democratic and military governments sought to expand Brazil's influence in the world by pursuing a state-led industrial policy and an independent foreign policy. Brazilian foreign policy has recently aimed to strengthen ties with other South American countries, engage in multilateral diplomacy through the United Nations and the Organization of American States
, and act at times as a countervailing force to U.S. political and economic influence in Latin America.
Overview
The President has ultimate authority over foreign policy, while Congress is tasked with reviewing and considering all diplomatic nominations and international treaties, as well as legislation relating to Brazilian foreign policy.[2]
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs, also known as Itamaraty, is the government department responsible for advising the President and conducting Brazil's foreign relations with other countries and international bodies. Itamaraty's scope includes political, commercial, economic, financial, cultural and consular relations, areas in which it performs the classical tasks of diplomacy: represent, inform and administer. Foreign policy priorities are established by the President.
Foreign policy
Brazil's foreign policy is a by-product of the country's unique position as a
CPLP,[6] for instance. Lula da Silva visit to Africa in 2003 included State visits to three Portuguese-speaking African nations (Angola, São Tomé and Príncipe, and Mozambique).[7] Finally, Brazil is also strongly committed in the development and restoration of peace in East Timor, where it has a very powerful influence.[8][9]
Brazil's political, business, and military ventures are complemented by the country's
developed countries (such as the United States and the European Union
) would probably be beneficial to Brazil's long-term economic self-interest, the Brazilian government has instead prioritized its leadership role within Mercosul and expanded trade ties with countries in Africa, Asia and the Middle East.
Brazil's soft power diplomacy involves institutional strategies such as the formation of diplomatic coalitions to constrain the power of the established great powers.[12] In recent years, it has given high priority in establishing political dialogue with other strategic actors such as India, Russia, China and South Africa through participation in international groupings such as BASIC, IBSA and BRICS. The BRICS states have been amongst the most powerful drivers of incremental change in world diplomacy and they benefit most from the connected global power shifts.[12]
The Brazilian foreign policy under the Lula da Silva administration (2003–2010) focused on the following directives: to contribute toward the search for greater equilibrium and attenuate unilateralism; to strengthen bilateral and multilateral relations in order to increase the country's weight in political and economic negotiations on an international level; to deepen relations so as to benefit from greater economical, financial, technological and cultural interchange; to avoid agreements that could jeopardize development in the long term.[13]
These directives implied precise emphasis on: the search for political coordination with
Mercosul; projection at the Doha Round and WTO; maintenance of relations with developed countries, including the United States; undertaking and narrowing of relations with African countries; campaign for the reform of the United Nations Security Council and for a permanent seat for Brazil; and defense of social objectives allowing for a greater equilibrium between the States and populations.[13]
From 2003 to 2010, Lula embraced China as central to reforming what he considered an unjust global order.
People's Republic of China and the ruling Chinese Communist Party, saying that the government of the People's Republic of China was the sole legal government representing the whole of China, including Taiwan -- as part of China.[15]
Under Lula, Brazil provided money and corporate support to Cuba.[16][17] The state-controlled Brazilian oil company Petrobras studied the possibility of drilling for oil off of Cuba, while the Odebrecht construction firm headed a revamp of the Cuban port of Mariel into the island's main commercial port.[17][18] Brazil's state-run Brazilian Development Bank gave $300 million to Odebrecht to build new roads, rail lines, wharves, and warehouses at Mariel.[17] Brazil also offered Cuba up to $1 billion in credit lines to pay for Brazilian goods and services.[18]
In November 2007, Lula defended Venezuela's president Hugo Chávez as the democratic choice of his people.[19] He said: "There is no risk with Chávez."[19] Expressing his admiration for Chávez, he said "Only thanks to Chávez’s leadership, the people [of Venezuela] have had extraordinary achievements," and that in 2008 that Chávez was "the best president the country has had in 100 years."[20]
The foreign policy of the
violence in Syria, Brazil worked with India and South Africa to try to bridge the Western powers' divide with Russia and China.[23]
After Rousseff's impeachment, Brazil started reconnecting with its western allies. In 2019 Jair Bolsonaro succeeded Michel Temer. The new foreign policy focused on a reapprochement with major governments especially the United States and Colombia in the Americas; Israel, Japan and South Korea in Asia; United Kingdom, Italy and Greece in Europe. The Brazil–Portugal relations were also strengthened, and despite disagreements over the crisis in Venezuela, Brazil remained close to the BRICS countries.[24][25]
