First Nagorno-Karabakh War
First Nagorno-Karabakh War | |||||||||
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Part of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and the dissolution of the Soviet Union | |||||||||
Clockwise from top: Remnants of Azerbaijani APCs; internally displaced Azerbaijanis from the Armenian-occupied territories; Armenian T-72 tank memorial at the outskirts of Stepanakert; Armenian soldiers | |||||||||
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Belligerents | |||||||||
Foreign groups:
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Foreign groups: | ||||||||
Commanders and leaders | |||||||||
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Strength | |||||||||
30,000—40,000 (1993–94)[22] |
42,600 (1993–94)[22]
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Casualties and losses | |||||||||
Civilian deaths: Civilians missing: Civilians displaced: |
The First Nagorno-Karabakh War
The
Full-scale fighting erupted in early 1992. Turkey sent mercenaries to fight for Azerbaijan and assisted in blockading trade to Armenia, including
As a result of the conflict, approximately 724,000 Azerbaijanis were expelled from Armenia, Nagorno-Karabakh and the surrounding territories, while 300,000–500,000 Armenians living in Azerbaijan or Armenian border areas were displaced.[35] After the end of the war and over a period of many years, regular peace talks between Armenia and Azerbaijan were mediated by the OSCE Minsk Group but failed to result in a peace treaty. This left the Nagorno-Karabakh area in a state of legal limbo, with the Republic of Artsakh remaining de facto independent but internationally unrecognized. Ongoing tensions persisted, with occasional outbreaks of armed clashes. Armenian forces occupied approximately 9% of Azerbaijan's territory outside the enclave until the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War in 2020.[f]
Background
The territorial ownership of Nagorno-Karabakh today is heavily contested between Armenians and Azerbaijanis. The current conflict has its roots in events following
Armenian–Azerbaijani war
History of Artsakh |
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Antiquity |
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Middle Ages |
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Early Modern Age |
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Modern Age |
Fighting soon broke out between the First Republic of Armenia and the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic in three regions in particular: Nakhchivan, Zangezur (today the Armenian provinces of Syunik and Vayotz Dzor) and Karabakh itself.
Armenia and Azerbaijan quarreled over the prospective boundaries of the three regions. The Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh sought to unite the region with the Armenian republic.
Soviet division
In April 1920, the Soviet
Historians to this day debate the reason for the Kavburo's last-minute reversal.
The creation of the
Over the following decades of Soviet rule, the Nagorno-Karabakh Armenians retained a strong desire to reunite with Armenia. A number of Armenian Communist Party officials attempted to persuade Moscow to reconsider the question, to little avail.[40] In 1936, First Secretary of the Communist Party of Armenia Aghasi Khanjian was murdered by the deputy head (and soon head) of the NKVD Lavrentiy Beria after submitting Armenian grievances to Stalin, which included requests to return Nagorno-Karabakh and Nakhichevan to Armenia.[53] The Armenians of the region frequently complained over the span of Soviet rule that their cultural and national rights were continually trampled upon by the Soviet Azerbaijani authorities in Baku.
Prelude
Revival of the Karabakh issue
After Stalin's death, Armenian discontent began to be voiced. In 1963, around 2,500 Karabakh Armenians signed a petition calling for Karabakh to be put under Armenian control or to be transferred to Russia. The same year saw violent clashes in Stepanakert, leading to the death of 18 Armenians. In 1965 and 1977, there were large demonstrations in Yerevan calling to unify Karabakh with Armenia.[54]
In 1985, Mikhail Gorbachev came to power as the new general secretary of the Soviet Union and began implementing plans to reform the Soviet Union through his policies of perestroika and glasnost. Many Armenians took advantage of the unprecedented opening of political expression offered by his policies and brought the issue of Nagorno-Karabakh back into the limelight. Karabakh Armenian leaders complained that the region had neither Armenian language textbooks in schools nor in television broadcasting, and that Azerbaijan's Communist Party General Secretary Heydar Aliyev had attempted to "Azerify" the region by increasing the influence and number of Azerbaijanis living in Nagorno-Karabakh while at the same time pressuring its Armenian population to emigrate (Aliyev himself moved to Moscow in 1982, when was promoted to the position of the first deputy prime minister of the USSR).[55][56][57] Over the course of seventy years, the Armenian population of Karabakh had dwindled to nearly three-quarters of the total population by the late 1980s.[58]
In February 1988, Armenians began protesting and staging workers' strikes in Yerevan, demanding unification with the enclave. On 20 February 1988, the leaders of the regional Soviet of Karabakh voted in favour of unifying the autonomous region with Armenia in a resolution.[59]
Operation Ring
In early 1991, President Gorbachev held a special countrywide referendum called the Union Treaty which would decide if the Soviet republics would remain together. Newly elected non-communist leaders had come to power in the Soviet republics, including Boris Yeltsin in Russia (Gorbachev remained the President of the Soviet Union), Levon Ter-Petrosyan in Armenia, and Ayaz Mutalibov in Azerbaijan. Armenia and five other republics boycotted the referendum (Armenia declared its independence from the Soviet Union on 23 August 1990, whereas Azerbaijan voted in favor of joining).[60]
As many Armenians and Azerbaijanis in Karabakh began acquiring arms located in caches throughout Karabakh, Mutalibov turned to Gorbachev for support in launching a joint military operation in order to disarm Armenian militants in the region. Codenamed Operation Ring, Soviet forces, acting in conjunction with the local Azerbaijani OMON, entered villages in the Shahumyan region and began to forcibly expel their Armenian inhabitants.[g] The operation involved the use of ground troops, armored vehicles and artillery.[61] The deportations of the Armenian civilians was accompanied by allegations of gross human rights violations.[62][63][64]
Operation Ring was viewed by many Soviet and Armenian government officials as a heavy-handed attempt by Moscow to intimidate the Armenian populace and forced them to give up their demands for unification.[40] In the end, the operation proved counter-productive, with the violence only reinforcing the belief among Armenians that armed resistance remained the only solution to the conflict. The initial Armenian resistance inspired volunteers to start forming irregular volunteer detachments.
