Fascism
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Fascism (/ˈfæʃɪzəm/ FASH-iz-əm) is a far-right, authoritarian, ultranationalist political ideology and movement,[1][2][3] characterized by a dictatorial leader, centralized autocracy, militarism, forcible suppression of opposition, belief in a natural social hierarchy, subordination of individual interests for the perceived good of the nation and/or race, and strong regimentation of society and the economy.[2][3]
Fascism rose to prominence in early 20th-century Europe.[4][5] The first fascist movements emerged in Italy during World War I before spreading to other European countries, most notably Germany.[4] Fascism also had adherents outside of Europe.[6] Opposed to anarchism, democracy, pluralism, liberalism, socialism, and Marxism,[7][8] fascism is placed on the far-right wing within the traditional left–right spectrum.[4][8][9]
Fascists saw World War I as a revolution that brought massive changes to the nature of war, society, the state, and technology. The advent of total war and the mass mobilization of society erased the distinction between civilians and combatants. A military citizenship arose in which all citizens were involved with the military in some manner.[10] The war resulted in the rise of a powerful state capable of mobilizing millions of people to serve on the front lines and providing logistics to support them, as well as having unprecedented authority to intervene in the lives of citizens.[10]
Fascism rejects assertions that violence is inherently negative or pointless, instead viewing
Since the end of World War II in 1945, fascism as an ideology has been largely disgraced and few parties have openly described themselves as fascist; the term is more often used
Etymology
The Italian term fascismo is derived from fascio, meaning 'bundle of sticks', ultimately from the
The symbolism of the fasces suggested strength through unity: a single rod is easily broken, while the bundle is difficult to break.[25][page needed] Similar symbols were developed by different fascist movements: for example, the Falange symbol is five arrows joined by a yoke.[26][page needed]
Definitions
Historians, political scientists, and other scholars have long debated the exact nature of fascism.[27][page needed] Historian Ian Kershaw once wrote that "trying to define 'fascism' is like trying to nail jelly to the wall."[28] Each different group described as fascist has at least some unique elements, and many definitions of fascism have been criticized as either too broad or too narrow.[29] According to many scholars, fascism—especially once in power—has historically attacked communism, conservatism, and parliamentary liberalism, attracting support primarily from the far-right.[30]
Frequently cited as a standard definition by notable scholars,[31] such as Roger Griffin,[32] Randall Schweller,[33] Bo Rothstein,[34] Federico Finchelstein,[35] and Stephen D. Shenfield,[36] is that of historian Stanley G. Payne.[37] His definition of fascism focuses on three concepts:
- "Fascist negations" – anti-liberalism, anti-communism, and anti-conservatism.
- "Fascist goals" – the creation of a nationalist dictatorship to regulate economic structure and to transform social relations within a modern, self-determined culture, and the expansion of the nation into an empire.
- "Fascist style" – a political aesthetic of romantic symbolism, mass mobilization, a positive view of violence, and promotion of masculinity, youth, and charismatic authoritarian leadership.[38]
Umberto Eco lists fourteen "features that are typical of what I would like to call Ur-Fascism, or Eternal Fascism. These features cannot be organized into a system; many of them contradict each other, and are also typical of other kinds of despotism or fanaticism. But it is enough that one of them be present to allow fascism to coagulate around it".[39]
In his book
Historian
Roger Griffin describes fascism as "a genus of political ideology whose mythic core in its various permutations is a palingenetic form of populist ultranationalism."[42] Without paligenetic ultranationalism, there is no "genuine fascism" according to Griffin.[43][page needed][44] Griffin further describes fascism as having three core components: "(i) the rebirth myth, (ii) populist ultra-nationalism, and (iii) the myth of decadence."[45] In Griffin's view, fascism is "a genuinely revolutionary, trans-class form of anti-liberal, and in the last analysis, anti-conservative nationalism" built on a complex range of theoretical and cultural influences. He distinguishes an inter-war period in which it manifested itself in elite-led but populist "armed party" politics opposing socialism and liberalism, and promising radical politics to rescue the nation from decadence.[46][page needed]
Kershaw argues that the difference between fascism and other forms of right-wing authoritarianism in the Interwar period is that the latter generally aimed "to conserve the existing social order", whereas fascism was "revolutionary", seeking to change society and obtain "total commitment" from the population.[47]
In Against the Fascist Creep, Alexander Reid Ross writes regarding Griffin's view: "Following the Cold War and shifts in fascist organizing techniques, a number of scholars have moved toward the minimalist 'new consensus' refined by Roger Griffin: 'the mythic core' of fascism is 'a populist form of palingenetic ultranationalism.' That means that fascism is an ideology that draws on old, ancient, and even arcane myths of racial, cultural, ethnic, and national origins to develop a plan for the 'new man.'"[48] Griffin himself explored this 'mythic' or 'eliminable' core of fascism with his concept of post-fascism to explore the continuation of Nazism in the modern era.[49] Additionally, other historians have applied this minimalist core to explore proto-fascist movements.[50][51]
Cas Mudde and Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser argue that although fascism "flirted with populism ... in an attempt to generate mass support", it is better seen as an elitist ideology. They cite in particular its exaltation of the Leader, the race, and the state, rather than the people. They see populism as a "thin-centered ideology" with a "restricted morphology" that necessarily becomes attached to "thick-centered" ideologies such as fascism, liberalism, or socialism. Thus populism can be found as an aspect of many specific ideologies, without necessarily being a defining characteristic of those ideologies. They refer to the combination of populism, authoritarianism and ultranationalism as "a marriage of convenience".[52]
Robert Paxton says: "[fascism is] a form of political behavior marked by obsessive preoccupation with community decline, humiliation, or victimhood and by compensatory cults of unity, energy, and purity, in which a mass-based party of committed nationalist militants, working in uneasy but effective collaboration with traditional elites, abandons democratic liberties and pursues with redemptive violence and without ethical or legal restraints goals of internal cleansing and external expansion."[53]
Roger Eatwell defines fascism as "an ideology that strives to forge social rebirth based on a holistic-national radical Third Way",[54] while Walter Laqueur sees the core tenets of fascism as "self-evident: nationalism; social Darwinism; racialism, the need for leadership, a new aristocracy, and obedience; and the negation of the ideals of the Enlightenment and the French Revolution."[55]
Historian
Historian and cultural critic Ruth Ben-Ghiat has described fascism as "the original phase of authoritarianism, along with early communism, when a population has undergone huge dislocations or they perceive that there's been changes in society that are very rapid, too rapid for their taste." and added that "These are moments when demagogues appeal. Mussolini was the first to come up after the war, and he promised this enticing mixture of hypernationalism and imperialism, like, 'We're gonna revive the Roman Empire.'"[57]
Racism was a key feature of German fascism, for which the
Position on the political spectrum
Scholars place fascism on the
Fascism's origins are complex and include many seemingly contradictory viewpoints, ultimately centered on a mythos of national rebirth from decadence.
