Ethiopian historiography

Source: Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.

Meroe (in modern Sudan)[1]

Ethiopian historiography includes the

Orthodox Kebra Nagast. This reinforced the genealogical traditions of Ethiopia's Solomonic dynasty rulers, which asserted that they were descendants of Solomon, the legendary King of Israel
.

Ethiopian historiographic literature has been traditionally dominated by

Greek and Roman historical writings about Ethiopia, medieval European chroniclers made attempts to describe Ethiopia, its people, and religious faith in connection to the mythical Prester John, who was viewed as a potential ally against Islamic powers. Ethiopian history and its peoples were also mentioned in works of medieval Islamic historiography and even Chinese encyclopedias, travel literature, and official histories
.

During the 16th century and onset of the

polytheistic Oromo people, threatened the security of the Ethiopian Empire. These contacts and conflicts inspired works of ethnography, by authors such as the monk and historian Bahrey, which were embedded into the existing historiographic tradition and encouraged a broader view in historical chronicles for Ethiopia's place in the world. The Jesuit missionaries Pedro Páez (1564–1622) and Manuel de Almeida (1580–1646) also composed a history of Ethiopia, but it remained in manuscript form among Jesuit priests of Portuguese India
and was not published in the West until modern times.

Abyssinian Crisis of 1935 and the Second Italo-Ethiopian War, whereas the Ethiopian victory over the Kingdom of Italy in the 1896 Battle of Adwa played a major role in the historiographic literature of these two countries immediately following the First Italo-Ethiopian War
.

Ancient origins

Further information:
King Ezana's Stela, Obelisk of Axum, and Aethiopia
Ge'ez script, the oldest evidence of which was found in Matara, Eritrea, and dated to the 2nd century AD.[2] However, the 1st-century AD Roman Periplus of the Erythraean Sea asserts that the local ruler of Adulis could speak and write in Greek.[3] This embrace of Hellenism could also be found in the coinage of Aksumite currency, in which legends were usually written in Greek, much like ancient Greek coinage.[3]

Epigraphy

The roots of the

Arabian peninsula.[5] It is clear that such texts influenced the epigraphy of later Aksumite rulers who still considered their lost Arabian territories as part of their realm.[6]

Ezana
, mid-4th century AD

In

Sabaean-style Ge'ez inscriptions on the Ezana Stone, commemorating Ezana's conquests of the Kingdom of Kush (located in Nubia, i.e. modern Sudan), mention his conversion to Christianity.[1]

stelae and obelisks of Axum, Ethiopia, from the Aksumite period
, 4th century AD.

`DBH and DTWNS.[15] Inscriptions of king Ezana mention stone-carved thrones near the Church of Our Lady Mary of Zion in Axum (the platforms of which still exist), and Cosmas described a white-marble throne and stele in Adulis that were both covered in Greek inscriptions.[12]

Manuscripts

Aside from epigraphy, Aksumite historiography also includes the

Hellenistic Egypt, and the Yemenite Jews of the Himyarite Kingdom.[6]

Medieval historiography

Further information:
Book of Aksum, Giyorgis of Segla, and Medieval literature
Gebre Mesqel Lalibela (r. 1185–1221),[18][19] while archaeology reveals the religious structures to have been built between the 10th and early 13th centuries.[19]

Zagwe dynasty

The power of the Aksumite Kingdom declined after the 6th century due to the rise of other regional states in the

Highlands of Ethiopia, while Islamic sultanates inhabited the coastal Ethiopian Lowlands.[20]

Solomonic dynasty

Gebre Mesqel Lalibela (r. 1181–1221), the subject of a hagiographical pseudo-chronicle depicting him as a saint who performed miracles[25]

When the forces of

anti-Jewish sentiment expressed in several passages of the book.[29]

The most common form of written history sponsored by the Solomonic royal court was the biography of contemporary rulers, who were often lauded by their biographers along with the Solomonic dynasty. The royal biographical genre was established during the reign of

Imperial Chinese counterparts.[32] For instance, the anonymously written biography of the emperor Gelawdewos (r. 1540–1549) speaks glowingly of the ruler, albeit in an elegiac tone, while attempting to place him and his deeds within a greater moral and historical context.[33]