Early reconciliation efforts
In September 1991, Russian president Boris Yeltsin and Kazakhstan President Nursultan Nazarbayev tried their first hand at mediation efforts. After peace talks in Baku, Ganja, Stepanakert, and Yerevan on 20–23 September, the sides agreed to sign the Zheleznovodsk Communiqué in the Russian city of Zheleznovodsk taking the principles of territorial integrity, non-interference in internal affairs of sovereign states, observance of civil rights as a base of the agreement. The agreement was signed by Yeltsin, Nazarbayev, Mutalibov and Ter-Petrosyan.[65] The peace talks came to an end, however, due to continuing bombardment and atrocities by Azerbaijani OMON in Stepanakert and Chapar in late September.[66] with the final blow brought about by the shooting down of an Mi-8 helicopter near the village of Karakend in the Martuni District. The helicopter contained a peace mediating team made up of Russian and Kazakh observers and Azerbaijani high-ranking officials.[67]
Implosion and Soviet dissolution
In late 1991, Armenian militia groups launched a number of operations to capture Armenian-populated villages seized by Azerbaijani OMON in May–July 1991. A number of Azerbaijani units burned these villages down as they withdrew from their positions.[68] According to the Moscow-based Human Rights organization Memorial, at the same time, as a result of attacks by Armenian armed forces, several thousand residents of Azerbaijani villages in the former Shahumian, Hadrut, Martakert, Askeran and Martuni rayons of Azerbaijan left their homes. Some villages (e.g., Imereti and Gerevent) were burned by the militants. There were instances of violence against the civilian population (in particular, in the village Meshali).[68]
Starting in late 1991, when the Azerbaijani side started its counter-offensive, the Armenian side began targeting Azerbaijani villages. According to Memorial, the villages
Weapons vacuum
As the dissolution of the Soviet Union accelerated in late 1991, both sides sought to acquire weaponry from military caches located throughout the region. The initial advantage tilted in Azerbaijan's favour. During the Cold War, Soviet military doctrine for the defense of the Caucasus had outlined a strategy where Armenia would become a combat zone in the event that NATO member Turkey invaded from the west. Thus, there were only three military divisions stationed in the Armenian SSR, and the country had no airfields, while Azerbaijan had a total of five divisions and five military air bases. Furthermore, Armenia had approximately 500 railroad cars of ammunition compared to Azerbaijan's 10,000.[73]
As MVD forces began pulling out, they bequeathed the Armenians and Azerbaijanis a vast arsenal of ammunition and armored vehicles. The government forces initially sent by Gorbachev three years earlier were from other Soviet republics and many had no wish to stay too long. Most were poor, young
Most weaponry was of either Russian or former
Following Gorbachev's resignation as president of the USSR on 25 December 1991, the remaining republics, including Kazakhstan, Belarus and Russia itself, declared their independence and the Soviet Union ceased to exist on 31 December 1991. This dissolution removed any barriers that were keeping Armenia and Azerbaijan from waging a full-scale war. One month prior, on 26 November, the Azerbaijani Parliament had rescinded Karabakh's status as an autonomous region and renamed Stepanakert "Xankandi." In response, on 10 December, a referendum was held in Karabakh by parliamentary leaders (the local Azerbaijani community boycotted the referendum), with the Armenians voting overwhelmingly in favour of independence. On 6 January 1992, the region declared its independence from Azerbaijan.[40]
The withdrawal of Soviet interior troops from Nagorno-Karabakh did not necessarily lead to the complete drawdown of former Soviet military power. In February 1992, the former Soviet republics came to form the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). While Azerbaijan abstained from joining, Armenia, fearing a possible invasion by Turkey, did, bringing the country under the organization's "collective security umbrella". In January 1992, CIS forces established their new headquarters at Stepanakert and took up an active role in peacekeeping. The CIS incorporated older Soviet formations, including the 366th Guards Motor Rifle Regiment and elements of the Soviet 4th Army[77] the longtime Ground Forces garrison in the Azerbaijani SSR.
Building armies
Sporadic battles between Armenians and Azerbaijanis intensified after Operation Ring. Thousands of volunteers joined the new armies Armenia and Azerbaijan were trying to build from the ground up. In addition to the formation of regular army units, in Armenia many men volunteered to join detachments (jokats), units of about forty men, which, combined with several others, were placed under the command of a lieutenant colonel. Many styled themselves in the mold of late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Armenian revolutionary figures, such as
Azerbaijan's military functioned in much the same manner. It was better organized during the first years of the war. The Azerbaijan government carried out conscription and many Azerbaijanis enthusiastically enlisted for combat in the first months after the Soviet collapse. Azerbaijan's national army consisted of roughly 30,000 men, as well as nearly 10,000 in its OMON paramilitary force and several thousand volunteers from the Popular Front.
The Azerbaijani government sought foreign support as well, flush with money from oil revenues, it hired foreign
The estimated manpower and equipment of each side in 1993–1994 was:[84]
Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh | Azerbaijan | |
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Military personnel | 40,000 | 42,000 |
Artillery | 177–187 (160–170 + 17)[85] | 388[85]–395[86] |
Tanks | 90–173 (77–160 + 13)[85] | 436[85]–458[86] |
Armored personnel carriers | 290–360 (150[85]–240 + 120) | 558[85]–1,264[86] |
Armored fighting vehicles | 39[85]–200 + N/A | 389[85]–480 |
Fighter aircraft | 3[85] + N/A | 63[85]–170 |
Helicopters | 13[85] + N/A | 45–51 |
Because Armenia did not have any secure treaty guarantees like those it would conclude with Russia (in 1997 and 2010) and the
In an overall military comparison, the number of men eligible for military service in Armenia, in the age group of 17–32, totalled 550,000, while in Azerbaijan it reached 1.3 million. Most men on both sides had served in the Soviet army and so had some form of military experience prior to the conflict, including men who had served tours of duty in Afghanistan. Among Karabakh Armenians, about 60% had served in the Soviet amy.[84] Most Azerbaijanis were often subject to discrimination during their service in the Soviet military and relegated to work in construction battalions rather than fighting corps.[87] Despite the presence of two military academies, including a naval school in Azerbaijan, the lack of such military experience was one factor that left Azerbaijan unprepared for the war.[87]
War
Stepanakert under siege
During the winter of 1991–1992 Stepanakert, the capital of Nagorno-Karabakh was blockaded by Azerbaijani forces and many civilian targets in the city were intentionally bombarded by artillery and aircraft.[88] The bombardment of Stepanakert and adjacent Armenian-held towns and villages during the blockade caused widespread destruction[89][90] and the Interior Minister of Nagorno-Karabakh claimed that 169 Armenians died between October 1991 and April 1992.[91] Azerbaijan used weapons such as the BM-21 Grad multiple-launch rocket system during the bombardment. The indiscriminate shelling and aerial attacks, terrorized the civilian population and destroyed numerous civilian buildings, including homes, hospitals and other non-legitimate military targets.[92]
Human Rights Watch reported that main bases used by Azerbaijani armed forces for the bombardment of Stepanakert were the towns of
Early Armenian offensives
Khojaly
On 2 January 1992 Ayaz Mutalibov assumed the presidency of Azerbaijan. Officially, the newly created
The only land connection Armenia had with Karabakh was through the narrow, mountainous
By late February, Khojaly had largely been cut off. On 26 February, Armenian forces, with the aid of some armored vehicles from the 366th, mounted an offensive to capture Khojaly. According to the Azerbaijani side and the affirmation of other sources including Human Rights Watch, the Moscow-based human rights organization Memorial and the biography of a leading Armenian commander, Monte Melkonian, documented and published by his brother,[101] after Armenian forces captured Khojaly, they killed several hundred civilians evacuating from the town. Armenian forces had previously stated they would attack the city and leave a land corridor for them to escape through. When the attack began, the attacking Armenian force easily outnumbered and overwhelmed the defenders who along with the civilians attempted to retreat north to the Azerbaijani held city of Agdam. The airport's runway was found to have been intentionally destroyed, rendering it temporarily useless. The attacking forces then went on to pursue those fleeing through the corridor and opened fire upon them, killing scores of civilians.[101] Facing charges of an intentional massacre of civilians by international groups, Armenian government officials denied the occurrence of a massacre and asserted an objective of silencing the artillery coming from Khojaly.[j]
An exact body count was never ascertained but conservative estimates have placed the number to 485.
