Enrico Berlinguer
Enrico Berlinguer | |
---|---|
Rome | |
Member of the European Parliament | |
In office 17 July 1979 – 20 January 1982 | |
Constituency | Central Italy |
Secretary of the Italian Communist Youth Federation | |
In office 12 April 1949 – 14 March 1956 | |
Preceded by | Agostino Novella |
Succeeded by | Renzo Trivelli |
Personal details | |
Born | 25 May 1922 Sassari, Italy |
Died | 11 June 1984 Padua, Italy | (aged 62)
Political party | Italian Communist Party |
Other political affiliations | Communist and Allies Group |
Children | 4, including Bianca Berlinguer |
Signature | |
Website | enricoberlinguer |
Enrico Berlinguer (Italian:
During his leadership, Berlinguer distanced the party from the influence of the
Under Berlinguer, the PCI reached the height of its success,[16] winning significant victories in the country's regional and local elections in 1975, and 34% of the vote in the 1976 Italian general election, its highest share of the vote and number of seats.[6][17] With these gains, he negotiated the Historic Compromise with the DC, lending support to their government in exchange for consultation on policy decisions,[18] as well as social reforms.[17] He took a firm stand against terrorism after the kidnapping and murder of Aldo Moro, and used the PCI's influence to steer Italian labour unions towards moderating wage demands to cope with the country's severe inflation rate after the 1973 oil crisis.[19][20][21] These stands were not reciprocated with sufficient concessions from Giulio Andreotti's government, leading the PCI to leave the coalition in 1979. The combination of austerity advocacy, hard line against the Red Brigades, and attempts at an accommodation with the DC affected the PCI's vote at the 1979 Italian general election and the compromise was ultimately ended in 1980.[21] The PCI remained in national opposition for the rest of Berlinguer's tenure, retaining a solid core of support at the 1983 Italian general election; its main strength from that point would remain at the regional and local level. Also a member of the European Parliament from 1979 to 1982, the PCI became the largest party for the first and only time in the 1984 European Parliament election in Italy, which was held a week after his premature death.[22]
One of the most important figures of the
Family and early political career
The son of
Berlinguer's father was a
Giovanni Loriga and Cossiga's maternal grandfather, Antonio Zanfarino, were half-brothers on their mother side; Loriga was Berlinguer's maternal grandfather.
About his adolescence, Berlinguer recalled the feeling of rebellion that was in him. He was against everything: the state, religion, clichés, and social customs. Politically, he felt
In 1937, Berlinguer had his first contacts with Sardinian anti-fascists and formally entered the renamed Italian Communist Party (PCI) in 1943, soon becoming the secretary of the Sassari section. The following year, a riot exploded in the town, and he was involved in the disorders and arrested but was discharged after three months of prison.[41] Immediately after his detention ended, his father brought him to Salerno, the town in which the House of Savoy, Italy's royal family, and the government had taken refuge after the armistice of Cassibile between Italy and the Allies of World War II. In Salerno, his father introduced him to Togliatti, the most important leader of the PCI. Togliatti sent Berlinguer back to Sardinia to prepare for his political career; he also met Benedetto Croce, and said that for a period he was a follower of his.[40]
At the end of 1944, Berlinguer was appointed by Togliatti to the national secretariat of the Italian Communist Youth Federation (FGCI). As a secretary of the FGCI, Berlinguer at one point presented Maria Goretti as an example for activists.[42] Berlinguer was soon sent to Milan, and he was appointed to the central committee as a member in 1945. In 1946, Togliatti became the national secretary (the highest political position) of the PCI and called Berlinguer to Rome, where his talents let him enter the national leadership two years later in 1948; at the age of 26, he was one of the youngest members to be admitted. In 1949, he was named national secretary of the FGCI, a post he held until 1956. In 1950, he became president of the World Federation of Democratic Youth, an international anti-fascist youth organisation.[43]
In the post-war years, the PCI respected Joseph Stalin and the Soviet Union for their anti-fascist role in World War II and the Italian resistance movement, and thus avoided criticism;[40] the PCI accepted the 1956 Soviet thesis that denounced Stalin's crimes and at the same time opened up the different national roads to communism.[44] In 1957, as a member of the central school of the PCI, he abolished the obligatory visit to the Soviet Union, including political training there, which had been necessary for admission to the highest positions in the PCI.[41] At the party's twelfth congress in 1969, Berlinguer reiterated the need to "deepen the knowledge of the reality of the socialist countries ... through a historical, critical, objective judgement", which would capture both the positive and negative elements, and "their interweaving and contradictions that derive from it".[44] About the October Revolution and what ensued, he said that it remained "the fundamental discriminant of the contemporary world", and that the PCI would fight for socialism "not looking at an abstract model, nor at the Soviet model ... but along an original path ... that is profoundly new", which entailed full autonomy of elaboration and judgement. In this sense, Berlinguer concluded that "our way of placing ourselves in the face of this reality of socialist countries is therefore, today, new at least in part, and different from the past."[44]