There are also

Christian saint who performed miracles. Conveniently for the legitimacy of the Solomonic dynasty, the chronicle stated that Lalibela did not desire for his heirs to inherit his throne.[25]

Medieval Europe and the search for Prester John

Image of Prester John, enthroned, in a map of East Africa in Queen Mary's Atlas, Diogo Homem, 1558.
Prester John as the Emperor of Ethiopia, enthroned on a map of East Africa in an atlas prepared by the Portuguese for Mary I of England, 1558 (British Library)
Map of Ethiopia from 1584 by Abraham Ortelius.
A 1584 map of Abyssinia, by the Flemish cartographer Abraham Ortelius (1527–1598)

In

cartographer Giovanni da Carignano (1250–1329), which only survives in a much later work by Giacomo Filippo Foresti (1434–1520), was long presumed to attest to a diplomatic mission sent by Ethiopian emperor Wedem Arad (r. 1299–1314) to Latin Europe in 1306;[38] recent research indicates that this mission was unconnected to Solomonic Ethiopia, however.[39]

In his 1324 Book of Marvels the

Dominican missionary Jordan Catala, bishop of the Roman Catholic Diocese of Quilon along the Malabar Coast of India, was the first known author to suggest that Ethiopia was the location of Prester John's kingdom.[40] The Florentine merchant Antonio Bartoli visited Ethiopia from the 1390s until about 1402 when he returned to Europe with Ethiopian diplomats.[38] This was followed by the lengthy stay of Pietro Rombuldo in Ethiopia from 1404 to 1444 and Ethiopian diplomats attending the ecumenical Council of Florence in 1441, where they expressed some vexation with the European attendees who insisted on addressing their emperor as Prester John.[41] Thanks to the legacy of European medieval historiography, this belief persisted beyond the Late Middle Ages. For instance, the Portuguese missionary Francisco Álvares set out for Ethiopia in 1520 believing that he was to visit the homeland of Prester John.[42]

Islamic historiography

Further information: Historiography of early Islam
Le Livre des Merveilles
, 15th century).

Ethiopia is mentioned in some works of

and Dawaro, where the Muslim leader was said to have taken enough war booty to provide his poorer subjects with multiple slaves.[46] Historian Ulrich Braukämper states that these works of Islamic historiography, while demonstrating the influence and military presence of the Adal sultanate in southern Ethiopia, tend to overemphasize the importance of military victories that at best led to temporary territorial control in regions such as Bale.[47] In his Description of Africa (1555), the historian Leo Africanus (c. 1494–1554) of Al-Andalus described Abassia (Abyssinia) as the realm of the Prete Ianni (i.e. Prester John), unto whom the Abassins (Abyssinians) were subject. He also identified Abassins as one of five main population groups on the continent alongside Africans (Moors), Egyptians, Arabians and Cafri (Cafates).[48]

Chinese historiography

Further information: Chinese historiography and Twenty-Four Histories

Contacts between the Ethiopian Empire and

Persian dates.[50] In his English translation of this document, Friedrich Hirth identified Mo-lin (Molin) with the kingdom of 'Alwa and neighboring Lao-p'o-sa with the kingdom of Maqurra, both in Nubia.[50]

The Wenxian Tongkao describes the

Manchu-led Qing dynasty (1644–1911), the Chinese were able to refer to Chinese-written travel literature and histories about East Africa before diplomatic relations were restored with African countries in the 19th century.[49]

Early Modern historiography

Further information:
Early Modern literature
Orthodox church of Ura Kidane Mehret, Zege Peninsula, Lake Tana
, Ethiopia
Ge'ez prayer scroll meant to dispel evil spirits that were thought to cause various ailments, Wellcome Collection
, London

Conflict and interaction with foreign powers

During the 16th century the Ethiopian biographical tradition became far more complex,

Portuguese explorer Vasco da Gama, against the Adal Sultan al-Ghazi and his Ottoman allies, and later against the Ottoman governor of Yemen, Özdemir Pasha (d. 1560).[53]

The biography of Galawdewos' brother and successor

Ethiopian Jews.[55]

By the 16th century Ethiopian works began to discuss the profound impact of foreign peoples in their own regional history. The chronicle of Gelawdewos explained the friction between the Ethiopian Orthodox Church and the

Jews, Christians (including those from Western Europe), Safavid Iranians, and even figures of the fallen Byzantine Empire.[55]

Early 18th century manuscript illumination from Aksum showing two scribes.