Under pressure from the APF due to the mismanagement of the defence of Khojaly and the safety of its inhabitants, Mutalibov was forced to submit his resignation to the National Assembly of Azerbaijan.
Capture of Shusha
On 26 January 1992, the Azerbaijani forces stationed in Shusha encircled and attacked the nearby Armenian village Karintak (located on the way from Shusha to Stepanakert) in an attempt to capture it. This operation was conducted by Azerbaijan's then-defence minister Tajedin Mekhtiev and was supposed to prepare the ground for a future attack on Stepanakert. The operation failed as the villagers and the Armenian fighters strongly retaliated. Mekhtiev was ambushed and up to 70 Azeri soldiers died. After this debacle, Mekhtiev left Shusha and was fired as defence minister.[106][107][108]
On 28 March, Azerbaijani troops deployed to attack Stepanakert, attacked Armenian positions above the village
In the ensuing months after the capture of Khojaly, Azerbaijani commanders holding out in the region's last bastion of Shusha began a
On 8 May a force of several hundred Armenian troops accompanied by tanks and helicopters attacked Shusha. Fierce fighting took place in the town's streets and several hundred men were killed on both sides. Although the Armenians were outnumbered and outgunned by the Azerbaijani Army, they managed to capture the town and force the Azerbaijanis to retreat on 9 May.[79]
The capture of Shusha resonated loudly in neighbouring Turkey. Its relations with Armenia had grown better after it had declared its independence from the Soviet Union; they gradually worsened as a result of Armenia's gains in the Nagorno-Karabakh region. Turkey's prime minister
Turkey sent mercenary infantry composed of Turkish nationalists to Azerbaijan and also contributed substantial military aid and advisers.[40] In addition, Turkey also blockaded supplies from being transferred to Armenia, including humanitarian aid.[41] In May 1992, the military commander of the CIS forces, Marshal Yevgeny Shaposhnikov, issued a warning to Western nations, especially the United States, to not interfere with the conflict in the Caucasus, stating it would "place us [the Commonwealth] on the verge of a third world war and that cannot be allowed".[40]
Lachin corridor
The Azerbaijani parliament blamed
To add to the turmoil, on 18 May Armenian forces launched an offensive to take the town of Lachin, situated along a narrow corridor that separated Armenia proper from Nagorno-Karabakh. The town was poorly guarded, and the next day Armenian forces took control of the town and opened a humanitarian corridor known as the Lachin corridor that linked the Nagorno-Karabakh to Armenia. The capture of Lachin allowed an overland route for supply convoys between Nagorno-Karabakh and Armenia, thereby providing relief against the blockade imposed by Azerbaijan.[111][112][113]
The loss of Lachin was the final blow to Mutalibov's regime. Demonstrations were held despite Mutalibov's ban and an armed coup was staged by Popular Front activists. Fighting between government forces and Popular Front supporters escalated as the political opposition seized the parliament building in Baku as well as the airport and presidential office. On 16 June 1992
There were times when the fighting also spilled outside the Nagorno-Karabakh region. Nakhchivan, for example, was shelled by Armenian troops in May 1992.[115]
Escalation
Azerbaijani offensive in June 1992
On 12 June 1992, the Azeri military, along with Huseynov's own brigade, used a large amount of tanks, armored personnel carriers and attack helicopters to launch a three-day offensive from the relatively unguarded region of Shahumian, north of Nagorno-Karabakh, in the process taking back several dozen villages in the Shahumian region originally held by Armenian forces. Another reason the front collapsed so effortlessly was because it was manned by the volunteer detachments from Armenia, having abandoned their positions to return to Armenia proper after the capture of Lachin.[116] The offensive prompted the Armenian government to openly threaten Azerbaijan that it would overtly intervene and assist the separatists fighting in Karabakh.[117]
The scale of the Azerbaijani offensive prompted the Armenian government to threaten Azerbaijan with directly intervening and assisting the separatists.
On 18 June 1992, a state of emergency was announced throughout the NKR. On 15 August, the Committee for State Defense of the NKR was created, headed by Robert Kocharyan and later by Serzh Sargsyan. Partial mobilization was called for, which covered sergeants and privates in the NKR, NKR men available for military service aged 18–40, officers up to the age of 50 and women with previous military training.[119] Many of the crew members of the armored units in the offensive belonged to the Russian 23rd Division of the 4th Army, based out of Ganja and, ironically, as were the units that eventually stopped them. According to an Armenian government official, they were able to persuade Russian military units to bombard and effectively halt the advance within a few days;[118] allowing the Armenian government to recuperate for the losses and mount a counteroffensive to restore the original lines of the front.
