catholic recovery
Historian Eamon Duffy writes that the Marian religious "programme was not one of reaction but of creative reconstruction" absorbing whatever was considered positive in the reforms of Henry VIII and Edward VI.
Cardinal Pole would eventually replace Cranmer as Archbishop of Canterbury in 1556, jurisdictional issues between England and Rome having prevented Cranmer's removal. Mary could have had Cranmer tried and executed for treason—he had supported the claims of Lady Jane Grey—but she resolved to have him tried for heresy. His recantations of his Protestantism would have been a major coup. Unhappily for her, he unexpectedly withdrew his recantations at the last minute as he was to be burned at the stake, thus ruining her government's propaganda victory.[219]
As papal legate, Pole possessed authority over both his Province of Canterbury and the Province of York, which allowed him to oversee the Counter-Reformation throughout all of England.[220] He re-installed images, vestment and plate in churches. Around 2,000 married clergy were separated from their wives, but the majority of these were allowed to continue their work as priests.[219][221] Pole was aided by some of the leading Catholic intellectuals, Spanish members of the Dominican Order: Pedro de Soto, Juan de Villagarcía and Bartolomé Carranza.[219]
In 1556, Pole ordered clergy to read one chapter of Bishop Bonner's A Profitable and Necessary Doctrine to their parishioners every Sunday. Modelled on the King's Book of 1543, Bonner's work was a survey of basic Catholic teaching organized around the Apostles' Creed, Ten Commandments, seven deadly sins, sacraments, the Lord's Prayer, and the Hail Mary.[222] Bonner also produced a children's catechism and a collection of homilies.[223]
From December 1555 to February 1556, Cardinal Pole presided over a national legatine synod that produced a set of decrees entitled Reformatio Angliae or the Reformation of England.[224] The actions taken by the synod anticipated many of the reforms enacted throughout the Catholic Church after the Council of Trent.[220] Pole believed that ignorance and lack of discipline among the clergy had led to England's religious turmoil, and the synod's reforms were designed to remedy both problems. Clerical absenteeism (the practice of clergy failing to reside in their diocese or parish), pluralism, and simony were condemned.[225] Preaching was placed at the centre of the pastoral office,[226] and all clergy were to provide sermons to the people (rectors and vicars who failed to were fined).[225] The most important part of the plan was the order to establish a seminary in each diocese, which would replace the disorderly manner in which priests had been trained previously. The Council of Trent would later impose the seminary system upon the rest of the Catholic Church.[226] It was also the first to introduce the altar tabernacle used to reserve Eucharistic bread for devotion and adoration.[220]
Mary did what she could to restore church finances and land taken in the reigns of her father and brother. In 1555, she returned to the church the
There is debate among historians over how vibrant the restoration was on the local level. According to historian A. G. Dickens, "Parish religion was marked by religious and cultural sterility",[229] though historian Christopher Haigh observed enthusiasm, marred only by poor harvests that produced poverty and want.[230] Recruitment to the English clergy began to rise after almost a decade of declining ordinations.[231] Repairs to long-neglected churches began. In the parishes, "restoration and repair continued, new bells were bought, and church ales produced their bucolic profits".[232] Great church feasts were restored and celebrated with plays, pageants and processions. However, Bishop Bonner's attempt to establish weekly processions in 1556 was a failure. Haigh writes that in years during which processions were banned people had discovered "better uses for their time" as well as "better uses for their money than offering candles to images".[233] The focus was on "the crucified Christ, in the mass, the rood, and Corpus Christi devotion".[231]
-
Conservative Bishop Edmund Bonner
-
Westminster Abbey was one of seven monasteries re-founded during the Marian Restoration.