In the 1920s, Mussolini and Giovanni Gentile described their ideology as right-wing in the political essay The Doctrine of Fascism, stating: "We are free to believe that this is the century of authority, a century tending to the 'right,' a fascist century."[70] Mussolini stated that fascism's position on the political spectrum was not a serious issue for fascists: "fascism, sitting on the right, could also have sat on the mountain of the center. [...] These words in any case do not have a fixed and unchanged meaning: they do have a variable subject to location, time and spirit. We don't give a damn about these empty terminologies and we despise those who are terrorized by these words."[71]
Major Italian groups politically on the right, especially rich landowners and big business, feared an uprising by groups on the left, such as sharecroppers and labour unions.
After the fall of the Fascist regime in Italy, when King Victor Emmanuel III forced Mussolini to resign as head of government and placed him under arrest in 1943, Mussolini was rescued by German forces. While continuing to rely on Germany for support, Mussolini and the remaining loyal Fascists founded the Italian Social Republic with Mussolini as head of state. Mussolini sought to re-radicalize Italian Fascism, declaring that the fascist state had been overthrown because Italian fascism had been subverted by Italian conservatives and the bourgeoisie.[75] Then the new fascist government proposed the creation of workers' councils and profit-sharing in industry, although the German authorities, who effectively controlled northern Italy at this point, ignored these measures and did not seek to enforce them.[75]
A number of post-World War II fascist movements described themselves as a Third Position outside the traditional political spectrum. Falange Española de las JONS leader José Antonio Primo de Rivera said: "[B]asically the Right stands for the maintenance of an economic structure, albeit an unjust one, while the Left stands for the attempt to subvert that economic structure, even though the subversion thereof would entail the destruction of much that was worthwhile."[76]
Fascist as a pejorative
The term fascist has been used as a pejorative,[77] regarding varying movements across the far right of the political spectrum. George Orwell noted in 1944 that the term had been used to denigrate diverse positions "in internal politics": while fascism is "a political and economic system" that was inconvenient to define, "as used, the word 'Fascism' is almost entirely meaningless. ... almost any English person would accept 'bully' as a synonym for 'Fascist,'"[78][emphasis added], and in 1946 wrote that "...'Fascism' has now no meaning except in so far as it signifies something not desirable."[79]
Despite fascist movements' history of
In the United States, Herbert Matthews of
Richard Griffiths of the
History
Background and 19th-century roots
Early influences that shaped the ideology of fascism have been dated back to
Historians such as
Fin de siècle era and fusion of Maurrasism with Sorelianism (1880–1914)
The historian
The fin-de-siècle outlook was influenced by various intellectual developments, including
In his work The Ruling Class (1896), Gaetano Mosca developed the theory that claims that in all societies an "organized minority" would dominate and rule over an "disorganized majority",[105] stating that there are only two classes in society, "the governing" (the organized minority) and "the governed" (the disorganized majority).[106] He claims that the organized nature of the organized minority makes it irresistible to any individual of the disorganized majority.[106]
Fascist syndicalism
French revolutionary
The fusion of Maurrassian nationalism and Sorelian syndicalism influenced radical Italian nationalist
The ANI held ties and influence among
Futurism was both an artistic-cultural movement and initially a political movement in Italy led by Filippo Tommaso Marinetti who founded the Manifesto of Futurism (1908), that championed the causes of modernism, action, and political violence as necessary elements of politics while denouncing liberalism and parliamentary politics. Marinetti rejected conventional democracy based on majority rule and egalitarianism, for a new form of democracy, promoting what he described in his work "The Futurist Conception of Democracy" as the following: "We are therefore able to give the directions to create and to dismantle to numbers, to quantity, to the mass, for with us number, quantity and mass will never be—as they are in Germany and Russia—the number, quantity and mass of mediocre men, incapable and indecisive."[120]
Futurism influenced fascism in its emphasis on recognizing the virile nature of violent action and war as being necessities of modern civilization.[121] Marinetti promoted the need of physical training of young men saying that, in male education, gymnastics should take precedence over books. He advocated segregation of the genders because womanly sensibility must not enter men's education, which he claimed must be "lively, bellicose, muscular and violently dynamic."[122]
World War I and its aftermath (1914–1929)
At the outbreak of World War I in August 1914, the Italian political left became severely split over its position on the war. The
The first meeting of the Fasces of Revolutionary Action was held on 24 January 1915[126] when Mussolini declared that it was necessary for Europe to resolve its national problems—including national borders—of Italy and elsewhere "for the ideals of justice and liberty for which oppressed peoples must acquire the right to belong to those national communities from which they descended."[126] Attempts to hold mass meetings were ineffective and the organization was regularly harassed by government authorities and socialists.[127]
Similar political ideas arose in Germany after the outbreak of the war. German sociologist Johann Plenge spoke of the rise of a "National Socialism" in Germany within what he termed the "ideas of 1914" that were a declaration of war against the "ideas of 1789" (the French Revolution).[128] According to Plenge, the "ideas of 1789"—such as the rights of man, democracy, individualism and liberalism—were being rejected in favor of "the ideas of 1914" that included "German values" of duty, discipline, law and order.[128] Plenge believed that racial solidarity (Volksgemeinschaft) would replace class division and that "racial comrades" would unite to create a socialist society in the struggle of "proletarian" Germany against "capitalist" Britain.[128] He believed that the Spirit of 1914 manifested itself in the concept of the People's League of National Socialism.[129] This National Socialism was a form of state socialism that rejected the "idea of boundless freedom" and promoted an economy that would serve the whole of Germany under the leadership of the state.[129] This National Socialism was opposed to capitalism because of the components that were against "the national interest" of Germany but insisted that National Socialism would strive for greater efficiency in the economy.[129][130][page needed] Plenge advocated an authoritarian rational ruling elite to develop National Socialism through a hierarchical technocratic state.[131]
Impact of World War I
Fascists viewed World War I as bringing revolutionary changes in the nature of war, society, the state and technology, as the advent of total war and mass mobilization had broken down the distinction between civilian and combatant, as civilians had become a critical part in economic production for the war effort and thus arose a "military citizenship" in which all citizens were involved to the military in some manner during the war.[10] World War I had resulted in the rise of a powerful state capable of mobilizing millions of people to serve on the front lines or provide economic production and logistics to support those on the front lines, as well as having unprecedented authority to intervene in the lives of citizens.[10] Fascists viewed technological developments of weaponry and the state's total mobilization of its population in the war as symbolizing the beginning of a new era fusing state power with mass politics, technology and particularly the mobilizing myth that they contended had triumphed over the myth of progress and the era of liberalism.[132]
Impact of the Bolshevik Revolution
The
Liberal opponents of both fascism and the Bolsheviks argue that there are various similarities between the two, including that they believed in the necessity of a vanguard leadership, showed contempt for bourgeois values, and had totalitarian ambitions.