Renewed peace talks
New efforts at peace talks were initiated by Iranian President
In mid-1992, the CSCE (later to become the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe), created the Minsk Group in Helsinki which comprised eleven nations and was co-chaired by France, Russia and the United States with the purpose of mediating a peace deal with Armenia and Azerbaijan. In their annual summit in 1992, the organization failed to address and solve the many new problems that had arisen since the Soviet Union collapsed, much less the Karabakh conflict. The wars in Yugoslavia, Moldova's war with the breakaway republic of Transnistria, the secessionist movement in Chechnya and Georgia's renewed disputes with Russia, Abkhazia, and Ossetia were all top agenda issues that involved various ethnic groups fighting each other.[123]
The CSCE proposed the use of NATO and CIS peacekeepers to monitor ceasefires and protect shipments of humanitarian aid being sent to displaced refugees. Several ceasefires were put into effect after the June offensive, but the implementation of a European peacekeeping force, endorsed by Armenia, never came to fruition. The idea of sending 100 international observers to Karabakh was once raised but talks broke down completely between Armenian and Azerbaijani leaders in July. Russia was especially opposed to allowing a multinational peacekeeping force from NATO to entering the Caucasus, seeing it as a move that encroached on its "backyard".[40]
The southern front
In late June, a new, smaller Azerbaijani offensive was planned, this time against the town of
In late August 1992, Nagorno-Karabakh's government was in order disorder, and its members resigned on 17 August. Power was subsequently assumed by a council called the State Defense Committee and chaired by Robert Kocharyan. The committee would temporarily govern the enclave until war's end.[124] At the same time, Azerbaijan also launched attacks by fixed-wing aircraft, often bombing civilian targets. Kocharyan accused Azerbaijan of intentionally targeting civilians in the aerial campaign. He also blamed Russia for allowing its army's weapons stockpiles to be sold or transferred to Azerbaijan.[125][k]
Winter thaw
As winter approached, both sides largely abstained from launching full-scale offensives so as to preserve resources, such as gas and electricity, for domestic use. Despite the opening of an economic highway to the residents living in Karabakh, both Armenia and the enclave suffered a great deal due to the economic blockades imposed by Azerbaijan. While not completely shut off, material aid sent through Turkey arrived sporadically.[40]
Experiencing both food shortages and power shortages, after the shutting down of the Metsamor nuclear power plant, Armenia's economic outlook appeared bleak: in Georgia, a new bout of civil wars against separatists in Abkhazia and Ossetia began, and supply convoys were raided and the only oil pipeline leading from Russia to Armenia was repeatedly destroyed. As in 1991–1992, the 1992–1993 winter was especially cold, as many families throughout Armenia and Karabakh were left without heating and hot water.[126][full citation needed]
Grain had become difficult to procure. The Armenian Diaspora raised money and donated supplies to Armenia. In December, two shipments of 33,000 tons of grain and 150 tons of infant formula arrived from the United States via the
Azerbaijanis were displaced as
Mid-1993
The northern front
Despite a brutal winter, both sides looked to the new year to break the inertia of the war. Azerbaijan's President Elchibey expressed optimism toward bringing solution to the conflict with Armenia's Ter-Petrosyan. Glimmers of such hope quickly began to fade in January 1993, despite the calls for a new ceasefire by Boris Yeltsin and George H. W. Bush.[128] Armenian forces launched a new round of attacks that overran villages in northern Karabakh that had been held by the Azerbaijanis since the previous year. After Armenian losses in 1992, Russia started massive armament shipments to Armenia in the following year. Russia supplied Armenia with arms with a total cost of US$1 billion in value in 1993. According to Russian general Lev Rokhlin, Russians supplied Armenians with such massive arms shipment in return for "money, personal contacts and lots of vodkas".[129]
Frustration over these military defeats took a toll on the domestic front in Azerbaijan. Azerbaijan's military had grown more desperate and defence minister Gaziev and Huseynov's brigade turned to Russian help, a move which ran against Elchibey's policies and was construed as insubordination. Political infighting and arguments about where to shift military units between the country's ministry of the interior Isgandar Hamidov and Gaziev led to the latter's resignation on 20 February. Armenia was similarly wracked by political turmoil and growing Armenian dissension against President Ter-Petrosyan.[130]
Kalbajar
Situated west of northern Karabakh, outside the official boundaries of the region, was the rayon of
Scant military opposition by the Azerbaijanis allowed Melkonian's fighters to gain a foothold in the region and along the way capture several abandoned armored vehicles and tanks. At 2:45 pm, on 2 April, Armenian forces from two directions advanced toward Kalbajar in an attack that struck Azerbaijani armor and troops entrenched near the Ganja-Kalbajar intersection. Azerbaijani forces were unable to halt the advances made by Armenian armor and were wiped out completely. The second attack toward Kalbajar also quickly overran the defenders. By 3 April, Armenian forces were in possession of Kalbajar.[79]
On 30 April, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) passed Resolution 822, co-sponsored by Turkey and Pakistan, demanding the immediate cessation of all hostilities and the withdrawal of all occupying forces from Kalbajar.[132] Human Rights Watch concluded that during the Kalbajar offensive Armenian forces committed numerous violations of the rules of war, including the forcible exodus of a civilian population, indiscriminate fire, and taking of hostages.[131]
The political repercussions were also felt in Azerbaijan when Huseynov embarked on his "march to Baku". Frustrated with what he felt was Elchibey's incompetence and demoted from his rank of colonel, his brigade advanced in early June from its base in Ganja toward Baku with the explicit aim of unseating the president. Elchibey stepped down from office on 18 June and power was assumed by then parliamentary member Heydar Aliyev. On 1 July, Huseynov was appointed prime minister of Azerbaijan.[133] As acting president, Aliyev disbanded 33 voluntary battalions of the Popular Front, which he deemed politically unreliable.[134]
Agdam, Fuzuli, Jabrail and Zangilan
The Armenian side took advantage of the turmoil in Baku, which had left the Karabakh front almost undefended. The following four months of political instability in Azerbaijan led to the loss of control over five districts, as well as the north of Nagorno-Karabakh. Azerbaijani military forces were unable to put up much resistance in the face of Armenian advances and abandoned most of their positions with little resistance. In late June 1993, they were driven out from Mardakert, losing their final foothold of the enclave. By July, Armenian forces were seen preparing for to attack and capture
On 4 July Armenian forces commenced an artillery bombardment on Agdam, destroying many parts of the town. Soldiers, along with civilians, began to evacuate Agdam. Facing military collapse, Aliyev resumed talks with the Karabakh government and Minsk Group officials. In mid-August, Armenians massed a force to take Fuzuli and Jebrail, two regions in Azerbaijan proper.