Secretary of the Italian Communist Party
Berlinguer's career was carrying him towards the highest positions in the party. After having held many responsible posts, he was elected in the
Already a prominent leader in the party, Berlinguer was elected to the position of national secretary in 1972, when Longo resigned on grounds of ill health. At the party's thirteenth congress that elected him, Berlinguer said that he would be neither Togliatti nor Longo.[48] In 1973, having been hospitalised after a car accident during a visit to the People's Republic of Bulgaria, which is now widely considered an attempt on his life on orders from Moscow,[49] Berlinguer wrote three famous articles ("Reflections on Italy", "After the Facts of Chile", and "After the Coup [in Chile]") for the party's intellectual weekly magazine Rinascita. In these, he presented the strategy of the Historic Compromise, a proposed coalition between the PCI and the DC to grant Italy a period of political stability, at a time of severe economic crisis,[50] and in a context in which, after Piano Solo and Golpe Borghese had been revealed, some forces were allegedly manoeuvering for a coup d'état in Italy.[41]
In "Reflections of Italy", Berlinguer explicitly cited the historic compromise and wrote: "The seriousness of the country's problems, the ever looming threats of reactionary adventures, and the need to finally open up to the nation a sure path of economic development, social renewal, and democratic progress make it ever more urgent and mature that we reach what can be defined as the great new 'historic compromise' between the forces that gather and represent the great majority of the Italian people."
International relations
In 1973, Berlinguer went to
When Berlinguer secured the PCI's condemnation of any kind of interference, the rupture with the Soviets was effectively complete, although the party still for some years received money from Moscow. Since Italy was suffering the interference of NATO, the Soviets said it seemed that the only interference that the Italian Communists could not suffer was the Soviet one.[41] In an interview held on 10 June 1976 with Corriere della Sera, Berlinguer declared that he felt "safer under NATO's umbrella".[54] Berlinguer's acceptance of NATO did not dent American suspicion of him; appearing on the cover of Time on 14 June 1976, he was named "The Red Threat".[55] In a 1975 speech to Italy's Chamber of Deputies, Berlinguer had said that the Italian Communists had sympathy for the American people and wanted to cultivate a friendship with the United States but that the "respect for alliances does not mean that Italy has to keep its head down".[48] At the same time, he ruled out Italy leaving NATO on the grounds that unilateral exits of individual countries from the NATO or the Warsaw Pact would have disturbed the process of international détente.[50]
Eurocommunism
In a 1975 speech for Dolores Ibárruri, Berlinguer stated: "It is necessary that with audacity and intelligence we know how to free ourselves from any scholastic application of our doctrine understood as dogma, or from orientations that are no longer adequate to current experience and historical conditions, to walk towards new ways of advancing towards socialism."[48] That same year also saw the joint statement of Berlinguer and Santiago Carrillo of the Spanish Communist Party, which said: "The Italian and Spanish Communists solemnly declare that — in their conception of a democratic advance towards socialism in peace and freedom — what is expressed is not a tactical attitude but a strategic conviction."[50] Berlinguer reiterated this feeling in a 1976 meeting in Moscow, where he said: "We are fighting for a socialist society which is the highest point in the development of all democratic achievements and guarantees respect for all individual and collective freedoms, religious freedoms and freedom of culture, art and science. We think that in Italy we can and must ... build a socialist society with the contribution of political forces, organisations, different parties, and that the working class can and must affirm its historical function in a pluralistic and democratic system."[50]
In 1977, at a meeting in
Historic Compromise
Moving step by step, Berlinguer was building a consensus in the PCI towards a rapprochement with other components of society. After the surprising opening of 1970 toward conservatives and the still discussed proposal of the Historic Compromise, he published a correspondence with Monsignor
In Italy, while a government of national solidarity was ruling, Berlinguer said that in an emergency government a strong and powerful cabinet to solve a crisis of exceptional gravity was needed. On 16 March 1978,