In 1919, Mussolini consolidated control over the fascist movement, known as
Fascist Manifesto and Charter of Carnaro
In 1919,
The next events that influenced the fascists in Italy were the raid of
From populism to conservative accommodations
In 1920, militant strike activity by industrial workers reached its peak in Italy and 1919 and 1920 were known as the "Red Year" (Biennio Rosso).[148] Mussolini and the fascists took advantage of the situation by allying with industrial businesses and attacking workers and peasants in the name of preserving order and internal peace in Italy.[149]
Fascists identified their primary opponents as the majority of socialists on the left who had opposed intervention in World War I.[147] The fascists and the Italian political right held common ground: both held Marxism in contempt, discounted class consciousness and believed in the rule of elites.[150] The fascists assisted the anti-socialist campaign by allying with the other parties and the conservative right in a mutual effort to destroy the Italian Socialist Party and labour organizations committed to class identity above national identity.[150]
Fascism sought to accommodate Italian conservatives by making major alterations to its political agenda—abandoning its previous populism,
Although fascism adopted a number of anti-modern positions designed to appeal to people upset with the new trends in sexuality and women's rights—especially those with a reactionary point of view—the fascists sought to maintain fascism's revolutionary character, with Angelo Oliviero Olivetti saying: "Fascism would like to be conservative, but it will [be] by being revolutionary."[153] The Fascists supported revolutionary action and committed to secure law and order to appeal to both conservatives and syndicalists.[154]
Prior to fascism's accommodations to the political right, fascism was a small, urban, northern Italian movement that had about a thousand members.
Fascist violence
Beginning in 1922, fascist paramilitaries escalated their strategy from one of attacking socialist offices and the homes of socialist leadership figures, to one of violent occupation of cities. The fascists met little serious resistance from authorities and proceeded to take over several northern Italian cities.[158] The fascists attacked the headquarters of socialist and Catholic labour unions in Cremona and imposed forced Italianization upon the German-speaking population of Bolzano.[158][159] After seizing these cities, the fascists made plans to take Rome.[158]
On 24 October 1922, the Fascist Party held its annual congress in Naples, where Mussolini ordered Blackshirts to take control of public buildings and trains and to converge on three points around Rome.[158] The Fascists managed to seize control of several post offices and trains in northern Italy while the Italian government, led by a left-wing coalition, was internally divided and unable to respond to the Fascist advances.[160] King Victor Emmanuel III of Italy perceived the risk of bloodshed in Rome in response to attempting to disperse the Fascists to be too high.[161] Victor Emmanuel III decided to appoint Mussolini as Prime Minister of Italy and Mussolini arrived in Rome on 30 October to accept the appointment.[161] Fascist propaganda aggrandized this event, known as "March on Rome", as a "seizure" of power because of Fascists' heroic exploits.[158]
Fascist Italy
Historian Stanley G. Payne says: "[Fascism in Italy was a] primarily political dictatorship. ... The Fascist Party itself had become almost completely bureaucratized and subservient to, not dominant over, the state itself. Big business, industry, and finance retained extensive autonomy, particularly in the early years. The armed forces also enjoyed considerable autonomy. ... The Fascist militia was placed under military control. ... The judicial system was left largely intact and relatively autonomous as well. The police continued to be directed by state officials and were not taken over by party leaders ... nor was a major new police elite created. ... There was never any question of bringing the Church under overall subservience. ... Sizable sectors of Italian cultural life retained extensive autonomy, and no major state propaganda-and-culture ministry existed. ... The Mussolini regime was neither especially sanguinary nor particularly repressive."[162]
Mussolini in power
Upon being appointed Prime Minister of Italy, Mussolini had to form a coalition government because the Fascists did not have control over the Italian parliament.
The Fascists began their attempt to entrench fascism in Italy with the Acerbo Law, which guaranteed a plurality of the seats in parliament to any party or coalition list in an election that received 25% or more of the vote.[164] Through considerable Fascist violence and intimidation, the list won a majority of the vote, allowing many seats to go to the Fascists.[164] In the aftermath of the election, a crisis and political scandal erupted after Socialist Party deputy Giacomo Matteotti was kidnapped and murdered by a Fascist.[164] The liberals and the leftist minority in parliament walked out in protest in what became known as the Aventine Secession.[165] On 3 January 1925, Mussolini addressed the Fascist-dominated Italian parliament and declared that he was personally responsible for what happened, but insisted that he had done nothing wrong. Mussolini proclaimed himself dictator of Italy, assuming full responsibility over the government and announcing the dismissal of parliament.[165] From 1925 to 1929, fascism steadily became entrenched in power: opposition deputies were denied access to parliament, censorship was introduced and a December 1925 decree made Mussolini solely responsible to the King.[166]
Catholic Church
In 1929, the Fascist regime briefly gained what was in effect a blessing of the Catholic Church after the regime signed a concordat with the Church, known as the
The Nazis in Germany employed similar anti-clerical policies. The Gestapo confiscated hundreds of monasteries in Austria and Germany, evicted clergymen and laymen alike and often replaced crosses with swastikas.[171] Referring to the swastika as "the Devil's Cross", church leaders found their youth organizations banned, their meetings limited and various Catholic periodicals censored or banned. Government officials eventually found it necessary to place "Nazis into editorial positions in the Catholic press."[172] Up to 2,720 clerics, mostly Catholics, were arrested by the Gestapo and imprisoned inside of Germany's Dachau concentration camp, resulting in over 1,000 deaths.[173]
Corporatist economic system
The Fascist regime created a corporatist economic system in 1925 with creation of
Aggressive foreign policy
In the 1920s, Fascist Italy pursued an aggressive foreign policy that included an attack on the Greek island of
Hitler adopts Italian model
The March on Rome brought fascism international attention. One early admirer of the Italian Fascists was Adolf Hitler, who less than a month after the March had begun to model himself and the Nazi Party upon Mussolini and the Fascists.[178] The Nazis, led by Hitler and the German war hero Erich Ludendorff, attempted a "March on Berlin" modeled upon the March on Rome, which resulted in the failed Beer Hall Putsch in Munich in November 1923.[179]
International impact of the Great Depression and buildup to World War II
The conditions of economic hardship caused by the Great Depression brought about an international surge of social unrest. According to historian Philip Morgan, "the onset of the Great Depression ... was the greatest stimulus yet to the diffusion and expansion of fascism outside Italy."[180][page needed] Fascist propaganda blamed the problems of the long depression of the 1930s on minorities and scapegoats: "Judeo-Masonic-bolshevik" conspiracies, left-wing internationalism and the presence of immigrants.