Obstacles
Protestants who refused to conform remained an obstacle to Catholic plans. Around 800 Protestants fled England to find safety in Protestant areas of Germany and Switzerland, establishing networks of independent congregations. Safe from persecution, these Marian exiles carried on a propaganda campaign against Roman Catholicism and the Queen's Spanish marriage, sometimes calling for rebellion.[234][235] Those who remained in England were forced to practise their faith in secret and meet in underground congregations.[236]
In 1555, the initial reconciling tone of the regime began to harden with the revival of the medieval heresy laws, which authorized capital punishment as a penalty for heresy.[237] The persecution of heretics was uncoordinated—sometimes arrests were ordered by the Privy Council, others by bishops, and others by lay magistrates.[238] Protestants brought attention to themselves usually due to some act of dissent, such as denouncing the Mass or refusing to receive the sacrament.[239] A particularly violent act of protest was William Flower's stabbing of a priest during Mass on Easter Sunday, 14 April 1555.[240] Individuals accused of heresy were examined by a church official and, if heresy was found, given the choice between death and signing a recantation.[241] In some cases, Protestants were burnt at the stake after renouncing their recantation.[242]
Around 284 Protestants were burnt at the stake for heresy.[243] Several leading reformers were executed, including Thomas Cranmer, Hugh Latimer, Nicholas Ridley, John Rogers, John Hooper, Robert Ferrar, Rowland Taylor, and John Bradford.[244] Lesser known figures were also among the victims, including around 51 women such as Joan Waste and Agnes Prest.[245] Historian O. T. Hargrave writes that the Marian persecution was not "excessive" by "contemporary continental standards"; however, "it was unprecedented in the English experience".[246] Historian Christopher Haigh writes that it "failed to intimidate all Protestants", whose bravery at the stake inspired others; however, it "was not a disaster: if it did not help the Catholic cause, it did not do much to harm it."[232] After her death, the Queen became known as "Bloody Mary" due to the influence of John Foxe, one of the Marian exiles.[247] Published in 1563, Foxe's Book of Martyrs provided accounts of the executions, and in 1571 the Convocation of Canterbury ordered that Foxe's book should be placed in every cathedral in the land.[248]
Mary's efforts at restoring Roman Catholicism were also frustrated by the church itself. Pope Paul IV declared war on Philip and recalled Pole to Rome to have him tried as a heretic. Mary refused to let him go. The support she might have expected from a grateful Pope was thus denied.[249] From 1557, the Pope refused to confirm English bishops, leading to vacancies and hurting the Marian religious program.[225]
Despite these obstacles, the 5-year restoration was successful. There was support for traditional religion among the people, and Protestants remained a minority. Consequently, Protestants secretly ministering to underground congregations, such as Thomas Bentham, were planning for a long haul, a ministry of survival. Mary's death in November 1558, childless and without having made provision for a Roman Catholic to succeed her, meant that her Protestant sister Elizabeth would be the next queen.[250]
Elizabethan Settlement
Part of a series on |
Puritans |
---|
In 1558, Parliament passed the
The Elizabethan Settlement established a church that was Reformed in doctrine but that preserved certain characteristics of medieval Catholicism, such as
"Church
Gradually, England was transformed into a Protestant country as the Prayer Book shaped Elizabethan religious life. By the 1580s, conformist Protestants (those who conformed their religious practice to the religious settlement) were becoming a majority.
Consequences
Traditionally, historians have dated the end of the English Reformation to Elizabeth's religious settlement. There are scholars who advocate for a "Long Reformation" that continued into the 17th and 18th centuries.[271]
During the early Stuart period, the Church of England's dominant theology was still Calvinism, but a group of theologians associated with Bishop Lancelot Andrewes disagreed with many aspects of the Reformed tradition, especially its teaching on predestination. They looked to the Church Fathers rather than the Reformers and preferred using the more traditional 1549 Prayer Book.[272] Due to their belief in free will, this new faction is known as the Arminian party, but their high church orientation was more controversial. James I tried to balance the Puritan forces within his church with followers of Andrewes, promoting many of them at the end of his reign.[273]
During the reign of
The
After the Restoration, Anglicanism took shape as a recognisable tradition.[278] From Richard Hooker, Anglicanism inherited a belief in the "positive spiritual value in ceremonies and rituals, and for an unbroken line of succession from the medieval Church to the latter day Church of England".[279] From the Arminians, it gained a theology of episcopacy and an appreciation for liturgy. From the Puritans and Calvinists, it "inherited a contradictory impulse to assert the supremacy of scripture and preaching".[280]
The religious forces unleashed by the Reformation ultimately destroyed the possibility of religious uniformity. Protestant dissenters were allowed freedom of worship with the Toleration Act 1688. It took Catholics longer to achieve toleration. Penal laws that excluded Catholics from everyday life began to be repealed in the 1770s. Catholics were allowed to vote and sit as members of Parliament in 1829 (see Catholic emancipation).[281]
Historiography
The historiography of the English Reformation has seen vigorous clashes among dedicated protagonists and scholars for five centuries. The main factual details at the national level have been clear since 1900, as laid out for example by James Anthony Froude[282] and Albert Pollard.[283]
Reformation historiography has seen many schools of interpretation with Roman Catholic, Anglican and Nonconformist historians using their own religious perspectives.[284][page needed] In addition there has been a highly influential Whig interpretation, based on liberal secularized Protestantism, that depicted the Reformation in England, in the words of Ian Hazlett, as "the midwife delivering England from the Dark Ages to the threshold of modernity, and so a turning point of progress". Finally among the older schools was a neo-Marxist interpretation that stressed the economic decline of the old elites in the rise of the landed gentry and middle classes. All these approaches still have representatives, but the main thrust of scholarly historiography since the 1970s falls into four groupings or schools, according to Hazlett.[285][page needed]