The Historic Compromise ended in 1979 when the PCI exited from the
Berlinguer continued with the policy on the grounds that the process of legitimising communists would be long (the United States were bitterly opposed even under
Domestic policies and views
During the 1970s, the PCI governed many Italian regions, sometimes more than half of them. Notably, the regional governments of
In a 1980 interview with Oriana Fallaci, Berlinguer said: "We are communists. We are communists with originality and peculiarity, distinguishing ourselves from all the other communist parties: but we are communists, we remain communists."[48] About fanaticism, he told Fallaci: "I don't throw rants at anyone, I don't like to hurl curses, curses are expressions of fanaticism and there is too much fanaticism in the world."[48] That same year, he stated on Tribuna politica that communism is "the just transformation of society".[48] In an interview in 1981 with Eugenio Scalfari of la Repubblica, Berlinguer outlined the questione morale, or moral question.[57][58] He said: "Today's parties are above all machines of power and clientela."[48] About the moral question, he addded: "The moral question has existed for some time, but it has now become the first and essential political question because the recovery of trust in the institutions, the effective governance of the country, and the stability of the democratic regime depend on its solution."[48] About capitalism, he said: "We think that the capitalist type of economic and social development is the cause of serious distortions, of immense costs and social inequalities, of enormous waste of wealth."[48]
In a 1981 interview to Critica marxista, Berlinguer outlined the difference from other parties. He said: "Our main difference from the others is that we Communists do not give up working and fighting for a radical transformation of society and the construction of a society of free and equal people. They would like left-wing parties that would limit themselves to correcting some flaws in the current system: we are not that type of party and we never will be."[59] In the same interview, he reiterated: "We do not give up building a 'society of free and equal', we do not give up leading the struggle of men and women for the production of the conditions of their lives."[48] He stated that this was the main difference from social democrats and other socialists, and said that "they put the commitment to change the given structure between parents, leading them to the obfuscation and loss of their own ideal and political autonomy. Our difference from social democracy lies in the fact that we communists will never give up that transforming commitment. [60] About other Communist parties, he said: "Our main 'anomaly' compared to several other communist and workers' parties is that we are convinced that in the process towards this goal we must remain — and we will remain — faithful to the method of democracy. The 'assault on heaven' — this beautiful image of Marx — is not for us Italian communists a project of irrationalistic climbing to the absolute."[48] In a speech delivered by Berlinguer at the FGCI congress held in Milan in 1982,[61] he said: "If young people organise themselves, take over every branch of knowledge, and fight with the workers and the oppressed, there is no escape for an old order founded on privilege and injustice."[48]
In an article written for Rinascita on 6 December 1982,[62] titled "Party and Society in the Reality of the 1980s", Berlinguer said: "There can be no inventiveness, imagination, creation of the new if you start by burying yourself, your history and reality."[48] In an interview in 1983 with Ferdinando Adornato, he said about communism that "scientists are discussing more about the sole dell'avvenire [the establishment of socialism] today than the communists."[48] That same year, in an interview with Giovanni Minoli about the labour movement, he stated: "We refuse to let the usual ones pay, the workers, the popular masses. And we believe that if there must be sacrifices, and everyone must contribute proportionately, they must contribute to achieving certain goals, not to make the country go backwards."[48] In his last rally, held on 7 June 1984, before his death, Berlinguer said: "We are convinced that the world, even this terrible, intricate world of today, can be known, interpreted, transformed, and put at the service of man, his well-being, his happiness. The test for this goal is a test that can worthily fill a life."[48] During his final rally, held just days later in Padua, he stated: "Everyone work, house by house, company by company, street by street, in dialogue with the citizens, with trust for the battles we have waged, for the proposals we are presenting, for what we were and are. It is possible to win new and wider support for our lists, for our cause, which is the cause of peace, freedom, work, the progress of our civilisation!"[48][63]
Break with the Soviet Union and the Democratic Alternative
In 1980, the PCI publicly condemned the
In 1981, Berlinguer said that, in his personal opinion, the progressive force of the October Revolution had been exhausted.