In the wake of the Armenian offensive in these two regions, Turkish prime minister Tansu Çiller demanded that the Armenians withdraw and issued a warning to the Armenian government not to undertake any offensives in Nakhichevan. Thousands of Turkish troops were sent to the border between Turkey and Armenia in early September. Russian forces in Armenia, in turn, likewise mobilized in the country's northwest border.[m]
By early September, Azerbaijani forces were in a state of complete disarray. Many of the heavy weapons they had received and bought from the Russians were either taken out of action or abandoned during battles. Since the June 1992 offensive, Armenian forces had captured dozens of tanks, light armor, and artillery from Azerbaijan. According to Monte Melkonian, his forces in Martuni alone had captured or destroyed a total of 55 T-72s, 24 BMP-2s, 15 APCs and 25 heavy artillery pieces since the June 1992 Goranboy offensive.[79] Serzh Sargsyan, the then-military leader of the Karabakh armed forces, calculated a total of 156 tanks captured over the course of the war.[135]
Azerbaijan was so desperate for manpower that Aliyev recruited 1,000–1,500
Air war over Karabakh
The aerial warfare in Karabakh involved primarily fighter jets and attack helicopters. The primary transport helicopters of the war were the Mi-8 and its cousin, the
Azerbaijan's air force was composed of 45 combat aircraft which were often piloted by experienced Russian and
Azerbaijani fighter jets attacked civilian airplanes too. An Armenian civil aviation Yak-40 plane traveling Stepanakert Airport to Yerevan with 34 passengers and crew was attacked by an Azerbaijani Su-25. Though suffering engine failure and a fire in rear of the plane, it eventually made a safe landing in Armenian territory.[139]
Armenian and Azerbaijani aircraft equipment
Below is a table listing the number of aircraft that were used by Armenia and Azerbaijan during the war.[140]
Aircraft | Armenian | Armenian losses | Azerbaijani | Azerbaijani losses | Notes | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Fighter aircraft | ||||||
MiG-21 | 1 | 1 | 18 | 8 |
| |
MiG-23 | – | – | ? | 1 | ||
MiG-25 | – | – | 20 | ~10 | 20 MiG-25RBs were taken over from Russian base
By the end of the war AzAF was down to 10 MiG-25s | |
Ground attack aircraft
| ||||||
Su-17M and Su-22 | – | – | 4 | 1 | 1 Azerbaijani Su-22 was shot down on 19 February 1994 over Verdenisskiy using SA-14
| |
Su-24 | – | – | 19–20 | ? | initially Azerbaijani had 3–4 Su-24s, then an additional 16 Su-24MRs were taken over from Russian base | |
Su-25 | 2 | 0 | 7[119] | 2 |
Armenians had 3 additional Su-25s, but they were inactive and never used in combat. | |
Trainer aircraft
| ||||||
Aero L-29
|
1[119] | – | 18 | 14 | ||
Aero L-39
|
1–2 (?) | ? | 12 | ? | Azerbaijanis lost at least 1 L-39 on 24 June 1992 near Lachin | |
Attack helicopters | ||||||
Mi-24 | 12[119] – 15 | 2 or 4 | 25–30 | 19–24 | By the end of the war AzAF had only six Mi-24s left.
| |
Transport and utility helicopters
| ||||||
Mi-2 | 2 | ? | 7 | ? | ||
Mi-8 and Mi-17 | 7 | 6 | 13–14 | 4 | ||
Transport aircraft | ||||||
Il-76 | – | – | 3 | 0 | ||
An-12 | – | – | 1 | 0 | ||
An-24 | – | – | 1 | 0 | ||
Tu-134 | 1 | 0 | 1 | 0 |
1993–1994, exhaustion and peace
In October 1993, Aliyev was formally elected president of Azerbaijan and promised to bring social order to the country in addition to recapturing the lost regions. In October, Azerbaijan joined the CIS. The winter season was marked with similar conditions as in the previous year, both sides scavenging for wood and harvesting foodstuffs months in advance. Two subsequent UNSC resolutions on the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict were passed, 874 and 884, in October and November. Reemphasizing the same points as the previous two, they acknowledged Nagorno-Karabakh as a region of Azerbaijan.[142][143][132]
In early January 1994, Azerbaijani forces and Afghan guerrillas recaptured part of the Fuzuli district, including the railway junction of Horadiz on the Iranian border, but failed to recapture the town of Fuzuli itself.[144] On 10 January an offensive was launched by Azerbaijan toward the region of Mardakert in an attempt to recapture the northern section of the enclave. The offensive managed to advance and take back several parts of Karabakh in the north and to the south but soon petered out. In response, Armenia began sending conscripts and regular Army and Interior Ministry troops to stop the Azerbaijani advance in Karabakh.[145] To bolster the ranks of its army, the Armenian government issued a decree that instituted a three-month call-up for men up to age 45 and resorted to press-gang raids to enlist recruits. Several active-duty Armenian Army soldiers were captured by the Azerbaijani forces.[146]
Azerbaijan's offensives grew more desperate as boys as young as 16, with little to no training, were recruited and sent to take part in ineffective
While the political leadership changed hands several times in Azerbaijan, most Armenian soldiers in Karabakh claimed that the Azerbaijani youth and Azerbaijanis themselves, were demoralized and lacked a sense of purpose and commitment to fighting the war.