Bolsonaro with United States President Donald Trump at the White House, 19 March 2019Bolsonaro with United Kingdom Prime Minister Boris Johnson, 20 September 2021
During the 2018 presidential campaign, Bolsonaro said he would make considerable changes to Brazil's foreign relations, saying that the "Itamaraty needs to be in service of the values that were always associated with the Brazilian people". He also said that the country should stop "praising dictators" and attacking democracies, such as the United States, Israel and Italy.[26] In early 2018, he affirmed that his "trip to the five democratic countries the United States, Israel, Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan showed who we will be and we would like to join good people". Bolsonaro has shown distrust towards China throughout the presidential campaign claiming they "[want to] buy Brazil",[27][28] although Brazil recorded a US$20 billion trade surplus with China in 2018, and China is only the 13th largest source of foreign direct investment into Brazil.[29] Bolsonaro said he wishes to continue to have business with the Chinese but he also said that Brazil should "make better [economic] deals" with other countries, with no "ideological agenda" behind it.[30] His stance towards China has also been interpreted as an attempt to curry favor from the Trump administration to garner concessions from the US.[29] However, Bolsonaro has mostly changed his position on China after he took office, saying that the two countries were "born to walk together" during his visit to Beijing in October 2019.[31][32] He has also said that Brazil will stay out of the ongoing China-U.S. trade war.[31]
Bolsonaro said that his first international trip as president would be to Israel.[33] Bolsonaro also said that the State of Palestine "is not a country, so there should be no embassy here", adding that "you don't negotiate with terrorists."[33] The announcement was warmly received by the prime minister of Israel, Benjamin Netanyahu, who welcomed Bolsonaro to Israel in March 2019 during the final weeks of a re-election campaign,[34] but was met with condemnation from the Arab League, which warned Bolsonaro it could damage diplomatic ties.[35] "I love Israel," Bolsonaro said in Hebrew at a welcoming ceremony, with Netanyahu at his side, at Tel Aviv's Ben-Gurion airport.[36]
Bolsonaro with Chinese President Xi Jinping in October 2019
Bolsonaro also praised U.S. President Donald Trump and
John Bolton praised Bolsonaro as a "like-minded" partner and said his victory was a "positive sign" for Latin America.[41]
At the regional level, Bolsonaro praised Argentine President Mauricio Macri for ending the 12-year rule of Néstor and Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, which he saw as similar to Lula and Rousseff. Although he does not have plans to leave the Mercosur, he criticized it for prioritizing ideological issues over economic ones.[42] A staunch anti-communist, Bolsonaro has condemned Cuba's former leader Fidel Castro and the current regime in that island.[43][44]
Bolsonaro praised British Prime Minister Winston Churchill, saying that he had learned from Churchill: "Patriotism, love for your fatherland, respect for your flag – something that has been lost over the last few years here in Brazil... and governing through example, especially at that difficult moment of the Second World War."[43] Bolsonaro said he's open to the possibility of hosting a U.S. military base in Brazil to counter Russian influence in the region.[45] With the intention to persuade Trump to make Brazil a NATO member in March 2019, Bolsonaro said: "the discussions with the United States will begin in the coming months".[46][47][48][49]
Bolsonaro with Russian President Vladimir Putin in November 2019
With formal U.S. support for Brazil's entry to OECD in May 2019, Bolsonaro said, "currently, all 36 members of the organization support the entry of the country, fruit of confidence in the new Brazil being built, more free, open and fair".[50][51][52] In October 2019, on a state visit to China, he announced the end of the need for visas for Chinese and Indian entry into Brazil. Brazil had already removed the need for visas for people from the U.S., Canada, Japan, and Australia.[53]
Lula second presidency, 2023-present)
In May 2022, Lula placed blame for Russia's invasion of Ukraine on Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelenskyy, saying "This guy is as responsible as Putin for the war".[54] Lula also repeatedly attacked NATO and the European Union as having caused the war.[55] After Germany appealed to Lula to provide military aid to Ukraine by selling it arms, Lula refused.[56] In December 2023, Lula said that he will invite Vladimir Putin to Brazil.[57] In February 2024, he was visited by Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov.[58]
In November 2023, Lula met in Riyadh with the prime minister and crown prince of Saudi Arabia, Mohammed bin Salman.[59][60][61] They discussed strengthening bilateral relations, and investments in both countries.[60][61] Salman said that a more robust strategic partnership between the two countries would benefit both sides.[60] The $10 billion that the sovereign wealth fund of Saudi Arabia pledged to invest in Brazil was one topic of conversation.[60][61] Lula mentioned Brazil's rapprochement with Arab countries.[60] Salman also discussed Saudi Arabia's entry into BRICS in January 2024.[60] Lula invited Salman to visit Brazil in 2024.[60][62][61]
Regional policy
Mercosur, a regional trade bloc between Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, Uruguay, and Venezuela.