Geoffrey Elton leads the first faction with an agenda rooted in political historiography. It concentrates on the top of the early modern church-state looking at it at the mechanics of policymaking and the organs of its implementation and enforcement. The key player for Elton was not Henry VIII, but rather his principal Secretary of State Thomas Cromwell. Elton downplays the prophetic spirit of the religious reformers in the theology of keen conviction, dismissing them as the meddlesome intrusions from fanatics and bigots.[286][287]
Secondly, A. G. Dickens and others were motivated by a primarily religious perspective. They prioritize the religious and subjective side of the movement. While recognizing the Reformation was imposed from the top, just as it was everywhere else in Europe, it also responded to aspirations from below. Dickens has been criticized for underestimating the strength of residual and revived Roman Catholicism, but has been praised for his demonstration of the close ties to European influences. In the Dickens school, David Loades has stressed the theological importance of the Reformation for Anglo-British development.[288]
Revisionists comprise a third school, led by Christopher Haigh, Jack Scarisbrick, Eamon Duffy and numerous other scholars. Their main achievement was the discovery of an entirely new corpus of primary sources at the local level, leading them to the emphasis on Reformation as it played out on a daily and local basis, with much less emphasis on the control from the top. They emphasize turning away from elite sources, and instead rely on local parish records, diocesan files, guild records, data from boroughs, the courts, and especially telltale individual wills.[289] The revisions picture pre-Reformation parish Catholicism as a "vibrant church that provided spiritual succour to the English people."[290]
Finally, Patrick Collinson and others have brought much more precision to the theological landscape, with Calvinist Puritans who were impatient with the Anglican caution sent compromises. Indeed, the Puritans were a distinct subgroup who did not comprise all of Calvinism. The Church of England thus emerged as a coalition of factions, all of them Protestant inspiration.[291]
The more recent schools have decentred Henry VIII, and minimized hagiography. They have paid more attention to localities, Catholicism, radicals, and theological niceties. On Catholicism, the older schools focused on Thomas More (1470–1535), to the neglect of other bishops and factors inside Catholicism. The older schools tended to concentrate on the capital of London, the newer ones look to the English villages.
See also
- Anti-Catholicism
- Gunpowder Plot
- History of the Church of England
- History of England
- Putting away of Books and Images Act 1549
- Popery
- Reformation in Ireland
- Religion in England
- Scottish Reformation
Notes
- ^ According to Scruton (1996, p. 470), "The Reformation must not be confused with the changes introduced into the Church of England during the 'Reformation Parliament' of 1529–36, which were of a political rather than a religious nature, designed to unite the secular and religious sources of authority within a single sovereign power: the Anglican Church did not until later make any substantial change in doctrine."
- ^ Brigden (2000, p. 103) writes, "He ... believed he that he could keep his own secrets ... but he was often deceived and he deceived himself."
- ^ Brigden (2000, p. 111) notes that Anne's music book contained an illustration of a falcon pecking at a pomegranate: the falcon was her badge, the pomegranate, that of Granada, Catherine's badge.
- ^ According to Marshall (2017, p. 164), "Henry wanted an annulment—a formal and legal declaration of the marriage's invalidity. Yet the word contemporaries used, divorce, captures better the legal and emotional turmoil."
- ^ Marshall (2017, pp. 166–167) points out that "[i]nconveniently for Henry, another Old Testament verse (Deut. 25:5) seemingly qualified the Levitical prohibition, commanding a man to take to wife his deceased brother's widow, if there had been no child."
- ^ According to Brigden (2000, p. 107), Henry was no innocent: he sought influence in European affairs and, in pursuance of it, his relationship with the French was ambivalent and essentially treacherous.
- ^ Haigh (1993, p. 162) argues that the Litany and Primer were largely traditional devotions and that the popularity of the Primer "suggest a continued vitality in conventional religion". Marshall (2017, pp. 291, 293), however, argues that both the Litany and Primer were reformed in outlook, especially in their reduced emphasis on the invocation of saints. They were successful, he writes, in "taking an old-fashioned form and subverting its traditional purposes". Duffy (2005, pp. 446–447) agrees with Marshall.
- ^ According to MacCulloch (1996, pp. 356–357), Cranmer believed Henry would have pursued a radical iconoclastic policy and a transformation of the mass into a Protestant communion service if he had lived.
- ^ Marshall (2017, pp. 291, 304) lists among Edward's tutors the reformers John Cheke, Richard Cox and Roger Ascham.
- ^ Duffy (2005, p. 481) reports that in Ludlow in Shropshire the parishioners complied with the orders to remove the rood and other images in 1547 but the same year spent money on making up the canopy to be carried over the Blessed Sacrament on the feast of Corpus Christi.
- ^ MacCulloch (1996, pp. 461, 492) quotes Cranmer as explaining "And therefore in the book of the holy communion, we do not pray that the creatures of bread and wine may be the body and blood of Christ; but that they may be to us the body and blood of Christ" and also "I do as plainly speak as I can, that Christ's body and blood be given to us in deed, yet not corporally and carnally, but spiritually and effectually."
- ^ Among many examples provided by Duffy (2005, pp. 484–485): in Haddenham, Cambridgeshire, a chalice, paten and processional cross were sold and the proceeds devoted to flood defences; in the wealthy Rayleigh parish, £10 worth of plate was sold to pay for the cost of the required reforms—the need to buy a parish chest, Bible and communion table.
- ^ Duffy (2005, p. 490) writes that at Long Melford a church patron named Sir John Clopton bought up many of the images, probably to preserve them.