Death and funeral
Berlinguer's last major statement was a call for the solidarity among the leftist parties. On 7 June 1984, he suffered a brain haemorrhage while giving a speech at a public meeting in Padua. He entered a coma on the same day and died on 11 June, four days later. During this time,
Apart from all the major politicians across the political spectrum, many international figures, such as the Soviet deputy leader Mikhail Gorbachev and Chinese prime minister Zhao Ziyang, attended his funeral. From Gorbachev and Zhao to Georges Marchais, Santiago Carrillo, Yasser Arafat, and the Communists of the Philippines, Israel, Yugoslavia, and North Korea, to Giancarlo Pajetta and Pietro Ingrao, who said that the party would not deny him and that Communists would try to carry his name, they respended him and recognised him as an international leader.[73] At his funeral, Tomaso Albinoni's "Adagio in G minor" and Johann Sebastian Bach and Franz Schubert's music were played.[74] Much discussed, including from other parties like the DC and PSI and their representatives, such as Ciriaco De Mita, who praised the Historic Compromise, and Rino Formica, who said that the PCI had to decide between the left-wing alternative and the Historic Compromise, was the future of the PCI.[75]
After his funeral, Berlinguer was interred in Rome's
Personal life
A non-believer,
As a Sardinian, Berlinguer said that he was a supporter of
Berlinguer was a lover of ballet and opera, the last one he had seen was Wagner's
Legacy
Personality
Not many journalists could have interviewed Berlinguer, as he could not bear fame and discouraged anecdotes. He was described as reserved, "bashful, probably shy", and not much was known about his private life, including his music preferences, whether Bach or Wagner, when he was alive. A Sardinian fisherman who had known him in distant times told a reporter that "[Berlinguer] was a serious, very reserved child. He never laughed."[40] Berlinguer was so shy that, before a rally, he sipped a little whiskey that the driver Alberto Menichelli handed him from a small bottle kept in his jacket pocket.[90] His notable 1983 television interview with Giovanni Minoli on Mixer is seen as evidence of Berlinguer not being corroded by vanity.[90] In that same interview, asked about which was the quality he was most fond of, Berlinguer responded: "That of having remained faithful to the ideals of my youth."[90]
Berlinguer has been described in many ways but was generally recognised for political coherence and courage, together with a rare personal and political intelligence. A serious and morally rigorous man,[91] he was sincerely respected even by his opponents, such as the Italian Social Movement leader Giorgio Almirante,[90] who paid his homage to Berlinguer and lowered himself in front to his coffin at Botteghe Oscure.[74] Riccardo Bisognero, the then Commander-General of the Carabinieri, said: "He was not only the leader of a political party, but a point of reference for Italian democracy."[74] His three days of agony were followed with great attention by the general population.[92] Attended by more than a million people, his funeral was among the highest ever seen in Rome, and was reminiscent of the funeral of Palmiro Togliatti in 1964;[93] in both cases, a group of directors filmed the event for a documentary.[74] From Almirante to the then president of the Senate, Francesco Cossiga, to then interior minister Oscar Luigi Scalfaro, from all the major Italian personalities across the political spectrum to common people, including women and the youth, they all paid their respect to Berlinguer.[74]
Politics
Berlinguer's most important political act of his career in the PCI was the break with
In the words of Giorgio Bocca, in his analysis after his death, Berlinguer had understood that, after "the lacerations, the convulsions, the loss of prestige, of dynamism, of leadership of the PCI and of the left in general in the Seventies" that had derived "above all from the cultural inadequacy of a sclerotic Marxism and a formalist anti-fascism", he needed "to bring back to the party and the left what remains alive of Marxism, its humanism, the defence of man from the exploitation and alienation that continue and perhaps worsen in post-industrial society."[98] In the words of sociologist Francesco Alberoni, Berlinguer's critique of Soviet Communism was "never crude or hostile", and he had "always considered it a deviation from an original project, an error, understandable in those historical situations, and correctable in the future. This is typical of the great ideological, intellectual leader who interprets history with a view to the future. It was these merits of him, as leader of an Italian party, as a democrat, as an outstanding ideological figure of international Communism, that provoked the sense of loss everywhere and even the homage of enemies."[94]
Berlinguer's search for a new socialism was to find a solution to the bipolar international blocs, and his name is thus associated to that of
Impact on Italian society
As one of the most important figures of the
An
Electoral history
Election | House | Constituency | Party | Votes | Result | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
1968 | Chamber of Deputies | Rome–Viterbo–Latina–Frosinone
|
PCI | 151,134 | Elected | |
1972 | Chamber of Deputies | Rome–Viterbo–Latina–Frosinone
|
PCI | 230,722 | Elected | |
1976 | Chamber of Deputies | Rome–Viterbo–Latina–Frosinone
|
PCI | 280,414 | Elected | |
1979 | Chamber of Deputies | Rome–Viterbo–Latina–Frosinone
|
PCI | 238,399 | Elected | |
1979 | European Parliament | Central Italy | PCI | 836,595 | Elected | |
1983 | Chamber of Deputies | Rome–Viterbo–Latina–Frosinone
|
PCI | 221,307 | Elected | |
1984 | European Parliament | Central Italy | PCI | 719,323 | Elected |
Books
- Berlinguer, Enrico; Bronda, Antonio; Bodington, Stephen (1982). After Poland. Nottingham: Spokesman Books. ISBN 0-85124-344-4.