In Germany, it contributed to the rise of the Nazi Party, which resulted in the demise of the Weimar Republic and the establishment of the fascist regime, Nazi Germany, under the leadership of Adolf Hitler. With the rise of Hitler and the Nazis to power in 1933, liberal democracy was dissolved in Germany and the Nazis mobilized the country for war, with expansionist territorial aims against several countries. In the 1930s, the Nazis implemented racial laws that deliberately discriminated against, disenfranchised and persecuted Jews and other racial and minority groups.
Fascist movements grew in strength elsewhere in Europe. Hungarian fascist
In the Netherlands, the National Socialist Movement in the Netherlands was at its height in the 1930s due to the Great Depression, especially in 1935 when it won almost eight percent of votes, until the year 1937.[12]
In the Americas, the Brazilian Integralists led by Plínio Salgado claimed as many as 200,000 members, although following coup attempts it faced a crackdown from the Estado Novo of Getúlio Vargas in 1937.[187] In Peru, the fascist Revolutionary Union was a fascist political party which was in power 1931 to 1933. In the 1930s, the National Socialist Movement of Chile gained seats in Chile's parliament and attempted a coup d'état that resulted in the Seguro Obrero massacre of 1938.[188]
During the Great Depression, Mussolini promoted active state intervention in the economy. He denounced the contemporary "
World War II (1939–1945)
In Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany, both Mussolini and Hitler pursued territorial expansionist and interventionist foreign policy agendas from the 1930s through the 1940s culminating in World War II. Mussolini called for irredentist Italian claims to be reclaimed, establishing Italian domination of the Mediterranean Sea and securing Italian access to the Atlantic Ocean and the creation of Italian spazio vitale ("vital space") in the Mediterranean and Red Sea regions.[197] Hitler called for irredentist German claims to be reclaimed along with the creation of German Lebensraum ("living space") in Eastern Europe, including territories held by the Soviet Union, that would be colonized by Germans.[198]
From 1935 to 1939, Germany and Italy escalated their demands for territorial claims and greater influence in world affairs. Italy
The invasion of Poland by Germany was deemed unacceptable by Britain, France and their allies, leading to their mutual declaration of war against Germany and the start of World War II. In 1940, Mussolini led Italy into World War II on the side of the Axis. Mussolini was aware that Italy did not have the military capacity to carry out a long war with France or the United Kingdom and waited until France was on the verge of imminent collapse and surrender from the German invasion before declaring war on France and the United Kingdom on 10 June 1940 on the assumption that the war would be short-lived following France's collapse[201] Mussolini believed that following a brief entry of Italy into war with France, followed by the imminent French surrender, Italy could gain some territorial concessions from France and then concentrate its forces on a major offensive in Egypt where British and Commonwealth forces were outnumbered by Italian forces.[202] Plans by Germany to invade the United Kingdom in 1940 failed after Germany lost the aerial warfare campaign in the Battle of Britain. In 1941, the Axis campaign spread to the Soviet Union after Hitler launched Operation Barbarossa. Axis forces at the height of their power controlled almost all of continental Europe. The war became prolonged—contrary to Mussolini's plans—resulting in Italy losing battles on multiple fronts and requiring German assistance.
During World War II, the Axis Powers in Europe led by Nazi Germany participated in the extermination of millions of Poles, Jews, Gypsies and others in the genocide known as the Holocaust. After 1942, Axis forces began to falter. In 1943, after Italy faced multiple military failures, the complete reliance and subordination of Italy to Germany, the Allied invasion of Italy and the corresponding international humiliation, Mussolini
On 28 April 1945, Mussolini was captured and executed by Italian communist partisans. On 30 April 1945, Hitler committed suicide. Shortly afterwards, Germany surrendered and the Nazi regime was systematically dismantled by the occupying Allied powers. An International Military Tribunal was subsequently convened in Nuremberg. Beginning in November 1945 and lasting through 1949, numerous Nazi political, military and economic leaders were tried and convicted of war crimes, with many of the worst offenders being sentenced to death and executed.
Post-World War II (1945–2008)
The victory of the Allies over the Axis powers in
Historian Robert Paxton observes that one of the main problems in defining fascism is that it was widely mimicked. Paxton says: "In fascism's heyday, in the 1930s, many regimes that were not functionally fascist borrowed elements of fascist decor in order to lend themselves an aura of force, vitality, and mass mobilization." He goes on to observe that
In Argentina, Peronism, associated with the regime of Juan Perón from 1946 to 1955 and 1973 to 1974, was influenced by fascism.[208] Between 1939 and 1941, prior to his rise to power, Perón had developed a deep admiration of Italian Fascism and modelled his economic policies on Italian fascist policies.[208] However, not all historians agree with this identification,[209] which they consider debatable[210] or even false,[211] biased by a pejorative political position.[212] Other authors, such as the Israeli Raanan Rein, categorically maintain that Perón was not a fascist and that this characterization was imposed on him because of his defiant stance against US hegemony.[213]
The term neo-fascism refers to fascist movements after World War II. In Italy, the Italian Social Movement led by Giorgio Almirante was a major neo-fascist movement that transformed itself into a self-described "post-fascist" movement called the National Alliance (AN), which has been an ally of Silvio Berlusconi's Forza Italia for a decade. In 2008, AN joined Forza Italia in Berlusconi's new party The People of Freedom, but in 2012 a group of politicians split from The People of Freedom, refounding the party with the name Brothers of Italy. In Germany, various neo-Nazi movements have been formed and banned in accordance with Germany's constitutional law which forbids Nazism. The National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD) is widely considered a neo-Nazi party, although the party does not publicly identify itself as such.