- ^ Haigh 1993, pp. 262f: "...England judicially murdered more Roman Catholics than any other country in Europe."
References
- ^ MacCulloch 1996, p. 210.
- ^ Marshall 2017, p. 7.
- ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 8–9.
- ^ Hefling 2021, p. 97–98.
- ^ MacCulloch 2001, pp. 1–2.
- ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 16–17.
- ^ Brigden 2000, p. 86f.
- ^ Duffy 2005, pp. xxi–xxii.
- ^ MacCulloch 2003, p. 36.
- ^ Dickens 1959.
- ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 29–32.
- ^ a b Ryrie 2017, p. 69.
- ^ Seebohm, Frederic (1869). The Oxford Reformers. John Colet, Erasmus and Thomas More (3rd ed.). Longmans, Green and Co.
- ^ MacCulloch 1996, p. 27.
- ^ Hefling 2021, p. 96.
- ^ Hefling 2021, p. 97.
- ^ Marshall 2017, p. 126.
- ^ Marshall 2017, p. 146.
- ^ MacCulloch 2003, p. 203.
- ^ Marshall 2017, p. 132.
- ^ MacCulloch 2003, pp. 202–203.
- ^ Haigh 1993, p. 58.
- ^ Haigh 1993, p. 20,28.
- ^ Marshall 2017, p. 186.
- ^ Marshall 2017, p. 188.
- ^ Ryrie 2009, p. 131.
- ISBN 9781538092026.
- ^ Brigden 2000, p. 111.
- ^ Warnicke 1983, p. 38.
- ^ Lacey 1972, p. 70.
- ^ Phillips 1991, p. 20.
- ^ Lacey 1972, p. 17.
- ^ Morris 1998, p. 166.
- ^ Brigden 2000, p. 114.
- ^ Haigh 1993, pp. 93–94.
- ^ Shagan 2017, p. 29.
- ^ Haigh 1993, p. 73.
- ^ Brigden 2000, p. 116.
- ^ MacCulloch 2003, p. 199.
- ^ Haigh 1993, pp. 89, 98.
- ^ Haigh 1993, pp. 105–106.
- ^ Morris 1998, p. 172.
- ^ Shagan 2017, p. 30.
- ^ Haigh 1993, p. 106.
- ^ Haigh 1993, p. 107.
- ^ Brigden 2000, p. 118.
- ^ Tanner 1930.
- ^ a b Haigh 1993, p. 108.
- ^ Haigh 1993, pp. 111–112.
- ^ a b Moorman 1973, p. 167.
- ^ Haigh 1993, p. 114.
- ^ Shagan 2017, p. 31.
- ^ Shagan 2017, p. 33.
- ^ Elton 1982, p. 353.
- ^ Elton 1991, p. 160.
- ^ Ridley 1962, pp. 59–63.
- ^ a b Moorman 1973, p. 168.
- ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 208, 221.
- ^ a b Elton 1982, pp. 364–365.
- ^ Lehmberg 1970.
- ^ Haigh 1993, pp. 119–120.
- ^ Elton 1991, p. 162.
- ^ Shagan 2017, pp. 33–34.
- ^ Bernard 1990, p. 185.
- ^ Marshall 2017, p. 238.
- ^ Marshall 2017, p. 215.
- ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 216–217.
- ^ MacCulloch 1996, p. 140.
- ^ Haigh 1993, p. 125.
- ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 254–256.
- ^ Haigh 1993, p. 129.
- ^ Marshall 2017, p. 241.
- ^ a b Haigh 1993, p. 130.
- ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 241–242.
- ^ MacCulloch 2001, p. 57.
- ^ Haigh 1993, p. 134.
- ^ MacCulloch 1996, p. 227.
- ^ a b Haigh 1993, p. 131.
- ^ Ryrie 2017, p. 19.
- ^ Marshall 2017, p. 226.
- ^ Haigh 1993, p. 141.
- ^ a b Smith 1938, p. vii.
- ^ a b Elton 1991, p. 142.
- ^ Marshall 2017, p. 269.
- ^ Marshall 2017, p. 229.
- ^ Marshall 2017, p. 232.
- ^ Haigh 1993, pp. 144–145.
- ^ Haigh 1993, pp. 143–144.
- ^ Haigh 1993, pp. 145–146.
- ^ Haigh 1993, pp. 147–149.
- ^ MacCulloch 2003, p. 201.
- ^ Marshall 2017, p. 282.
- ^ Mackie 1952, pp. 399–400.
- ^ Marshall 2017, p. 266.
- ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 269–270.
- ^ a b Brigden 2000, p. 132.
- ^ MacCulloch 1996, p. 229.
- ^ MacCulloch 1996, p. 231.
- ^ MacCulloch 1996, p. 233.
- ^ MacCulloch 1996, p. 241.
- ^ Haigh 1993, p. 153.
- ^ Brigden 2000, p. 135.
- ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 280–281.