References
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- ^ Veltroni, Walter (1994). La sfida interrotta. Le idee di Enrico Berlinguer- Baldini & Castoldi. p. 204.
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- ^ Ricchini, Carlo (1985). "Enrico Berlinguer". L'Unità (in Italian). Rome.
- ^ Craveri, Piero (1988). "Berlinguer, Enrico". Dizionario biografico degli italiani (in Italian). Vol. XXXIV, first supplement A–C. Rome: Institute of the Italian Encyclopedia. Retrieved 16 July 2023.
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- ^ Vercesi, Pier Luigi (17 November 2018). "Segni: 'Ho saputo da un barista che mio padre era presidente'". Corriere della Sera (in Italian). Retrieved 16 July 2023.
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- ^ ISBN 88-430-3761-7.
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- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v "Enrico Berlinguer: la storia di un grande statista". Expoitalyonline (in Italian). 29 April 2015. Retrieved 16 July 2023. Updated 22 June 2016.
{{cite web}}
: CS1 maint: postscript (link) - ^ Messori, Vittorio (22 June 2002). "Cerimonie e fiaccolate a cento anni dal martirio di Maria Goretti. Quando Berlinguer la portò a esempio – Dopo Padre Pio, l' ora della santa bambina più amata". Corriere della Sera (in Italian). Archived from the original on 13 November 2015. Retrieved 16 July 2023.
- ISBN 978-3-1106-6342-6.
- ^ ISBN 978-8-8999-8232-4.
- ^ a b Madonia, Mattai (3 March 2022). "Berlinguer in Italia ha rivoluzionato il comunismo, non inchinandosi all'Urss e preferendo la Nato". The Vision (in Italian). Retrieved 17 July 2023.
- JSTOR 20568021.
- ^ a b c "Partito comunista italiano". Treccani (in Italian). 2011. Retrieved 8 July 2023.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u "Enrico Berlinguer, le sue citazioni più celebri". La Repubblica (in Italian). 9 June 2019. Retrieved 8 July 2023.
- ^ Chi Voleva Uccidere Berlinguier? Bulgaria-Italy. 8 June 2005. Rome. Retrieved 10 January 2015.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n Bedeschi, Giuseppe (21 May 2022). "La Nato di Berlinguer, uno schiaffo a Mosca". Il Foglio (in Italian). Retrieved 17 July 2023.
- ^ a b c Sbaraglia, Emiliano (25 May 2022). "Berlinguer, compagno di vita". Collettiva (in Italian). Retrieved 17 July 2023.
- ^ Berlinguer, Enrico (3 November 1977). La Democrazia è un valore universale. Discorso in occasione del 60° anniversario della Rivoluzione d'Ottobre (Speech) (in Italian). Moscow. Retrieved 8 July 2023 – via EnricoBerlinguer.it.
- ^ Liguori, Guido (25 May 2022). "For Enrico Berlinguer, Communism Meant the Fullest Spread of Democracy". Jacobin. Retrieved 8 July 2023.