Contemporary fascism (2008–present)
Greece
After the onset of the Great Recession and economic crisis in Greece, a movement known as the Golden Dawn, widely considered a neo-Nazi party, soared in support out of obscurity and won seats in Greece's parliament, espousing a staunch hostility towards minorities, illegal immigrants and refugees. In 2013, after the murder of an anti-fascist musician by a person with links to Golden Dawn, the Greek government ordered the arrest of Golden Dawn's leader Nikolaos Michaloliakos and other members on charges related to being associated with a criminal organization.[214][215] On 7 October 2020, Athens Appeals Court announced verdicts for 68 defendants, including the party's political leadership. Nikolaos Michaloliakos and six other prominent members and former MPs were found guilty of running a criminal organization.[216] Guilty verdicts on charges of murder, attempted murder, and violent attacks on immigrants and left-wing political opponents were delivered.[217]
Post-Soviet Russia
According to Alexander J. Motyl, an American historian and political scientist, Russian fascism has the following characteristics:[219][220]
- An undemocratic political system, different from both traditional authoritarianism and totalitarianism;
- Statism and hypernationalism;
- A hypermasculine cult of the supreme leader (emphasis on his courage, militancy and physical prowess);
- General popular support for the regime and its leader.[221]
Yale historian Timothy Snyder has stated that "Putin's regime is [...] the world center of fascism" and has written an article entitled "We Should Say It: Russia Is Fascist."[222] Oxford historian Roger Griffin compared Putin's Russia to the World War II-era Empire of Japan, saying that like Putin's Russia, it "emulated fascism in many ways, but was not fascist."[223] Historian Stanley G. Payne says Putin's Russia "is not equivalent to the fascist regimes of World War II, but it forms the nearest analogue to fascism found in a major country since that time" and argues that Putin's political system is "more a revival of the creed of Tsar Nicholas I in the 19th century that emphasized 'Orthodoxy, autocracy, and nationality' than one resembling the revolutionary, modernizing regimes of Hitler and Mussolini."[223] According to Griffin, fascism is "a revolutionary form of nationalism" seeking to destroy the old system and remake society, and that Putin is a reactionary politician who is not trying to create a new order "but to recreate a modified version of the Soviet Union". German political scientist Andreas Umland said genuine fascists in Russia, like deceased politician Vladimir Zhirinovsky and activist and self-styled philosopher Aleksandr Dugin, "describe in their writings a completely new Russia" controlling parts of the world that were never under tsarist or Soviet domination.[223] According to Marlene Laurelle writing in The Washington Quarterly, "applying the "fascism" label ... to the entirety of the Russian state or society short-circuits our ability to construct a more complex and differentiated picture."[222]
Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, collecting the opinions of experts on fascism, said that while Russia is repressive and authoritarian, it cannot be classified as a fascist state for various reasons, including Russia's government being more reactionary than revolutionary.[223]
In 2023, Oleg Orlov, the chairman of the Board of Human Rights Center “Memorial”, claimed that Russia under Vladimir Putin had descended into fascism and that the army is committing "mass murder".[224][225]
On March 7, 2024, American President Joe Biden given the 2024 State of the Union Address where he compared Russia under Vladimir Putin to Adolf Hitler's conquests of Europe.[226]
Tenets
Nationalism with or without expansionism
Part of a series on |
Nationalism |
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Ultranationalism, combined with the myth of national rebirth, is a key foundation of fascism.[228] Robert Paxton argues that "a passionate nationalism" is the basis of fascism, combined with "a conspiratorial and Manichean view of history" which holds that "the chosen people have been weakened by political parties, social classes, unassimilable minorities, spoiled rentiers, and rationalist thinkers."[229] Roger Griffin identifies the core of fascism as being palingenetic ultranationalism.[42]
The fascist view of a nation is of a single organic entity that binds people together by their ancestry and is a natural unifying force of people.
Totalitarianism
Fascism promotes the establishment of a
Fascist states pursued policies of social indoctrination through propaganda in education and the media, and regulation of the production of educational and media materials.[237] Education was designed to glorify the fascist movement and inform students of its historical and political importance to the nation. It attempted to purge ideas that were not consistent with the beliefs of the fascist movement and to teach students to be obedient to the state.[238]
Economy
Fascism presented itself as an alternative to both international
Fascist governments advocated for the resolution of domestic class conflict within a nation in order to guarantee national unity.[244] This would be done through the state mediating relations between the classes (contrary to the views of classical liberal-inspired capitalists).[245] While fascism was opposed to domestic class conflict, it was held that bourgeois-proletarian conflict existed primarily in national conflict between proletarian nations versus bourgeois nations.[246] Fascism condemned what it viewed as widespread character traits that it associated as the typical bourgeois mentality that it opposed, such as: materialism, crassness, cowardice, and the inability to comprehend the heroic ideal of the fascist "warrior"; and associations with liberalism, individualism and parliamentarianism.[247] In 1918, Mussolini defined what he viewed as the proletarian character, defining proletarian as being one and the same with producers, a productivist perspective that associated all people deemed productive, including entrepreneurs, technicians, workers and soldiers as being proletarian. He acknowledged the historical existence of both bourgeois and proletarian producers but declared the need for bourgeois producers to merge with proletarian producers.[citation needed]
Because
Fascist economics supported a state-controlled economy that accepted a mix of
While fascism accepted the importance of material wealth and power, it condemned materialism which identified as being present in both communism and capitalism and criticized materialism for lacking acknowledgement of the role of the spirit.[252] In particular, fascists criticized capitalism, not because of its competitive nature nor support of private property, which fascists supported—but due to its materialism, individualism, alleged bourgeois decadence and alleged indifference to the nation.[253] Fascism denounced Marxism for its advocacy of materialist internationalist class identity, which fascists regarded as an attack upon the emotional and spiritual bonds of the nation and a threat to the achievement of genuine national solidarity.[254]
In discussing the spread of fascism beyond Italy, historian Philip Morgan states: "Since the Depression was a crisis of laissez-faire capitalism and its political counterpart, parliamentary democracy, fascism could pose as the 'third-way' alternative between capitalism and Bolshevism, the model of a new European 'civilization.' As Mussolini typically put it in early 1934, 'from 1929 ... fascism has become a universal phenomenon ... The dominant forces of the 19th century, democracy, socialism, [and] liberalism have been exhausted ... the new political and economic forms of the twentieth-century are fascist' (Mussolini 1935: 32)."[180][page needed]
Fascists criticized egalitarianism as preserving the weak, and they instead promoted social Darwinist views and policies.