Society of Jesus in Portuguese India, although Almeida's map of Ethiopia was published by Baltasar Teles in 1660.[61] Following the abdication of Susenyos I, his son and successor Fasilides (r. 1632–1667) had the Jesuits expelled from Ethiopia.[43]

Biographical chronicles and dynastic histories

At least as far back as the reign of Susenyos I the Ethiopian royal court employed an official court historian known as a

deposition.[63]

Modern historiography

Main article:
Ethiopian Studies
Further information:
Modern history, History of literature, African studies, and Encyclopaedia Aethiopica

Era of the Princes

Contemporary painting of Mentewab laying prostate at the feet of Mary and Jesus at Närga Selassie.
A portrait of the Ethiopian Empress Mentewab, an important figure of the Zemene Mesafint, prostrating herself before Mary and Jesus (Narga Selassie church, 1748).
Haile Selassie during state visit of Queen Juliana to Ethiopia, January 1969.
The Ethiopian emperor Haile Selassie in 1969; he published his autobiography My Life and Ethiopia's Progress in 1973–1974, shortly before his deposition and the short-lived reign of his son Amha Selassie in the Ethiopian Revolution.

The chaotic period known as the

Semitic language of Amharic.[64]

Another genre of history writing produced during the Era of the Princes was the terse Ethiopian

Orthodox Church patriarchs that include some elements of historical narrative.[65]

Biographical literature

Various biographies of Ethiopian emperors have been compiled in the modern era. In 1975 the

Oxford-educated historian Zewde Gebre-Sellassie (1926–2008) published a biography on the Emperor Yohannes II (r. 1699–1769), with whom he was distantly related.[66] In 1973 and 1974, the Emperor Haile Selassie (r. 1930–1974) published his autobiography My Life and Ethiopia's Progress; in 1976 it was translated from Amharic into English and annotated by Edward Ullendorff in an Oxford University Press publication.[67] Hanna Rubinkowska maintains that Emperor Selassie was an active proponent of "historiographic manipulation", especially when it came to concealing historical materials that seemingly contested or contradicted dynastic propaganda and official history.[68] For instance, he removed certain chronicles and historical works from the public eye and placed them in his private library, such as aleqa Gabra Igziabiher Elyas' (1892–1969) biographical chronicle covering the reigns of Selassie's predecessors Lij Iyasu (r. 1913–1916), a late convert to Islam, and the Empress Zewditu (r. 1916–1930).[69][70] The latter work was edited, translated into English and republished by Rudolf K. Molvaer in 1994.[71][72]

Ethiopian and Western historiography

Portrait of Aba Gorgorios (Abba Gorgoryos) by Elias Christopher Heiss, Augsburg, 1691, in a supplementary volume to the 1681 Historia Aethiopica by Hiob Ludolf.
An engraved book portrait of Ethiopian monk Abba Gorgoryos (1595–1658) by Christopher Elias Heiss, Augsburg, 1691[73][74]

Edward Ullendorff considered the German

Propaganda Fide in Rome to become bishop of Ethiopia following his Catholic conversion and expulsion of the Jesuits by Ethiopian emperor Fasilides, collaborated with Ludolf – who never actually visited Ethiopia – and provided him with critical information for composing his Historia Aethiopica and its Commentaries.[77][78] The ethnically-Ethiopian Portuguese cleric António d'Andrade (1610–1670) aided them as a translator,[79] since Abba Gorgoryos was not a fluent speaker of either Latin or Italian.[80] After Ludolf, the 18th-century Scottish travel writer James Bruce, who visited Ethiopia, and German orientalist August Dillmann (1823–1894) are also considered pioneers in the field of early Ethiopian studies.[78][81] After spending time at the Ethiopian royal court, Bruce was the first to systematically collect and deposit Ethiopian historical documents into libraries of Europe, in addition to composing a history of Ethiopia based on native Ethiopian sources.[82] Dillmann cataloged a variety of Ethiopian manuscripts, including historical chronicles, and in 1865 published the Lexicon Linguae Aethiopicae, the first such lexicon to be published on languages of Ethiopia since Ludolf's work.[83]