1994 ceasefire
After six years of intense fighting, both sides were ready for a ceasefire. Azerbaijan, with its manpower exhausted and aware that Armenian forces had an unimpeded path to march on to Baku, counted on a new ceasefire proposal from either the OSCE or Russia. As the final battles of the conflict took place near Shahumyan, in a series of brief engagements in Gulustan, Armenian and Azerbaijani diplomats met in the early part of 1994 to hammer out the details of the ceasefire.[40] On 5 May, with Russia acting as a mediator, all parties agreed to cease hostilities and vowed to observe a ceasefire that would go into effect at 12:01 AM on 12 May. The agreement was signed by the respective defence ministers of the three principal warring parties (Armenia, Azerbaijan and the Republic of Artsakh).[151] In Azerbaijan, many welcomed the end of hostilities. Sporadic fighting continued in some parts of the region but all sides vowed to abide by the terms of the ceasefire.[152]
Media coverage
Coverage of the war was provided by a number of journalists from both sides, including
Bulgarian journalist Tsvetana Paskaleva is noted for her coverage of Operation Ring. Some foreign journalists previously concerned with emphasizing the Soviets conceding in the Cold War, gradually shifted toward presenting the USSR as a country awash in ethnic conflict, the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict being one of them.[154]
Due to lack of available information about the roots and causes of the conflict, foreign reporters filled the information vacuum with constant references to the religious factor, i.e. the fact that Armenians were predominantly Christian, whereas Azeris were predominantly Muslim; a factor which in fact was virtually irrelevant in the course of the entire conflict.[155] Readers already aware of rising military Islamism in the Middle East were considered a perfect audience to be informed of a case of "Muslim oppressors victimising a Christian minority".[154] Religion was unduly stressed more than political, territorial and ethnic factors, with very rare references to democratic and self-determination movements in both countries. It was not until the Khojaly Massacre in late February 1992, when hundreds of civilian Azeris were massacred by Armenian units, that references to religion largely disappeared, as being contrary to the neat journalistic scheme where "Christian Armenians" were shown as victims and "Muslim Azeris" as their victimisers. A study of the four largest Canadian newspapers covering the event showed that the journalists tended to present the massacre of Azeris as a secondary issue, as well as to rely on Armenian sources, to give priority to Armenian denials over Azerbaijani "allegations" (which were described as "grossly exaggerated"), to downplay the scale of death, not to publish images of the bodies and mourners, and not to mention the event in editorials and opinion columns.[154]
Post-ceasefire violence and mediation
The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict remains one of several frozen
Contrary to media reports that nearly always mentioned the religions of the Armenians and Azerbaijanis, religious aspects never gained significance as an additional
According to Armenia's former president, Levon Ter-Petrosyan, by giving certain Karabakh territories to Azerbaijan, the Karabakh conflict would have been resolved in 1997. A peace agreement could have been concluded and a status for Nagorno-Karabakh would have been determined. Ter-Petrosyan noted years later that the Karabakh leadership approach was maximalist and "they thought they could get more."[159][160] Most autonomy proposals have been rejected by the Armenians, who consider it as a matter that is not negotiable. Likewise, Azerbaijan warns the country is ready to free its territories by war, but still prefers to solve the problem by peaceful means.[161] On 30 March 1998, Robert Kocharyan was elected president and continued to reject calls for making a deal to resolve the conflict. In 2001, Kocharyan and Aliyev met in Key West, Florida for peace talks sponsored by the OSCE. While several Western diplomats expressed optimism, failure to prepare the populations of either country for compromise reportedly thwarted hopes for a peaceful resolution.[162]
An estimated 400,000 Armenians living in Azerbaijan fled to Armenia or Russia and a further 30,000 came from Karabakh.[163] Many of those who left Karabakh returned after the war ended.[164] An estimated 655,000 Azerbaijanis were displaced from the fighting including those from both Armenia and Karabakh.[141] Various other ethnic groups living in Karabakh were also forced to live in refugee camps built by both the Azerbaijani and Iranian governments.[p] While Azerbaijan has repeatedly claimed that 20% of its territory has fallen under Armenian control, other sources have given figures as high 40% (the number comes down to 9% if Nagorno-Karabakh itself is excluded).[42]
The First Nagorno-Karabakh War has given rise to strong
Presumably trying to erase any traces of Armenian heritage, the Azerbaijani government ordered its military the
Current situation
In the years since the end of the war, a number of organizations have passed resolutions regarding the conflict. On 25 January 2005, for example,
During the summit of the Organisation of the Islamic Conference (OIC) and the session of its Council of Ministers of Foreign Affairs, member states adopted OIC Resolution No. 10/11 and OIC Council of Foreign Ministers Resolution No. 10/37, on 14 March 2008 and 18–20 May 2010, respectively. Both resolutions condemned alleged aggression of Armenia against Azerbaijan and called for immediate implementation of UN Security Council Resolutions 822, 853, 874 and 884.[174] As a response, Armenian leaders have stated Azerbaijan was "exploiting Islam to muster greater international support".[175]
In 2008, the Moscow Defense Brief opined that because of the rapid growth of Azerbaijani defence expenditures – which is driving the strong rearmament of the Azerbaijani armed forces – the military balance appeared to be now shifting in Azerbaijan's favour: "The overall trend is clearly in Azerbaijan's favour, and it seems that Armenia will not be able to sustain an arms race with Azerbaijan's oil-fueled economy. And this could lead to the destabilization of the frozen conflict between these two states", the journal wrote.[86] Other analysts have made more cautious observations, noting that administrative and military deficiencies are obviously found in the Azerbaijani military and that the Nagorno-Karabakh Defense Army maintains a "constant state of readiness".[176]
Clashes
In early 2008, tensions between Armenia, the NKR Karabakh and Azerbaijan grew. On the diplomatic front, President Ilham Aliyev repeated statements that Azerbaijan would resort to force, if necessary, to take the territories back;
Tensions escalated again in July–August 2014 with ceasefire breaches by Azerbaijan taking place and President Aliyev, threatening Armenia with war.[180][181][182]
Rather than receding, the tension in the area increased in April 2016 with the
Second Nagorno-Karabakh War
The second war began on the morning of 27 September 2020 along the
The second war ended with the victory of Azerbaijan, which took control of 4 Armenian-occupied districts, as well as towns of Shusha and Hadrut in Nagorno-Karabakh proper, and signing of a Russian-brokered ceasefire agreement, under which Armenia agreed to withdraw from another 3 occupied districts. The agreement also provided for deployment of Russian peacekeeping forces along the line of contact and the Lachin corridor.