Direct action
Fascism emphasizes
The basis of fascism's support of violent action in politics is connected to social Darwinism.[264] Fascist movements have commonly held social Darwinist views of nations, races and societies.[265] They say that nations and races must purge themselves of socially and biologically weak or degenerate people, while simultaneously promoting the creation of strong people, in order to survive in a world defined by perpetual national and racial conflict.[266]
Age and gender roles
Fascism emphasizes youth both in a physical sense of age and in a spiritual sense as related to virility and commitment to action.[267] The Italian Fascists' political anthem was called Giovinezza ("The Youth").[267] Fascism identifies the physical age period of youth as a critical time for the moral development of people who will affect society.[268] Walter Laqueur argues that "[t]he corollaries of the cult of war and physical danger were the cult of brutality, strength, and sexuality ... [fascism is] a true counter-civilization: rejecting the sophisticated rationalist humanism of Old Europe, fascism sets up as its ideal the primitive instincts and primal emotions of the barbarian."[269]
Italian Fascism pursued what it called "moral hygiene" of youth, particularly regarding sexuality.[270] Fascist Italy promoted what it considered normal sexual behaviour in youth while denouncing what it considered deviant sexual behaviour.[270] It condemned pornography, most forms of birth control and contraceptive devices (with the exception of the condom), homosexuality and prostitution as deviant sexual behaviour, although enforcement of laws opposed to such practices was erratic and authorities often turned a blind eye.[270] Fascist Italy regarded the promotion of male sexual excitation before puberty as the cause of criminality amongst male youth, declared homosexuality a social disease and pursued an aggressive campaign to reduce prostitution of young women.[270]
Mussolini perceived women's primary role as primarily child bearers, while that of men as warriors, once saying: "War is to man what maternity is to the woman."[271] In an effort to increase birthrates, the Italian Fascist government gave financial incentives to women who raised large families and initiated policies intended to reduce the number of women employed.[272] Italian Fascism called for women to be honoured as "reproducers of the nation" and the Italian Fascist government held ritual ceremonies to honour women's role within the Italian nation.[273] In 1934, Mussolini declared that employment of women was a "major aspect of the thorny problem of unemployment" and that for women, working was "incompatible with childbearing"; Mussolini went on to say that the solution to unemployment for men was the "exodus of women from the work force."[274]
The German Nazi government strongly encouraged women to stay at home to bear children and keep house.
The Nazis decriminalized abortion in cases where fetuses had hereditary defects or were of a race the government disapproved of, while the abortion of healthy pure German,
The Nazis said that homosexuality was degenerate, effeminate, perverted and undermined masculinity because it did not produce children.[283] They considered homosexuality curable through therapy, citing modern scientism and the study of sexology, which said that homosexuality could be felt by "normal" people and not just an abnormal minority.[citation needed] Open homosexuals were interned in Nazi concentration camps.[284]
Palingenesis and modernism
Fascism emphasizes both palingenesis (national rebirth or re-creation) and modernism.[285] In particular, fascism's nationalism has been identified as having a palingenetic character.[286] Fascism promotes the regeneration of the nation and purging it of decadence.[285] Fascism accepts forms of modernism that it deems promotes national regeneration while rejecting forms of modernism that are regarded as antithetical to national regeneration.[287] Fascism aestheticized modern technology and its association with speed, power and violence.[288] Fascism admired advances in the economy in the early 20th century, particularly Fordism and scientific management.[289] Fascist modernism has been recognized as inspired or developed by various figures—such as Filippo Tommaso Marinetti, Ernst Jünger, Gottfried Benn, Louis-Ferdinand Céline, Knut Hamsun, Ezra Pound and Wyndham Lewis.[290]
In Italy, such modernist influence was exemplified by Marinetti who advocated a palingenetic modernist society that condemned liberal-bourgeois values of tradition and psychology, while promoting a technological-martial religion of national renewal that emphasized militant nationalism.[291] In Germany, it was exemplified by Jünger who was influenced by his observation of the technological warfare during World War I and claimed that a new social class had been created that he described as the "warrior-worker";[292] Like Marinetti, Jünger emphasized the revolutionary capacities of technology. He emphasized an "organic construction" between human and machine as a liberating and regenerative force that challenged liberal democracy, conceptions of individual autonomy, bourgeois nihilism and decadence.[292] He conceived of a society based on a totalitarian concept of "total mobilization" of such disciplined warrior-workers.[292]
Culture
Aesthetics
In
In Simulacra and Simulation (1981), Jean Baudrillard interprets fascism as a "political aesthetic of death" and a vehement countermovement against the increasing rationalism, secularism, and pacifism of the modern Western world.[295]
The standard definition of fascism, given by Stanley G. Payne, focuses on three concepts, one of which is a "fascist style" with an aesthetic structure of meetings, symbols, and political liturgy, stressing emotional and mystical aspects.[37]
Emilio Gentile argues that fascism expresses itself aesthetically more than theoretically by means of a new political style with myths, rites, and symbols as a lay religion designed to acculturate, socialize, and integrate the faith of the masses with the goal of creating a "new man".[296]
Cultural critic Susan Sontag writes:
Fascist aesthetics […] flow from (and justify) a preoccupation with situations of control, submissive behavior, extravagant effort, and the endurance of pain; they endorse two seemingly opposite states, egomania and servitude. The relations of domination and enslavement take the form of a characteristic pageantry: the massing of groups of people; the turning of people into things; the multiplication or replication of things; and the grouping of people/things around an all-powerful, hypnotic leader-figure or force. The fascist dramaturgy centers on the orgiastic transactions between mighty forces and their puppets, uniformly garbed and shown in ever swelling numbers. Its choreography alternates between ceaseless motion and a congealed, static, 'virile' posing. Fascist art glorifies surrender, it exalts mindlessness, it glamorizes death.[297]
Sontag also enumerates some commonalities between fascist art and the official art of communist countries, such as the obeisance of the masses to the hero, and a preference for the monumental and the "grandiose and rigid" choreography of mass bodies. But whereas official communist art "aims to expound and reinforce a utopian morality", the art of fascist countries such as Nazi Germany "displays a utopian aesthetics – that of physical perfection", in a way that is "both prurient and idealizing".[297]