Nigist (Queen) Makeda of Sheba.
An 1896 depiction of the Queen of Sheba (Makeda)

Ethiopian historians such as Taddesse Tamrat (1935–2013) and Sergew Hable Sellassie have argued that modern Ethiopian studies were an invention of the 17th century and originated in Europe.[80] Tamrat considered Carlo Conti Rossini's 1928 Storia d'Etiopia a groundbreaking work in Ethiopian studies.[80] The philosopher Messay Kebede likewise acknowledged the genuine contributions of Western scholars to the understanding of Ethiopia's past.[84][85] But he also criticized the perceived scientific and institutional bias that he found to be pervasive in Ethiopian-, African-, and Western-made historiographies on Ethiopia.[86] Specifically, Kebede took umbrage at E. A. Wallis Budge's translation of the Kebra Nagast, arguing that Budge had assigned a South Arabian origin to the Queen of Sheba although the Kebra Nagast itself did not indicate such a provenience for this fabled ruler. According to Kebede, a South Arabian extraction was contradicted by biblical exegetes and testimonies from ancient historians, which instead indicated that the Queen was of African origin.[87] Additionally, he chided Budge and Ullendorff for their postulation that the Aksumite civilization was founded by Semitic immigrants from South Arabia. Kebede argued that there is little physical difference between the Semitic-speaking populations in Ethiopia and neighboring Cushitic-speaking groups to validate the notion that the former groups were essentially descendants of South Arabian settlers, with a separate ancestral origin from other local Afroasiatic-speaking populations. He also observed that these Afroasiatic-speaking populations were heterogeneous, having interbred with each other and also assimilated alien elements of both uncertain extraction and negroid origin.[88]

Synthesis of native and Western historiographic methods

The nine saints (not all in photo) of Ethiopian Orthodox Church depicted on the mural in the Church of Our Lady Mary of Zion, Axum, Ethiopia.
Western-style painting of the Nine Saints (not all in photo) of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, as depicted on the mural in the Church of Our Lady Mary of Zion, Axum, Ethiopia.

During the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Ethiopian

list of monarchs of Ethiopia written in 1922 which took its names and information from both native Ethiopian king lists (from manuscripts and oral tradition) and European texts which wrote of Aethiopia in ancient history and legends.[93] Because the term Aethiopia was often used in ancient times, as well as some translations of the Bible, to refer to ancient Nubia, the king list incorporates monarchs who ruled the kingdom of Kush and Egyptian pharaohs who ruled or interacted with Nubia in some significant way.[94] The king list additionally includes Aethiopian figures mentioned in the Bible and Greek mythology
.

Takla Sadeq Makuriya (1913–2000), historian and former head of the National Archives and Library of Ethiopia, wrote various works in Amharic as well as foreign languages, including a four-volume Amharic-language series on the history of Ethiopia from ancient times until the reign of Selassie, published in the 1950s.[95] During the 1980s he published a three-volume tome exploring the reigns of 19th-century Ethiopian rulers and the theme of national unity.[95] He also produced two English chapters on the history of the Horn of Africa for UNESCO's General History of Africa and several French-language works on Ethiopia's church history and royal genealogies.[96] Some volumes from his vernacular survey on general Ethiopian history have been edited and circulated as school textbooks in Ethiopian classrooms by the Ministry of Education.[97] Kebede Michael (1916–1998), a playwright, historian, editor, and director of archaeology at the National Library, wrote works of world history, histories of Western civilization, and histories of Ethiopia, which, unlike his previous works, formed the central focus of his 1955 world history written in Amharic.[98]

Italo-Ethiopian Wars

Adua Memorial in Adwa, Ethiopia.
An inscribed tomb at the Adua Memorial in the northern town of Adwa, Ethiopia, which commemorates the 1896 Battle of Adwa.