Over the first decade of the 21st century, Brazil has firmly established itself as a regional power.
global issues.[63] Most scholars agree that by promoting integration through organizations like Mercosur and UNASUR, Brazil has been able to solidify its role as a regional power.[63] In addition to consolidating its power within South America, Brazil has sought to expand its influence in the broader region by increasing its engagement in the Caribbean and Central America.,[63] although some think this is still a fragile, ongoing process, that can be thwarted by secondary regional powers in South America.[1]
In April 2019 Brazil left Union of South American Nations (Unasur) to become a member of
Brazil regularly extends export credits and university scholarships to its Latin American neighbors.[68] In recent years, the Brazilian Development Bank (BNDES) has provided US$5 billion worth of loans to countries in the region.[69] Brazil has also increasingly provided Latin American nations with financial aid and technical assistance.[63] Between 2005 and 2009, Cuba, Haiti, and Honduras were the top three recipients of Brazilian assistance, receiving over $50 million annually.[63][70]
In November 2019, Brazil made a historic move to break with the rest of Latin America on the U.S. embargo of Cuba, becoming the first Latin American country in twenty-six years to vote against condemning the U.S.-led embargo of Cuba at the United Nations General Assembly.[71]
Brazil is a founding member of the United Nations and participates in all of its specialized agencies. It has participated in 33 United Nations peacekeeping missions and contributed with over 27,000 soldiers.[72] Brazil has been a member of the United Nations Security Council ten times, most recently 2010–2011.[73] Along with Japan, Brazil has been elected more times to the Security Council than any other U.N. member state.[72]
Brazil is currently seeking a permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council.
Security Council.[74] They propose the Security Council be expanded beyond the current 15 members to include 25 members. The G4 countries argue that a reform would render the body "more representative, legitimate, effective and responsive" to the realities of the international community in the 21st century.[74]
Overseas aid has become an increasingly important tool for Brazil's foreign policy.[78] Brazil provides aid through the Brazilian Agency of Cooperation (Abbreviation: ABC; Portuguese: Agência Brasileira de Cooperação), in addition to offering scientific, economical, and technical support. More than half of Brazilian aid is provided to Africa, whereas Latin America receives around 20% of Brazilian aid. The share of aid allocated to the Asian continent is small.[79] Within Africa, more than 80% of Brazilian aid is received by Portuguese-speaking countries.[80] Brazil concentrates its aid for Portuguese-speaking countries in the education sector, specially in secondary and post-secondary education, but it is more committed to agricultural development in other countries.[81] Estimated to be around $1 billion annually, Brazil is on par with China and India and ahead of many more traditional donor countries.[78] The aid tends to consist of technical aid and expertise, alongside a quiet non-confrontational diplomacy to development results.[78] Brazil's aid demonstrates a developing pattern of South-South aid, which has been heralded as a 'global model in waiting'.[82] Concomitantly, South-South relations have become a major subfield of specialisation among Brazilian foreign policy experts.[83] Some studies have suggested that, by giving aid, Brazil could be trying to get access to mineral and energy resources.[84]
Both countries established diplomatic relations on 9 January 1951 when was accredited first Minister of Ethiopia to Brazil Mr. Blatta Dawit Ogbazgy[223]
Mozambique is the country that receives the highest amount of Brazilian aid in Africa. Almost 50% of Brazilian aid allocated to the African continent between 1998 and 2010 was allocated to Mozambique.[80]
Both countries established diplomatic relations on 16 August 1961[228]
Bilateral relations between Nigeria and Brazil focus primarily upon trade and culture. The largest country in Latin America by size, and the largest country in Africa by population are remotely bordered across from one another by the Atlantic Ocean. Brazil and Nigeria for centuries, have enjoyed a warmly, friendly, and strong relationship on the basis of culture (many
Afro-Brazilians
trace their ancestry to Nigeria) and commercial trade.