According to Sontag, fascist aesthetics "is based on the containment of vital forces; movements are confined, held tight, held in." Its appeal is not necessarily limited to those who share the fascist political ideology because fascism "stands for an ideal or rather ideals that are persistent today under the other banners: the ideal of life as art, the cult of beauty, the fetishism of courage, the dissolution of alienation in ecstatic feelings of community; the repudiation of the intellect; the family of man (under the parenthood of leaders)."[297]
Popular culture
In Italy, the Mussolini regime created the Direzione Generale per la Cinematografi to encourage film studios to glorify fascism. Italian cinema flourished because the regime stopped the import of Hollywood films in 1938, subsidized domestic production, and kept ticket prices low. It encouraged international distribution to glorify its African empire and to belie the charge that Italy was backward.[298] The regime censored criticism and used the state-run Luce Institute film company to laud the Duce through newsreels, documentaries, and photographs.[299] For four decades after 1945 films of the fascist era were ignored.[300] The regime promoted Italian opera and theatre as well, making sure that political enemies did not have a voice on stage.[301]
In Nazi Germany the new
Criticism
Fascist parties were closely contested by
Anti-democratic and tyrannical
One of the most common and strongest criticisms of fascism is that it is a
Unprincipled opportunism: Italian fascism
Some critics of Italian fascism have said that much of the ideology was merely a by-product of unprincipled opportunism by Mussolini and that he changed his political stances merely to bolster his personal ambitions while he disguised them as being purposeful to the public.[306] Richard Washburn Child, the American ambassador to Italy who worked with Mussolini and became his friend and admirer, defended Mussolini's opportunistic behaviour by writing: "Opportunist is a term of reproach used to brand men who fit themselves to conditions for the reasons of self-interest. Mussolini, as I have learned to know him, is an opportunist in the sense that he believed that mankind itself must be fitted to changing conditions rather than to fixed theories, no matter how many hopes and prayers have been expended on theories and programmes."[307] Child quoted Mussolini as saying: "The sanctity of an ism is not in the ism; it has no sanctity beyond its power to do, to work, to succeed in practice. It may have succeeded yesterday and fail to-morrow. Failed yesterday and succeed to-morrow. The machine, first of all, must run!"[308]
Some have criticized Mussolini's actions during the outbreak of World War I as opportunistic for seeming to suddenly abandon Marxist egalitarian internationalism for non-egalitarian
Mussolini's transformation away from Marxism into what eventually became fascism began prior to World War I, as Mussolini had grown increasingly pessimistic about Marxism and egalitarianism while becoming increasingly supportive of figures who opposed egalitarianism, such as Friedrich Nietzsche.
Ideological dishonesty: Italian fascism
Fascism has been criticized for being ideologically dishonest. Major examples of ideological dishonesty have been identified in Italian fascism's changing relationship with German Nazism.
After antagonism exploded between Nazi Germany and
In 1938, Mussolini declared upon Italy's adoption of antisemitic laws that Italian fascism had always been antisemitic.
See also
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References
Notes
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- ^ a b Encyclopedia Britannica Fascism: "extreme militaristic nationalism, contempt for electoral democracy and political and cultural liberalism, a belief in natural social hierarchy and the rule of elites, and the desire to create a Volksgemeinschaft (German: "people's community"), in which individual interests would be subordinated to the good of the nation"
- ^ Merriam-Webster Online. Archivedfrom the original on 22 August 2017. Retrieved 22 August 2017.
- ^ a b c d e f Davies & Lynch (2002), pp. 1–5
- ^ International Encyclopedia of Political Science, p. 887–888, Fascism.
- ^ a b Encyclopedia Britannica Fascism.
- ^ International Encyclopedia of Political Science, p. 889, Fascism.
- ^ a b c "Fascism". Holocaust Encyclopedia. Retrieved 7 August 2022.
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Detailed and intrusive state direction of the economy and/or society. Dirigisme was central to both fascism and Communist systems. However, in the case of fascism, there was no requirement for outright state ownership of the means of production, as long as the economy could be harnessed to serve what fascists deemed to be the "national interest".
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- ^ a b c d e Spektorowski & Ireni-Saban (2013), p. 33.
- ^ a b Blamires (2006), p. 535.
- ^ Friedman (2011), p. 24.
- ^ Millward (2007), p. 178.
- ^ Davies & Lynch (2002), p. 103.
- ^ Paxton (2005), p. 10.
- ^ Breuilly (1994), p. 290.
- ^ Griffin & Feldman (2004), p. 353: "When the Russian revolution occurred in 1917 and the 'Democratic' revolution spread after the First World War, anti-bolshevism and anti-egalitarianism rose as very strong "restoration movements" on the European scene. However, by the turn of that century no one could predict that fascism would become such a concrete, political reaction ... ."
- ^ Hawkins (1997), p. 285: "Conflict is in fact the basic law of life in all social organisms, as it is of all biological ones; societies are formed, gain strength, and move forwards through conflict; the healthiest and most vital of them assert themselves against the weakest and less well adapted through conflict; the natural evolution of nations and races takes place through conflict." Alfredo Rocco, Italian Fascist.
- ^ Evans (2005), pp. 483–484.
- ^ Evans (2005), p. 484.
- ^ Evans (2005), pp. 484–485.
- ^ Evans (2005), pp. 486–487.
- ^ a b Evans (2005), p. 489.
- ^ Evans (2005), pp. 489–490.
- ^ Payne (1995), p. 106; Breuilly (1994), p. 294.
- ^ a b Woodley (2010), p. 106.
- ^ Payne (1995), pp. 485–486.
- ^ Griffin (1995), p. 59.
- ^ a b Antliff (2007), p. 171.
- ^ Quine (1996), p. 47.
- ^ Laqueur (1978), p. 341.
- ^ a b c d Quine (1996), pp. 46–47.
- ^ Bollas (1993), p. 205.
- ^ McDonald (1999), p. 27.
- ^ Mann (2004), p. 101.
- ^ Durham (1998), p. 15.
- ^ Evans (2005), pp. 331–332.
- S2CID 142085835.
- ^ a b Friedlander (1995), p. 30.
- ^ McLaren (1999), p. 139.
- ^ Proctor (1989), p. 366: "This emendation allowed abortion only if the woman granted permission, and only if the fetus was not old enough to survive outside the womb. It is unclear if either of these qualifications was enforced."
- ^ Arnot & Usborne (1999), p. 241.
- ^ Proctor (1989), pp. 122–123: "Abortion, in other words, could be allowed if it was in the interest of racial hygiene. ... the Nazis did allow (and in some cases even required) abortions for women deemed racially inferior. ... On 10 November 1938, a Luneberg court declared abortion legal for Jews."
- ^ Tierney (1999), p. 589: "In 1939, it was announced that Jewish women could seek abortions, but non-Jewish women could not."
- ^ Evans (2005), p. 529.
- ^ United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. "Persecution of Homosexuals in the Third Reich". Ushmm.org. Archived from the original on 6 October 2008. Retrieved 4 June 2010.