The decisive victory of the Ethiopian Empire over the

Viceroy of Italian East Africa.[103]

Social class, ethnicity, and gender

Further information: Ethiopian aristocratic and court titles and Social history
Tewodros II, around 1860
Portrait of the Ethiopian Emperor Tewodros II, circa 1860

Modern historians have taken new approaches to analyzing both traditional and modern Ethiopian historiography. For instance,

Richard Pankhurst (1927–2017), who focused primarily on the Ethiopian ruling class while ignoring marginalized peoples and minority groups in Ethiopian historical works.[105] Following the 1974 Ethiopian Revolution and overthrow of the Solomonic dynasty with the deposition of Haile Selassie, the historical materialism of Marxist historiography came to dominate the academic landscape and understanding of Northeast African history.[106] In her 2001 article Women in Ethiopian History: A Bibliographic Review, Belete Bizuneh remarks that the impact of social history on African historiography in the 20th century generated an unprecedented focus on the roles of women and gender in historical societies, but that Ethiopian historiography seems to have fallen outside the orbit of these historiographic trends.[107]

By relying on the written works of both Christian and Muslim authors, oral traditions, and modern methods of anthropology, archaeology, and linguistics, Mohammed Hassen, Associate Professor of History at Georgia State University,[108] asserts that the largely non-Christian Oromo people have interacted and lived among the Semitic-speaking Christian Amhara people since at least the 14th century, not the 16th century as is commonly accepted in both traditional and recent Ethiopian historiography.[109] His work also stresses Ethiopia's need to properly integrate its Oromo population and the fact that the Cushitic-speaking Oromo, despite their traditional reputation as invaders, were significantly involved in maintaining the cultural, political, and military institutions of the Christian state.[110]

Middle Eastern versus African studies

Further information:
Middle-Eastern studies, African studies, Egyptian literature, and Ancient Egyptian literature
Image of the Abuna Salama, died 25 October 1867.
Engraving of Salama III, head of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church (1841–1867). This abuna (abun) ecclesiastical office was established to strengthen Ethiopia's historical ties with the Coptic Orthodox Church in Egypt.

In his 1992 review of Naguib Mahfouz's The Search (1964), the Ethiopian scholar Mulugeta Gudeta observed that Ethiopian and Egyptian societies bore striking historical resemblances.[111] According to Haggai Erlich, these parallels culminated in the establishment of the Egyptian abun ecclesiastical office, which exemplified Ethiopia's traditional connection to Egypt and the Middle East.[112] In the earlier part of the 20th century, Egyptian nationalists also propounded the idea of forming a Unity of the Nile Valley, a territorial union that would include Ethiopia. This objective gradually ebbed due to political tension over control of the Nile waters.[113] Consequently, after the 1950s, Egyptian scholars adopted a more distant if not apathetic approach to Ethiopian affairs and academic studies.[114] For instance, the Fifth Nile 2002 Conference held in Addis Ababa in 1997 was attended by hundreds of scholars and officials, among whom were 163 Ethiopians and 16 Egyptians.[112] By contrast, there were no Egyptian attendees at the Fourteenth International Conference of Ethiopian Studies later held in Addis Ababa in 2000, similar to all previous ICES conferences since the 1960s.[114]

Erlich argues that, in deference to their training as Africanists, native and foreign Ethiopianists of the post-1950 generation focused more on historiographic matters pertaining to Ethiopia's place within the African continent.[114] This trend had the effect of marginalizing Ethiopia's traditional bonds with the Middle East in historiographic works.[114] In Bahru Zewde's retrospective on Ethiopian historiography published in 2000, he highlighted Ethiopia's ancient tradition of historiography, observing that it dates from at least the fourteenth century and distinguishes the territory from most other areas in Africa.[115] He also noted a shift in emphasis in Ethiopian studies away from the field's traditional fixation on Ethiopia's northern Semitic-speaking groups, with an increasing focus on the territory's other Afroasiatic-speaking communities. Zewde suggested that this development was made possible by a greater critical usage of oral traditions.[116] He offered no survey of Ethiopia's role in Middle Eastern studies and made no mention of Egyptian-Ethiopian historical relations.[117] Zewde also observed that historiographic studies in Africa were centered on methods and schools that were primarily developed in Nigeria and Tanzania, and concluded that "the integration of Ethiopian historiography into the African mainstream, a perennial concern, is still far from being achieved to a satisfactory degree."[117]

See also

References

Citations

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  103. ^ De Lorenzi (2015), p. 119.
  104. ^ Professor Emeritus of History at the University of Illinois.
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  116. ^ Zewde (2000), p. 10.
  117. ^ a b Erlich (2002), p. 225, note #19.

Sources

Further reading

External links
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