- ^ Mantovan, Michela (23 June 1998). "Nato e sinistra, dal rifiuto di Togliatti all' 'ombrello' di Berlinguer". Corriere della sera (in Italian). p. 2. Archived from the original on 12 May 2010. Retrieved 17 July 2023.
- ^ "Italy: The Red Threat". Time. 14 June 1976. Cover. Retrieved 17 July 2023.
- ^ Di Donato, Michele (2013). Pci e socialdemocrazie europee da Longo a Berlinguer (PDF) (PhD thesis) (in Italian). Rome: Roma Tre University. p. 14. Retrieved 17 July 2023.
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- ^ Romeo, Ilaria (2 April 2021). "Enrico Berlinguer ai giovani: se vi impadronite del sapere, se lottate con lavoratori e oppressi, il vecchio ordine non avrà scampo". Collettiva (in Italian). Retrieved 8 July 2023.
- ^ Berlinguer, Ernico (6 December 1982). "Partito e società nella realtà degli anni '80". Rinascità (in Italian). Retrieved 8 July 2023 – via EnricoBerlinguer.it.
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- ^ Ciofi, Paolo (2021). Un nuovo socialismo. La terza via oltre il modello sovietico e la socialdemocrazia. Enrico Berlinguer. Convegno di Futura Umanità per i 100 anni dalla fondazione del PCI (in Italian).
Comunista italiano e perciò rivoluzionario democratico, Berlinguer fu un grande innovatore. La questione che egli tuttora ci propone, non cancellando il significato e il valore della rottura storica rappresentata dalla rivoluzione russa dell'Ottobre 1917 e dai successivi percorsi aperti nel mondo, è quella di un'altra prospettiva, di un altro modello di società, di un altro socialismo rispetto a quelli fino ad allora conosciuti, il modello sovietico e il modello socialdemocratico.
[An Italian communist and therefore a democratic revolutionary, Berlinguer was a great innovator. The question that he still proposes to us, without erasing the meaning and value of the historical rupture represented by the Russian Revolution of October 1917 and the subsequent paths opened up in the world, is that of another perspective, of another model of society, of another socialism than those known until then, the Soviet model and the social-democratic model.] - S2CID 57563642.
- ^ "Un giorno io Berlinguer e Castro". Panorama (in Italian). 22 November 2014. Retrieved 17 July 2023.[dead link]
- ^ Lecis, Vindice (26 November 2016). "Parla Antonio Rubbi: quando con Berlinguer incontrammo Fidel Castro. Quell'attrazione straordinaria (e le divergenze) tra i due leader". Fuoripagina (in Italian). Retrieved 17 July 2023.
- ^ Minuti, Gioia (29 May 2018). "Fidel invitò Enrico Berlinguer a Cuba nell'ottobre del 1981". Granma (in Italian). Retrieved 17 July 2023.
- ^ Feltri, Mattia (5 December 2016). "Quando Berlinguer disse: 'Un abisso coi Paesi dell'Est'". La Stampa (in Italian). Retrieved 17 July 2023.
- ^ "Partito comunista italiano". Dizionario di Storia (in Italian). Rome: Institute of the Italian Encyclopedia. 2011. Retrieved 16 July 2023.
- ^ Del Giudice, Antonio (9 June 2019). "Enrico Berlinguer, Pertini lo ha vegliato fino alla fine". La Repubblica (in Italian). Retrieved 17 July 2023.
- ISBN 0-313-28623-X. Retrieved 26 July 2016 – via Internet Archive.
- ^ Fuccillo, Mino (9 June 2019). "Enrico Berlinguer, sul palco lo Stato per l'ultimo omaggio". La Repubblica (in Italian). Retrieved 17 July 2023.
- ^ a b c d e Stabile, Alberto (10 June 2019). "Enrico Berlinguer, Almirante si inchina davanti a Botteghe Oscure". La Repubblica (in Italian). Retrieved 17 July 2023.
- ^ Bonsanti, Sandra (9 June 2019). "Enrico Berlinguer, De Mita elogia il compromesso". La Repubblica (in Italian). Retrieved 17 July 2023.
- ^ Villoresi, Luca (10 June 2019). "Enrico Berlinguer e quella tomba numero 7". La Repubblica (in Italian). Retrieved 17 July 2023.
- ISBN 978-2-87574-279-7.
- ^ "In un libro nuove ipotesi sulla morte di Enrico Berlinguer (ASCA)". Rubettino Editore (in Italian). 24 May 2013. Retrieved 8 July 2023.