Brazil has an embassy in Abuja and a consulate-general in Lagos.
Both countries established diplomatic relations on 31 January 1948[230]
Brazil-South Africa relations have traditionally been close. Brazil has provided military assistance to South Africa in the form of warfare training and logistics. Bilateral relations between the countries have recently increased, as a result of Brazil's new South-South foreign policy aimed to strengthen integration between the major powers of the
Argentina is the first country to recognize Brazil's independence and to establish diplomatic relations with the empire. The Argentine envoy Valentín Gómez presents the Brazilian Foreign Minister with a credential letter signed by Bernardino Rivadavia, with the recognition of Brazil's independence (August 5), and is received by Dom Pedro I (August 11)[231]
After democratization, a strong integration and partnership began between the two countries. In 1985 they signed the basis for the
CONAE and the AEB had also begun working together since the 1990s. Brazil's decision to prevent a Royal Navy ship docking in Rio de Janeiro was seen as backing Argentina over the Falklands dispute.[232]
Also on the military side there has been greater rapprochement. In accordance with the friendship policy, both armies dissolved or moved major units previously located at their common border (for example,
NAe São Paulo
.
Argentina has an embassy in Brasília and maintains several consulates throughout the country.
Brazil has an embassy in Buenos Aires and maintains several consulates throughout the country.
In May 2023, Argentina and Brazil announced plans to continue working on the development of a mechanism allowing them to avoid using the
Brazil-Canada relations have been cordial but relatively limited, although the relationship between the two countries has been gradually evolving over time.
Brazilian-Cuban relations were classified as "excellent" in May 2008 following a meeting of foreign ministers.[235] During a January 2008 state visit to Cuba by Brazilian President Lula da Silva, the Brazilian leader expressed desire for his country to be Cuba's "number one partner".[235]
Bilateral trade increased by 58% between April 2007 and April 2008.[236]
Brazilian-Cuban relations have deteriorated greatly during the presidency of Brazilian rightwing president Jair Bolsonaro since 2019 .He stopped Mais Médicos (More Doctors) programme and thousands of Cuban doctors left Brazil.[237][238] In November 2019, Brazil voted for the first time against an annual United Nations resolution condemning and calling for an end to Washington's economic embargo on Cuba.[239]
Both countries established diplomatic relations on 18 November 1968[241]
Brazil–Guyana relations have traditionally been close. Brazil has provided military assistance to Guyana in the form of warfare training and logistics. Bilateral relations between the countries have recently increased, as a result of Brazil's new South-South foreign policy aimed to strengthen South American integration.
Brazil and Mexico have the two largest emerging economies in Latin-America and the global stage. Both nations are considered to be regional powers and highly influential within the American continent. Both nations have historically been friendly and they have both participated in and are members of several multilateral organizations such as the G20, Organization of American States, Organization of Ibero-American States, Rio Group and the United Nations. Several high-level diplomatic meeting have been held by presidents of both nations to enhance bilateral relations.
Paraguay–Brazil relations have improved greatly after Brazilian President Lula's decision in 2009 to triple its payments to Paraguay for energy from a massive hydro-electric dam on their border, ending a long-running dispute. Under the accord, Brazil will pay Paraguay $360m a year for energy from the jointly-operated Itaipu plant. Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva called it a "historic agreement" and the deal slated as a political victory for Paraguayan President Fernando Lugo.[243]
In February 2019, Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro praised the late military strongman of Paraguay, Alfredo Stroessner, calling him "a man of vision." Bolsonaro made the comments during a ceremony at the Itaipu hydroelectric dam on the countries' shared border. At his side was his close ally, Paraguayan right-wing President Mario Abdo Benitez.[244]
Brazil has an embassy in Asunción and maintains several consulates throughout the country.
Paraguay has an embassy in Brasília and maintains several consulates throughout the country.
Both countries established diplomatic relations on 26 May 1824[250]
Brazil-United States relations has a long history, characterized by some moments of remarkable convergence of interests but also by sporadic and critical divergences on sensitive international issues.[251] The United States has increasingly regarded Brazil as a significant power, especially in its role as a stabilizing force and skillful interlocutor in Latin America.[252] As a significant political and economic power, Brazil has traditionally preferred to cooperate with the United States on specific issues rather than seeking to develop an all-encompassing, privileged relationship with the United States.[252]
In October 2020, Brazilian president Jair Bolsonaro said that the Brazil-US relations have elevated to "its best moment ever."[253]
Brazil has an embassy in Washington, D.C., and maintains several consulates throughout the country.