- ^ Marshall 2017, p. 281.
- ^ Marshall 2017, p. 284.
- ^ Haigh 1993, p. 158.
- ^ MacCulloch 1996, p. 284.
- ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 286–287.
- ^ Haigh 1993, p. 161.
- ^ Haigh 1993, p. 160.
- ^ Dickens 1966, p. 103.
- ^ Marshall 2017, p. 292.
- ^ Marshall 2017, p. 294.
- ^ Haigh 1993, pp. 165–166.
- ^ MacCulloch 1996, p. 356.
- ^ Haigh 1993, p. 166.
- ^ MacCulloch 1996, p. 359.
- ^ Haigh 1993, pp. 166–167.
- ^ MacCulloch 1996, p. 366.
- ^ MacCulloch 1999, pp. 35ff.
- ^ Haigh 1993, pp. 168–169.
- ^ Marshall 2017, p. 305.
- ^ MacCulloch 1996, p. 372.
- ^ Marshall 2017, p. 308.
- ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 309–310.
- ^ a b Duffy 2005, p. 450.
- ^ MacCulloch 1996, p. 375.
- ^ Duffy 2005, p. 452.
- ^ Duffy 2005, p. 451.
- ^ Marshall 2017, p. 310.
- ^ Duffy 2005, p. 458.
- ^ Duffy 2005, pp. 450–454.
- ^ Marshall 2017, p. 311.
- ^ MacCulloch 1996, p. 376.
- ^ MacCulloch 1996, p. 377.
- ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 311–312.
- ^ MacCulloch 1996, p. 422.
- ^ Marshall 2017, p. 313.
- ^ Duffy 2005, pp. 454–456.
- ^ Haigh 1993, p. 171.
- ^ Dickens 1989, p. 235.
- ^ Duffy 2005, p. 481.
- ^ Haigh 1993, pp. 171–172.
- ^ Duffy 2005, p. 490.
- ^ Haigh 1993, pp. 1–2.
- ^ Graham-Dixon 1996, p. 38.
- ^ Duffy 2005, p. 462.
- ^ Duffy 2005, p. 457.
- ^ a b Marshall 2017, p. 315.
- ^ MacCulloch 1996, p. 384.
- ^ Haigh 1993, p. 173.
- ^ Duffy 2005, p. 459.
- ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 322–323.
- ^ MacCulloch 1996, p. 380.
- ^ MacCulloch 1996, p. 386.
- ^ MacCulloch 1996, p. 385.
- ^ a b Marshall 2017, p. 324.
- ^ MacCulloch 1996, p. 410.
- ^ a b Haigh 1993, p. 174.
- ^ a b Marshall 2017, pp. 324–325.
- ^ a b c Marshall 2017, p. 325.
- ^ a b Duffy 2005, pp. 464–466.
- ^ Moorman 1983, p. 27.
- ^ Jones et al. 1992, pp. 101–105.
- ^ Thompson 1961, pp. 234–236.
- ^ Marshall 2017, p. 323.
- ^ Duffy 2005, p. 466.
- ^ Brigden 2000, p. 185.
- ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 332–333.
- ^ Marshall 2017, p. 334.
- ^ a b Haigh 1993, p. 176.
- ^ Aston 1993; Loach 1999, p. 187; Hearn 1995, pp. 75–76
- ^ Haigh 1993, p. 177–178.
- ^ Marshall 2017, p. 338.
- ^ a b MacCulloch 1996, p. 459.
- ^ MacCulloch 1996, p. 408.
- ^ Duffy 2005, p. 471.
- ^ a b c Marshall 2017, p. 339.
- ^ Duffy 2005, p. 470.
- ^ Haigh 1993, pp. 176–177.
- ^ MacCulloch 1996, pp. 460–461.
- ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 340–341.
- ^ Haigh 1993, p. 179.
- ^ Duffy 2005, p. 472.
- ^ a b c Marshall 2017, p. 348.
- ^ MacCulloch 1996, p. 507.
- ^ Duffy 2005, p. 474.
- ^ Duffy 2005, p. 475.
- ^ Duffy 2005, p. 473.
- ^ a b Marshall 2017, p. 320.
- ^ Duffy 2005, p. 476.
- ^ Duffy 2005, p. 477.
- ^ Marshall 2017, p. 350.
- ^ Marshall 2017, p. 352.
- ^ Haigh 1993, p. 181.
- ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 353–354.
- ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 356–358.
- ^ Haigh 1993, p. 183.
- ^ Marshall 2017, p. 359.
- ^ Marshall 2017, p. 360.
- ^ Marshall 2017, p. 363.
- ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 362–363.
- ^ Duffy 2005, p. 479.
- ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 360, 363.
- ^ Ward 1981, p. 229.
- ^ Marshall 2017, p. 364.
- ^ Haigh 1993, p. 208.
- ^ Ward 1981, p. 230.
- ^ a b MacCulloch 2003, p. 281.
- ^ a b Marshall 2017, p. 390.
- ^ Haigh 1993, p. 222.