- ^ a b Blamires (2006), p. 168.
- ^ Blamires (2006), p. 451–453.
- ^ Blamires (2006), pp. 168–169.
- ^ Neocleous (1997), p. 63.
- ^ Neocleous (1997), p. 65.
- ^ Welge (2007), p. 547.
- ^ Welge (2007), p. 550.
- ^ a b c Welge (2007), p. 553.
- JSTOR 1354116.
- ISBN 978-0-14-103619-9.
- ISBN 978-0-472-06521-9.
Fascism itself, the mystery of its appearance and of its collective energy, […] can already be interpreted as the 'irrational' excess of mythic and political referentials, the mad intensification of collective value (blood, race, people, etc.), the reinjection of death, of a 'political aesthetic of death' at a time when the process of the disenchantment of value and of collective values, of the rational secularization and unidimensionalization of all life, of the operationalization of all social and individual life already makes itself strongly felt in the West. Yet again, everything seems to escape this catastrophe of value, this neutralization and pacification of life. Fascism is a resistance to this, even if it is a profound, irrational, demented resistance, it would not have tapped into this massive energy if it hadn't been a resistance to something much worse. Fascism's cruelty, its terror is on the level of this other terror that is the confusion of the real and the rational, which deepened in the West, and it is a response to that.
- ISBN 9780299148737 – via Google Books.
- ^ a b c Sontag (1975).
- S2CID 147023860.
- S2CID 192025081.
- ^ Ricci, Steven (2008). Cinema and Fascism: Italian film and society, 1922–1943 (PDF). University of California Press.
- JSTOR 2096085.
- ^ Overy, Richard. The Dictators: Hitler's Germany, Stalin's Russia. p. 361.
- ^ Steinweis, Alan E. (1996). Art, ideology, & economics in Nazi Germany: the Reich chambers of music, theater, and the visual arts. University of North Carolina Press.
- ^ Boesche (2010), p. 11.
- ^ Clarke & Foweraker (2001), p. 540; Pollard (1998), p. 121; Griffin (1991), p. 42.
- ^ Schreiber, Stegemann & Vogel (1995), p. 111.
- ^ Mussolini (1998), p. ix. (Note: Mussolini wrote the second volume about his fall from power as head of government of the Kingdom of Italy in 1943, though he was restored to power in northern Italy by the German military.)
- ^ Mussolini (1998), p. ix.
- ^ Mack Smith (1997), p. 284.
- ^ Kington, Tom (13 October 2009). "Recruited by MI5: the name's Mussolini. Benito Mussolini – Documents reveal Italian dictator got start in politics in 1917 with help of £100 weekly wage from MI5". The Guardian. UK. Archived from the original on 19 May 2019. Retrieved 14 October 2009.
- ^ O'Brien (2014), p. 37.
- ^ Gregor (1979), p. 200.
- ^ a b c Golomb & Wistrich (2002), p. 249.
- ^ Delzel (1970), p. 96.
- ^ Delzel (1970), p. 3.
- ^ Gillette (2001), p. 17; Pollard (1998), p. 129.
- ^ Burgwyn (1997), p. 58.
- ^ a b c d e Pollard (1998), p. 129.
- ^ Gillette (2001), p. 93.
- ^ Gillette (2001), p. 17.
- ^ Gillette (2001), p. 45.
- ^ Neocleous (1997), pp. 35–36.
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- Zimmer, Oliver (2003). Nationalism in Europe, 1890–1940. Studies in European History. London: ISBN 978-1-4039-4388-0.
Tertiary sources
- "Fascism". Encyclopedia Britannica. 8 January 2008.
- "Italy: The Fascist Era". Encyclopedia Britannica. Archived from the original on 7 October 2017. Retrieved 5 August 2021.
- "Volksgemeinschaft". Encyclopedia Britannica. 2019. Archived from the original on 31 March 2019.
- "Neofascismo" [Neofascism]. Treccani (in Italian). Enciclopedia Italiana. 31 October 2014. Archived from the original on 6 November 2014. Retrieved 31 October 2014.
- ISBN 9781412959636.
- Staudenmaier, Peter (2004). "Fascism". In Krech III, Shepard; McNeill, John; Merchant, Carolyn (eds.). Encyclopedia of World Environmental History. ISBN 0-415-93733-7.
Further reading
- Ahmed, Saladdin. "Fascism as an Ideological Form: A Critical Theory." Critical Sociology 49.4-5 (2023): 669–687. online
- Albright, Madeleine (2018). Fascism: A Warning. New York: HarperCollins.
- Alcalde, Ángel (2020). "The Transnational Consensus: Fascism and Nazism in Current Research". S2CID 213889043.
- Berezin, Mabel. "Fascism and populism: Are they useful categories for comparative sociological analysis?." Annual Review of Sociology 45 (2019): 345–361. online
- Churchwell, Sarah. "American fascism: It has happened here." The New York Review of Books 22 (2020). online
- Esposito, Fernando (August 2017). "Fascism – Concepts and Theories, version 1". Docupedia Zeitgeschichte. 31.
- Finchelstein, Federico. From fascism to populism in history (U of California Press, 2019) online.
- García, Hugo, et al. (eds.) (2016) Rethinking Antifascism: History, Memory and Politics, 1922 to the Present (Berghahn Books)
- ISBN 9780043200896. online
- Illing, Sean (19 September 2018). "How Fascism Works: A Yale philosopher on fascism, truth, and Donald Trump". Vox.
- Joes, Anthony J. Fascism in the contemporary world: ideology, evolution, resurgence (Routledge, 2019) online.
- Kagan, Robert. "This is how fascism comes to America." in Ideals and Ideologies (Routledge, 2019) 369–371. online
- Kuklick, Bruce. Fascism Comes to America: A Century of Obsession in Politics and Culture (U Chicago Press 2022) online book review]
- McGaughey, Ewan (2018). "Fascism-lite in America (or the social ideal of Donald Trump)". SSRN 2773217.
- ISBN 9780801894275.
- Wiskemann, Elizabeth (December 1967). "The Origins of Fascism". History Today. Vol. 17, no. 12. pp. 812–818.
External links
- The Doctrine of Fascism by Benito Mussolini (1932) (in English)
- Authorized translation of Mussolini's "The Political and Social Doctrine of Fascism" (1933) (PDF). media.wix.com.
- Readings on Fascism and National Socialism by Various – Project Gutenberg
- "Eternal Fascism: Fourteen Ways of Looking at a Blackshirt" – Umberto Eco's list of 14 characteristics of Fascism, originally published 1995.