War crimes
Emerging from the collapse of the Soviet Union as nascent states and due to the near-immediate fighting, it was not until mid-1993 that Armenia and Azerbaijan became signatories of international law agreements, including the
As neither side was party to international military conventions, instances of ill-discipline and atrocity were rife. Looting and mutilation of body parts (brought back as war trophies) of dead soldiers were common.[195] Another activity that was by regular civilians and not just soldiers during the war was the bartering of prisoners between Armenians and Azerbaijanis. Often, when contact was lost between family members and a soldier or a militiaman serving at the front, they took it upon themselves to organize an exchange by personally capturing a soldier from the battle lines and holding them in the confines of their own homes. New York Times journalist Yo'av Karny noted this practice was as "old as the people occupying [the] land".[196]
After the war ended, both sides accused their opponents of continuing to hold captives; Azerbaijan claimed Armenia was continuing to hold nearly 5,000 Azerbaijani prisoners while Armenians claimed Azerbaijan was holding 600 prisoners. The non-profit group, Helsinki Initiative 92, investigated two prisons in Shusha and Stepanakert after the war ended, but concluded there were no prisoners-of-war there. A similar investigation arrived at the same conclusion while searching for Armenians allegedly labouring in Azerbaijan's quarries.[33]
Cultural legacy
The 1992–94 war figures heavily in popular Armenian and Azerbaijani media. It is a subject of many films and popular television shows. In June 2006, the film Destiny (Chakatagir) premiered in Yerevan and Stepanakert. The film, written and starring Gor Vardanyan, is a fictional account of the events revolving around Operation Ring. It cost $3.8 million to make, the most expensive film ever made in the country, and was touted as the first film made about the First Nagorno-Karabakh War.[197] In mid-2012, Azerbaijanis in Azerbaijan released a video game entitled İşğal Altında: Şuşa (Under Occupation: Shusha),[198] a free first-person shooter that allows the player to assume the role of an Azerbaijani soldier who takes part in the 1992 battle of Shusha. Commentators have noted that the game "is not for the faint of heart: there's lots of killing and computer-generated gore. To a great extent, it's a celebration of violence: to advance, players must handle a variety of tasks, including shooting lots of Armenian enemies, rescuing a wounded Azerbaijani soldier, retrieving a document, and blowing up a building in the town of Shusha."[199] Another opus followed, İşğal Altında: Ağdam,[200] which was released in 2013. This episode is very similar to the previous one, but this time it takes place in Agdam. In April 2018, a documentary film about an Azerbaijani Nagorno-Karabakh War participant Imran Gurbanov, called Return was premiered in Baku. It was directed by Rufat Asadov and written by Orkhan Fikratoglu.[201]
Notes
- ^ Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast (NKAO) until 1991.
- ^ Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic (Soviet Armenia) until 1990 (renamed Republic of Armenia)/1991 (declared independence).
- ^ "Until the dissolution of the USSR, the Soviet authorities sided, in general, with Azerbaijan. ... Soviet troops sent to the conflict area ... on numerous occasions, took the side of the Azerbaijani forces to 'punish' the Armenians for raising the NK issue."[4] "Soviet troops have been in Nagorno-Karabakh for 2+1⁄2 years ... The troops support armed Azerbaijani militias who have imposed a blockade of the region ..."[5] Soviet troops directly intervened during Operation Ring in April–May 1991 on the Azerbaijani side.[6][7]
- ^ Azerbaijani: Birinci Qarabağ müharibəsi, referred to in Armenia as the Artsakh Liberation War (Armenian: Արցախյան ազատամարտ, romanized: Artsakhyan azatamart)
- UN Security Council resolutions, passed in 1993, called on withdrawal of Armenian forces from the regions falling outside of the borders of the former NKAO.
- ^ Numbers provided by journalist Thomas de Waal for the area of each rayon as well as the area of the Nagorno-Karabakh Oblast and the total area of Azerbaijan are (in km2): 1,936, Kalbajar; 1,835, Lachin; 802, Qubadlı; 1,050, Jabrayil; 707, Zangilan; 842, Aghdam; 462, Fuzuli; 75, exclaves; totaling 7,709 km2 (2,976 sq mi) or 8.9%.[42]
- ^ Mutalibov stated in this regard, "Я помню, как мы в свое время с помощью русских смогли очистить от армян около 30 сел вокруг Гянджи... Мы были близки даже к освобождению всего Карабаха, но внутренние распри, разногласия, междоусобицы свели на нет наши старания" (I remember how we with the help of Russians managed to cleanse from Armenians 30 villages around Gyandja... we were even close to the liberation of the whole Karabakh but our inner disagreements diminished our efforts). 1news.az 18 November 2008 Аяз Муталибов: "Если мы с Москвой будем говорить четко, я думаю, мы сможем завоевать ее расположение по Карабахской проблеме" (Ayaz Mutalibov: "If we speak clearly with Moscow, I think we will be able to win its favor on the Karabakh issue)
- ^ Section 907 of the Freedom Support Act. Humanitarian aid was not explicitly banned but such supplies had to be routed through indirectly to aid organizations. On 25 January 2002, President George W. Bush signed a waiver that effectively repealed Section 907, thereby removing any restrictions that were barring the United States from sending military aid to Azerbaijan; military parity is maintained toward both sides. See [1] Archived 31 October 2011 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ The HRW report quotes the testimony of an Azerbaijani woman: "According to A.H., an Azerbaijani woman interviewed by Helsinki Watch in Baku, 'After Armenians seized Malybeyli, they made an ultimatum to Khojaly ... and that Khojaly people had better leave with white flag. Alif Gajiev [the head of the militia in Khojaly] told us this on 15 February, but this didn't frighten me or other people. We never believed they could occupy Khojaly'"[100]
- ^ The Armenian government denies that a deliberate massacre took place in Khojaly and maintains most of the civilians were killed in a crossfire shooting between Armenian and Azerbaijani troops.
- ^ In a Russian documentary titled The Russian Mercenaries Who Fought in Karabakh, produced and broadcast by REN TV, several captured Russian and Ukrainian pilots hired to fly for Azerbaija confess that they were they were ordered to attack civilian targets.
- ^ The sincerity of Armenian claims to establish security were called into question by observers at the time and it was said that Karabakh forces were wantonly seizing the territories surrounding the enclave, though it should be noted periodic fighting between the two sides in the region were reported to have taken place in the months before the offensives took place.
- Russian constitutional crisis of 1993, one of the coup's leaders against Russian President Yeltsin, Chechen Ruslan Khasbulatov, was reported by the US and French intelligence agencies to preparing Russian troop withdrawals from Armenia if the coup succeeded. An estimated 23,000 Russian soldiers were stationed in Armenia on the border with Turkey. Çiller was reported by the agencies to be in talks with Khasbulatov to approve a Turkish incursion into Armenia under the pretext of pursuing PKK guerrillas, something it had done earlier that year in northern Iraq. Russian armed forces crushed the coup.
- ^ Under the protocols of the Tashkent Agreement signed in Uzbekistan in May 1992, the former Soviet republics were allocated a certain number of tanks, armored vehicles, and combat aircraft. The agreement allowed Armenia and Azerbaijan to have a total of 100 aircraft. In 1993 the Armenian Air Force possessed a fleet of 12 Mi-24s gunships, 9 Mil Mi-2s, and 13 Mi-8s transport helicopters. Azerbaijan's air force had a near-similar fleet of 15 Mi-24s, 7 Mi-2, 15 Mil Mi-6 and 13 Mi-8 utility helicopters.