- ^ Haigh 1993, p. 223.
- ^ Ward 1981, p. 232.
- ^ a b Duffy 2005, p. 526.
- ^ Haigh 1993, p. 217.
- ^ Haigh 1993, pp. 215, 217.
- ^ MacCulloch 2003, p. 214.
- ^ Marshall 2017, p. 368.
- ^ a b c MacCulloch 2003, p. 282.
- ^ a b c MacCulloch 2003, p. 283.
- ^ Haigh 1993, p. 227.
- ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 398–399.
- ^ Haigh 1993, p. 216.
- ^ Marshall 2017, p. 400.
- ^ a b c Haigh 1993, p. 225.
- ^ a b Marshall 2017, p. 401.
- ^ Haigh 1993, p. 226.
- ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 402–403.
- ^ Dickens 1989, pp. 309f.
- ^ Haigh 1993, p. 214.
- ^ a b Haigh 1993, p. 215.
- ^ a b Haigh 1993, p. 234.
- ^ Haigh 1993, pp. 214–215.
- ^ Haigh 1993, p. 228.
- ^ Marshall 2017, p. 386.
- ^ Hargrave 1982, p. 7.
- ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 390–391.
- ^ Marshall 2017, p. 396.
- ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 394, 396.
- ^ Marshall 2017, p. 394.
- ^ Roddy 2016, p. 64.
- ^ Marshall 2017, p. 408.
- ^ Cavill 2013, p. 879.
- ^ Hargrave 1982, pp. 7–8.
- ^ Haigh 1993, p. 230.
- ^ Hargrave 1982, p. 8.
- ^ Loades 1989, p. 547.
- ^ Hargrave 1982, pp. 9–10.
- ^ MacCulloch 2003, pp. 284–285.
- ^ Haigh 1993, pp. 235–236.
- ^ MacCulloch 2001, p. 24.
- ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 419–420.
- ^ MacCulloch 2005, p. 89.
- ^ Moorman 1973, p. 200.
- ^ Haigh 1993, p. 238.
- ^ Marshall 2017, p. 419.
- ^ Coffey & Lim 2008, pp. 3–4.
- ^ MacCulloch 2001, p. 28.
- ^ Haigh 1993, p. 256.
- ^ a b Haigh 1993, p. 263.
- ^ Haigh 1993, p. 261.
- ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 487–495.
- ^ MacCulloch 2003, p. 392.
- ^ Haigh 1993, p. 266.
- ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 542–543.
- ^ Coffey & Lim 2008, pp. 3–5.
- ^ Craig 2008, p. 37.
- ^ Craig 2008, pp. 43–44.
- ^ Craig 2008, pp. 39–40.
- ^ Craig 2008, p. 42.
- ^ Heal 2003, p. 12.
- ^ a b Spinks 2006, p. 50.
- ^ a b Maltby 2006, p. 88.
- ^ Maltby 2006, p. 89.
- ^ Marshall 2017, p. 576.
- ^ Maltby 1998, p. 235.
- ^ Bremer 2009, p. 27.
- ^ Maltby 1998, p. 236.
- ^ Marshall 2017, p. 575.
- ^ MacCulloch 2001, p. 85.
- ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 576–577.
- ^ Froude, History of England from the Fall of Wolsey to the Defeat of the Spanish Armada, (12 volumes, 1893) "Wolsey" online free
- ^ R.A.F. Pollard, Henry VIII (1905) online free; Pollard, The History of England from the Accession of Edward VI to the Death of Elizabeth, 1547–1603 (1910) online free.
- ^ Vidmar 2005.
- ^ Hazlett 1995.
- ^ Slavin 1990, pp. 405–431.
- ^ Haigh (1997, pp. 281–299) deals with Elton.
- ^ A.G. Dickens, John Tonkin, and Kenneth Powell, eds., The Reformation in historical thought (1985).
- ^ Duffy 2006.
- doi:10.1086/662392.
- ^ Richard Cust and Ann Hughes, eds., Conflict in early Stuart England: studies in religion and politics 1603–1642 (Routledge, 2014).
Bibliography
- ISBN 9780521484572.
- JSTOR 24420971.
- Bremer, Francis J. (2009). Puritanism: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780199740871.
- ISBN 9781101563991.
- Byford, Mark (1998). "The Birth of a Protestant Town: The Process of Reformation in Tudor Colchester, 1530–80". In Collinson, Patrick; Craig, John (eds.). The Reformation in English Towns, 1500–1640. Macmillan. pp. 23–47. ]
- Cavill, P. R. (December 2013). "Heresy and Forfeiture in Marian England". The Historical Journal. 56 (4). Cambridge University Press: 879–907. S2CID 159856083.
- Coffey, John; Lim, Paul C. H., eds. (2008). The Cambridge Companion to Puritanism. Cambridge Companions to Religion. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-67800-1.
