Estrada Doctrine

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The Estrada Doctrine (also known as La Doctrina Mexico, La Doctrina Mexicana and La Doctrina Ortiz Rubio) is

non-intervention, peaceful resolution of disputes and self-determination of all nations.[2] In line with the Estrada doctrine, Mexico to this day – and in contrast with most other states – does not issue formal declarations of diplomatic recognition of new states or governments.[3]

The doctrine’s name derives from Genaro Estrada, Secretary of Foreign Affairs during the presidency of Pascual Ortiz Rubio (1930–1932).[1][4]

Background

On September 12, 1931, Mexico was admitted to the

International Conference of American States, where it had been previously excluded because the government had not been recognized by the US. The country gained an outstanding prestige in the conferences that took place in Havana (1928) and Montevideo (1933), which postured for Latin American union and international law.[5]

Meanwhile, Mexico had the opportunity to spread its position towards the international practice of

recognition, known as the Estrada Doctrine. Secretary of Foreign Affairs, Genaro Estrada, pointed out on September 27, 1930:[2]

The

a posteriori
, the right that nations have to accept, keep or replace their governments or authorities.

Content

The Estrada Doctrine suggests that upon the establishment of

recognition because it is considered a degrading practice. By injuring the sovereignty of other states, recognition puts them in a vulnerable position because their internal affairs can be judged by other governments, which assume a critical attitude when deciding about the legality and legitimacy of foreign governments.[2] Mexico was itself harmed because of the practice, as it was difficult to obtain recognition of its independence
.

The most extended use of the Estrada Doctrine was in the 1970s, when Mexico did not withdraw its recognition of any

South American government that was formed through a coup d'état. The only measure Mexico could use against such governments was withdrawing its diplomatic mission.[1]

In other words, the Estrada Doctrine states that Mexico should not make positive or negative judgements about the governments, or changes in government, of other nations, because such an action would imply a breach to their

non-intervention, which are considered essential for mutual respect and cooperation amongst nations.[2]

Current status

During the

2019 Venezuelan presidential crisis.[7]

Criticism

Most of the critics of the doctrine were directed toward whether it was morally and politically valid or not that the Mexican government stayed "

neutral" in the presence of governments categorized as dictatorships.[1]

Jorge Castañeda Gutman, who would later serve a two-year term as the Secretary of Foreign Affairs during the Vicente Fox administration, criticized Mexico's foreign policy in 1987:[8]

In the Mexican foreign policy, it has been continuously claimed the defense of our principles and international law. In accordance to this, then we do not have any interest, we have principles instead, which can be qualified as a diplomatic hypocrisy. In the long term, this unfortunate implementation of the principles undermines any internal support for every real foreign policy (with costs, consequences and benefits) and confers the country an arrogant halo in the international scene.

See also

References

  1. ^ a b c d e Rodríguez, Itzel. "De Actualidad Política: ¿Qué dice la Doctrina Estrada?" (in Spanish). Se Piensa. Archived from the original on 2009-03-31. Retrieved 2009-04-04.
  2. ^ a b c d Palacios Treviño, Jorge. "La Doctrina Estrada y el Principio de la No-Intervención" (PDF) (in Spanish). Archived from the original (PDF) on 2009-02-06. Retrieved 2009-04-04.
  3. ^ Jorge Palacios Treviño (4 May 2004). "La Doctrina Estrada sigue vigente". Archived from the original on 16 July 2014. Retrieved 2 February 2015.
  4. ISSN 0002-9300
    .
  5. ^ Vázquez Flores (2007), p. 132
  6. ^ Ramírez, Carlos (September 28, 2001). "Doctrina Estrada; Doctrina Castañeda" (in Spanish). Yahoo! GeoCities. Archived from the original on 2009-07-23. Retrieved 2009-04-04.
  7. ^ Orgaz, Cristina J. (2019-01-29). "¿Qué puede pasar ahora? 4 posibles escenarios para la crisis política en Venezuela". BBC News. Retrieved 2019-01-30.
  8. ^ Pereña-Gracía (2001), p. 36

Sources

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