- ISBN 978-88-498-4172-5.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j Lilli, Laura (9 June 2019). "Enrico Berlinguer, quando Moro lo vide giocare a pallone". La Repubblica (in Italian). Retrieved 17 July 2023.
- ISBN 88-430-3761-7.
- ^ "Morta a Roma Letizia Laurenti, vedova di Enrico Berlinguer". Rai News (in Italian). 27 June 2017. Retrieved 16 July 2023.
- ^ Magno, Michele (25 September 2021). "Gramsci e Togliatti, la rivoluzione e la Juventus". Start Magazine (in Italian). Retrieved 16 July 2023.
- ^ Romeo, Ilaria (7 February 2018). "Tra la rivoluzione e la Juve. La passione dei leader Pci per il calcio". Striscia Rossa (in Italian). Retrieved 16 July 2023.
- ^ Coccia, Pasquale (25 September 2021). "I comunisti scendono in campo". Il manifesto (in Italian). Retrieved 16 July 2023.
- ^ Mainente, Andrea (3 August 2022). "La Juventus comunista". Rivista Contrasti (in Italian). Retrieved 16 July 2023.
- ^ Vitali, Alessandra (9 June 2019). "Alberto Menichelli, storico autista di Enrico Berlinguer". La Repubblica (in Italian). Retrieved 17 July 2023.
- ISBN 978-8-8318-0823-1.
- ^ Prosino, Samuele (14 August 2022). "La Harley-Davidson di Berlinguer". FormulaPassion (in Italian). Retrieved 17 July 2023.
- ^ a b c d e f g h Vecchio, Concetto (10 June 2019). "Enrico Berlinguer, 35 anni fa l'addio al leader del Pci che non tradì mai i suoi ideali". La Repubblica (in Italian). Retrieved 16 July 2023.
- ISBN 978-8-8588-1776-6.
- ^ "Enrico Berlinguer 'Il popolo con quella bara'. L'addio e i funerali sulle prime pagine di Repubblica". La Repubblica (in Italian). 9 June 2019. Retrieved 17 July 2023.
- ^ Stabile, Alberto (9 June 2019). "Una lunga giornata di attesa, poi il grido 'Enrico, Enrico'". La Repubblica (in Italian). Retrieved 17 July 2023.
- ^ a b c Alberoni, Francesco (10 June 2019). "Enrico Berlinguer, il suo carisma". La Repubblica (in Italian). Retrieved 17 July 2023.
- ^ Bagnoli, Roberto (26 August 2010). "Tremonti, lodi a Berlinguer e riformisti. 'I lavoratori partecipino agli utili'". Corriere della Sera (in Italian). Retrieved 17 July 2023.
- ^ "Cosa diceva Berlinguer. Il discorso al Convegno degli intellettuali del 1977 sulla 'politica di austerità e di rigore'". Il Post (in Italian). 27 August 2010. Retrieved 17 July 2023.
- ^ Scalfari, Eugenio (9 June 2019). "Enrico Berlinguer, perché ti abbiamo voluto bene". La Repubblica (in Italian). Retrieved 17 July 2023.
- ^ Bocca, Giorgio (10 June 2019). "Enrico Berlinguer, dal nuovo segretario io vorrei". La Repubblica (in Italian). Retrieved 17 July 2023.
- JSTOR 20567252.
- ^ Di Donato, Michele (2013). Pci e socialdemocrazie europee da Longo a Berlinguer (PDF) (PhD thesis) (in Italian). Rome: Roma Tre University. pp. 3–4. Retrieved 17 July 2023.
Bibliography
- Wilsford, David, ed. (1995). Political Leaders of Contemporary Western Europe: A Biographical Dictionary. Greenwood. pp. 31–44. ISBN 978-0-3132-8623-0.
External links
- Enrico Berlinguer at Camera.it
- Translations on Western Europe. Number 1321. Communism and Socialism in Italy: Enrico Berlinguer, Bettino Craxi Vie for Power at the Defense Technical Information Center
- Quando Benigni prese in braccio Berlinguer (1983) on YouTube
- Dolce Enrico da Antonello Venditti (1991) on YouTube
- I Funerali di Berlinguer dai Modena City Ramblers (1994) on YouTube