- Craig, John (2008), "The Growth of English Puritanism", in Coffey, John; Lim, Paul C. H. (eds.), The Cambridge Companion to Puritanism, Cambridge Companions to Religion, Cambridge University Press, pp. 34–47, ISBN 978-0-521-67800-1
- ISBN 978-0197134085.
- —— (1966). Reformation and Society in 16th-Century Europe. Thames and Hudson.
- —— (1989). The English Reformation (2nd ed.). London: New York, Schocken Books.
- ISBN 978-0300098259.
- —— (2005). The Stripping of the Altars: Traditional Religion in England, c. 1400 – c. 1580 (2nd ed.). Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-10828-6.
- —— (2006). "The English Reformation After Revisionism". Renaissance Quarterly. 59 (3): 720–731. S2CID 154375741.
- ISBN 978-0521287579.
- —— (1991). England Under the Tudors (3rd ed.). Routledge. ISBN 978-0415065337.
- ISBN 978-0-520-22376-9.
- ISBN 978-0-19-822162-3.
- —— (1997). "Religion". Transactions of the Royal Historical Society. 7: 281–299. JSTOR 3679281.
- Hargrave, O. T. (March 1982). "Bloody Mary's Victims: The Iconography of John Foxe's Book of Martyrs". Historical Magazine of the Protestant Episcopal Church. 51 (1). Historical Society of the Episcopal Church: 7–21. JSTOR 42973872.
- Hazlett, W. Ian P. (1995). "Settlements: The British Isles". In Brady, Thomas A. Jr.; Oberman, Heiko A.; Tracy, James D. (eds.). Handbook of European History 1400–1600: Late Middle Ages, Renaissance, and Reformation. Vol. 2: Visions, Programs and Outcomes. Brill. pp. 455–490. ISBN 9789004097629.
- ISBN 0198269242.
- Hearn, Karen (1995). Dynasties: Painting in Tudor and Jacobean England, 1530–1630. Tate Publishing. ISBN 9781854371577.
- Hefling, Charles (2021). The Book of Common Prayer: A Guide. Guides to Sacred Texts. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780190689681.
- Jones, Cheslyn; Wainwright, Geoffrey; Yarnold, Edward; Bradshaw, Paul, eds. (1992). The Study of Liturgy (revised ed.). ISBN 978-0-19-520922-8.
- Lacey, Robert (1972). The Life and Times of Henry VIII. Book Club Associates.
- ISBN 9780521076555.
- Loach, Jennifer (1999). Edward VI. Yale English Monarchs. Yale University Press. ISBN 9780300094091.
- Loades, David (Winter 1989). "The Reign of Mary Tudor: Historiography and Research". Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies. 21 (4). The North American Conference on British Studies: 547–558. JSTOR 4049536.
- ISBN 9780300226577.
- —— (1999). The Boy King: Edward VI and the Protestant Reformation. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0520234024.
- —— (2001). The Later Reformation in England, 1547–1603. British History in Perspective (2nd ed.). Palgrave. ISBN 9780333921395.
- —— (2003). ISBN 978-0-14-303538-1.
- —— (December 2005). "Putting the English Reformation on the Map". Transactions of the Royal Historical Society. 15. Cambridge University Press: 75–95. S2CID 162188544.
- ISBN 9780521793872.
- —— (2006). "The Prayer Book and the Parish Church: From the Elizabethan Settlement to the Restoration". In Hefling, Charles; Shattuck, Cynthia (eds.). ISBN 978-0-19-529756-0.
- Marshall, Peter (2017). Heretics and Believers: A History of the English Reformation. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0300170627.
- ISBN 978-0198217060.
- ISBN 978-0819214065.
- —— (1983). The Anglican Spiritual Tradition. Darton, Longman and Todd. ISBN 978-0-87243-125-6.
- Morris, T. A. (1998). Europe and England in the Sixteenth Century. Routledge. ISBN 978-1134748204.
- Phillips, Roderick (1991). Untying the Knot: A Short History of Divorce. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0521423700.
- OCLC 398369.
- Roddy, Kate (Winter 2016). "Recasting Recantation in 1540s England: Thomas Becon, Robert Wisdom, and Robert Crowley". Renaissance and Reformation. 39 (1): 63–90. JSTOR 43918982.
- Ryrie, Alec (2009). The Age of Reformation: The Tudor and Stewart Realms 1485–1603. Harlow: Pearson Education. ISBN 978-1405835572.
- ISBN 978-1-315-27214-6.
- ISBN 9780333647868.
- Shagan, Ethan H. (2017). "The Emergence of the Church of England, c. 1520–1553". In Milton, Anthony (ed.). The Oxford History of Anglicanism. Vol. 1: Reformation and Identity, c. 1520–1662. Oxford University Press. pp. 28–44. ISBN 9780199639731.
- Slavin, Arthur J. (1990). "G. R. Elton: On Reformation and Revolution". The History Teacher. 23 (4): 405–431. JSTOR 494396.
- Smith, Herbert Maynard (1938). Pre-Reformation England. London: Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 9781349004065.