- ^ As one Armenian fighter commented: "The difference is in what you do and what you do it for. You know a few miles back is your family, children, women and old people and therefore you're duty-bound to fight to the death so that those behind you will live."[citation needed]
- human rights in Nagorno-Karabakh
References
Citations
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- ^ According to Leonid Tibilov, President of South Ossetia in 2012-17. "Леонид Тибилов поздравил Бако Саакяна с 25-й годовщиной образования Нагорно-Карабахской Республики [Leonid Tibilov congratulated Bako Sahakyan on the 25th anniversary of the formation of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic]". presidentruo.org (in Russian). President of the Republic of South Ossetia. 2 September 2016. Archived from the original on 29 August 2020.
В борьбе за свободу и независимость на помощь народу Арцаха пришли и волонтеры из Южной Осетии. Они скрепили нашу дружбу своей праведной кровью, пролитой на вашей благословенной земле. Мы высоко ценим, что вами увековечены их имена в памятниках, названиях улиц и учебных заведений ряда населенных пунктов Вашей республики.
- ^ ISBN 1-56432-142-8. Archived from the original(PDF) on 28 June 2020. p. xiii "Slavic mercenaries also take part in the fighting. The Slavs on both sides ..."; p. 106 "Russian, Ukrainian, and Belorussian mercenaries or rogue units of the Soviet/Russian Army have fought on both sides."
- ^ Panossian 2002, p. 145.
- ^ Shogren, Elizabeth (21 September 1990). "Armenians Wage Hunger Strike in Regional Dispute: Soviet Union: Five threaten to starve themselves to death unless Moscow ends military rule in Azerbaijan enclave". Los Angeles Times.
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- ^ Papazian 2008, p. 25: "units of the 4th army stationed in Azerbaijan and Azeri OMONs were used in 'Operation Ring', to empty a number of Armenian villages in Nagorno-Karabakh in April 1991.".
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Кроме чеченских боевиков, радикальных исламистов из Афганистана, „Серых волков" и других, отметились в Карабахе и украинские нацисты из УНА-УНСО.
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The war ended at Ceasefire Agreement in 1994, with the Armenians of Karabakh (supported by Armenia) taking control not only of Nagorny Karabakh itself but also occupying in whole or in part seven regions of Azerbaijan surrounding the former NKAO.
- ^ Trenin 2011, p. 67: "Armenia is de facto united with Nagorno-Karabakh, an unrecognized state, in a single entity.".
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The mostly Armenian population of the disputed region now lives under the control of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic, a micronation that is supported by Armenia and is effectively part of that country.
- ^ Cornell 2011, p. 135: "Following the war, the territories that fell under Armenian control, in particular Mountainous Karabakh itself, were slowly integrated into Armenia.".
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Further reading
- Altstadt, Audrey L. (1992). The Azerbaijani Turks: Power and Identity under Russian Rule. Stanford: Hoover Institution Press.
- Broers, Laurence (2005). "The limits of leadership: Elites and societies in the Nagorny Karabakh peace process" (PDF). Accord. London: ISSN 1365-0742. Archived from the original(PDF) on 18 February 2017. Retrieved 17 February 2017.
- Cheterian, Vicken (2011). War and Peace in the Caucasus: Russia's Troubled Frontier. New York: Columbia University Press.
- ISBN 9781135796693.
- Dawisha, Karen; Parrott, Bruce, eds. (1997). Conflict, Cleavage, and Change in Central Asia and the Caucasus. Cambridge University Press.
- Gahramanova, Aytan (2010). "Paradigms of Political Mythologies and Perspectives of Reconciliation in the Case of the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict". International Negotiation. 15 (1). (PDF) from the original on 18 February 2017. Retrieved 17 February 2017.
- ISBN 0-7656-0244-X
- Geukjian, Ohannes (2016). Ethnicity, Nationalism and Conflict in the South Caucasus: Nagorno-Karabakh and the Legacy of Soviet Nationalities Policy. London: Routledge.
- Hakobyan, Tatul (2010). Karabakh Diary: Green and Black. Antelias: n.p.
- Armenian Review24 (Summer 1971).
- Hovannisian, Richard G. "Mountainous Karabagh in 1920: An Unresolved Contest". Armenian Review 46 (1993, 1996).
- Malkasian, Mark (1996). Gha-Ra-Bagh!: The Emergence of the National Democratic Movement in Armenia. Wayne State University Press.
- Miller, Donald E.; Miller, Lorna Touryan (2003). Armenia: Portraits of Survival and Hope. Berkeley: University of California Press. ISBN 9780520234925.
- Popescu, Nicu (2010). EU Foreign Policy and Post-Soviet Conflicts: Stealth Intervention. Routledge. ISBN 9781136851896.
- Shahmuratian, Samvel (ed.) (1990). The Sumgait Tragedy: Pogroms Against Armenians in Soviet Azerbaijan. New York: Zoryan Institute.
- Taubman, William (2017). Gorbachev: His Life and Times. New York: W. W. Norton & Company.
External links
- Dr. Laurence BROERS: "There won't be Armenian-Azerbaijani Dayton*" Archived 27 July 2020 at the Wayback Machine — Interview for Caucasian Journal
- Articles and Photography on Artsakh/Nagorno-Karabakh – War and its Legacy, from Russell Pollard UK Photojournalist
- Information Site about Nagorno-Karabakh, history and background of the present-day conflict, maps and resolutions
- Crisis Briefing Nagorno-Karabakh Archived 9 September 2009 at the Wayback Machine From Reuters Alertnet Archived 11 March 2009 at the Wayback Machine
- A 2005 report on the status of undetonated land mines in Nagorno-Karabakh compiled by the International Campaign to Ban Landmines
- A chronology of the events of Nagorno-Karabakh from 1988 to Present by Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty
- Regions and territories: Nagorno-Karabakh Overview of the region by the BBC
- A Story of People in War and Peace: Preview on YouTube– a documentary film by Armenia's Vardan Hovhannisyan, who won the prize for best new documentary filmmaker at the 2007 Tribeca Film Festival in New York, about the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh.
- BBC News, Regions and Territories- Nagorno-Karabakh