- Spinks, Bryan (2006). "From Elizabeth I to Charles II". In Hefling, Charles; Shattuck, Cynthia (eds.). The Oxford Guide to The Book of Common Prayer: A Worldwide Survey. Oxford University Press. pp. 44–54. ISBN 978-0-19-529756-0.
- ISBN 978-1107679405.
- Thompson, Bard (1961). Liturgies of the Western Church. Meridian Books. ISBN 0-529-02077-7.
- Vidmar, John (2005). English Catholic Historians and the English Reformation: 1585–1954. Brighton: Sussex Academic Press. OCLC 54966133.
- Ward, Cedric (Autumn 1981). "The House of Commons and the Marian Reaction 1553–1558" (PDF). Andrews University Seminary Studies. 19 (3). Andrews University Press: 227–241. Archived (PDF) from the original on 28 September 2015.
- Warnicke, Retha (1983). Women of the English Renaissance and Reformation. Praeger. ISBN 978-0-313-23611-2.
Further reading
- Aston, Margaret (1988). England's Iconoclasts: Volume I: Laws Against Images.
- Aston, Margaret (2016). Broken Idols of the English Reformation. Cambridge University Press.
- Collinson, Patrick (1988). The Birthpangs of Protestant England: Religious and Cultural Change in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. St. Martin's Press. ISBN 978-0-312-02366-9.
- Duffy, Eamon (2017). Reformation Divided: Catholics, Protestants and the Conversion of England.
- ISBN 9780192852137.
- Hazlett, Ian (2003). The Reformation in Britain and Ireland: An Introduction. Bloomsbury Publishing.
- Kümin, Beat A. The shaping of a community: The rise and reformation of the English Parish c. 1400–1560 (Routledge, 2016).
- MacCulloch, Diarmaid (2018). Thomas Cromwell: A Revolutionary Life.
- Marshall, Peter. Religious identities in Henry VIII's England (Routledge, 2016).
- Marshall, Peter (2012). Reformation England 1480–1642. excerpt
- Randell, Keith (2001). Henry VIII and the Reformation in England. short textbook
- Ryrie, Alec. Worship and the parish church in early modern Britain (Routledge, 2016).
- Sheils, William J. (2013). The English Reformation 1530–1570. Routledge.
- Turvey, Roger; Randell, Keith (2008). Access to History: Henry VIII to Mary I: Government and Religion, 1509–1558. Hodder.
- Tyacke, Nicholas, ed. (1997). England's Long Reformation: 1500–1800. 12 essays by scholars; excerpt
- Whiting, Robert (1998). Local responses to the English Reformation.
- Whiting, Robert (2010). The Reformation of the English Parish Church.
- Wilkinson, Richard (December 2010). "Thomas Cranmer: The Yes-Man Who Said No: Richard Wilkinson Elucidates the Paradoxical Career of One of the Key Figures of English Protestantism". History Review (68). Archived from the original on 5 June 2020. Retrieved 27 August 2017.
- Wilson, Derek (2012). A Brief History of the English Reformation: Religion, Politics and Fear: How England was Transformed by the Tudors. Robinson. ISBN 978-1-84529-646-9.
Historiograpical
- Haigh, Christopher (December 1982). "The Recent Historiography of the English Reformation". Historical Journal. 25 (4): 995–1007. S2CID 154848886.
- Marshall, Peter (July 2009). "(Re)defining the English Reformation" (PDF). Journal of British Studies. 48 (3): 564–86. JSTOR 27752571.
- Walsham, Alexandra (December 2012). "History, Memory, and the English Reformation". Historical Journal. 55 (4): 899–938. .
Primary sources
- Bray, Gerald, ed. (1994). Documents of the English Reformation, 1526–1701. Library of Ecclesiastical History. James Clarke and Company. ISBN 978-0227172391.
- King, John N., ed. (2004). Voices of the English Reformation: A Sourcebook. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press. OCLC 265599728.
External links
- The History of the Reformation of the Church of England by Gilbert Burnet (Oxford University Press, 1829): Volume I, Volume I, Part II, Volume II, Volume II, Part II, Volume III Volume III, Part II
- Ecclesiastical Memorials, Relating Chiefly to Religion, and the Reformation of It, and the Emergencies of the Church of England, Under King Henry VIII, King Edward VI, and Queen Mary I by John Strype (Clarendon Press, 1822): Vol. I, Pt. I, Vol. I, Pt. II, Vol. II, Pt. I, Vol. II, Pt. II, Vol. III, Pt. I, Vol. III, Pt. II
- Annals of the Reformation and Establishment of Religion, and Other Various Occurrences in the Church of England, During Queen Elizabeth's Happy Reign by John Strype (1824 ed.): Vol. I, Pt. I, Vol. I, Pt. II, Vol. II, Pt. I, Vol. II., Pt. II, Vol. III, Pt. I, Vol. III, Pt. II, Vol. IV
- Hanover College Historical Texts Collection: The English Reformation – links to primary sources.
- Hanover College Historical Texts Collection: The Protestant Reformation – links to primary sources.