United States has an embassy in Brasília and maintains several consulates throughout the country.
Brazil and Uruguay are neighboring countries that share close historical, cultural and geographical ties. The singularity of the bilateral relationship between the two countries originates from the strong historical connection - marked by important events, such as the establishment of the Colônia do Sacramento in 1680, the annexation by Brazil and the subsequent creation of the Província Cisplatina in 1815, and Uruguay's independence from Brazil in 1828.[254]
Brazil has an embassy in Montevideo and maintains several consulates throughout the country.
Uruguay has an embassy in Brasília and maintains several consulates throughout the country.
During the Brazilian government of President Jair Bolsonaro since 2019, Brazil has cut off the relations with the current Venezuelan leftwing and disputed government of president Nicolás Maduro. Brazil downgraded its diplomatic relations with the ruling Venezuelan government. Brazil has recognised Venezuelan opposition leader Juan Guaidó as the legitimate President of Venezuela.[255]
Brazil has an embassy in Caracas and maintains several consulates throughout the country.
Venezuela has an embassy in Brasilia and maintains several consulates throughout the country.
Both countries established diplomatic relations on 8 July 1974[262]
Relations have been good. In 2013, Bangladesh has sought Brazil's support for its candidature at the Human Rights Council in 2015 and non-permanent seat of the UN Security Council for 2016–17 term. In 2014, Brazil assured its support to Bangladesh for the posts of United Nations Human Rights Commission and CEDAW (The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women). Bangladesh also supported Brazil's candidature for the post of Director General of World Trade Organization.
Both countries established diplomatic relations on 6 April 1948[265]
The two countries share similar perceptions on issues of interest to developing countries and have cooperated in the multilateral level on issues such as reform to the UN and the UNSC expansion.[266]
Brazil has an embassy in New Delhi and a consulate-general in Mumbai.
India has an embassy in Brasília and a consulate-general in São Paulo.
Both countries established diplomatic relations in March 1953[267]
Both are large tropical country endowed with rich natural resources, Brazil and Indonesia possess the largest tropical rain forest of the world that contains the world's richest biodiversity, which gave them a vital role in global environment issues, such as ensuring tropical forests protection. Both countries leading the list of Megadiverse countries with Indonesia second only to Brazil.
State of Israel. Brazil was also one of the first countries to recognize the State of Israel, on 7 February 1949, less than one year after Israeli Declaration of Independence
.
Nowadays, Brazil and Israel maintains close political, economic and military ties. Brazil is a full member state of
IBGE census.[274] The Jewish Confederation of Brazil (CONIB) estimates to more than 120,000.[275] Brazil-Israel relations have improved significantly during the presidency of Jair Bolsonaro since 2019. Brazilian president Bolsonaro has expressed his love for Israel several times.[276] He has even said to have turned Brazil into Israel's new best friend.[277]
Both countries established diplomatic relations in January 1951[134]
Brazil-Pakistan relations are characterized as friendly and cooperative. In 2008, Brazil approved the sale of 100 MAR-1 anti-radiation missiles to Pakistan despite India's pressure on Brazil to avoid doing so.[288]
In June 2009, Brazil and the Philippines made their pledges as they signed mutual cooperation agreements in the fields of bio-energy and agriculture.[289] The two countries committed themselves to take the necessary steps to implement the signed Memorandum of Understanding on Cooperation in Agriculture and the Memorandum of Understanding on Bioenergy Cooperation.[290] The Philippines and Brazil signed six memoranda of understanding and agreements on the development and production of renewable energy, and agriculture cooperation.[291] It intends to "facilitate technical cooperation... on the production and use of biofuels, particularly ethanol, and promote the expansion of bilateral trade and investment in biofuel,"[292]
Both countries established diplomatic relations on 8 May 1989[303]
The Brazilian Embassy in Hanoi was opened in 1994, being the first Latin American country to open an embassy in Hanoi. Vietnamese Presidents Lê Đức Anh and Trần Đức Lương have visited Brazil in October 1995 and November 2004, respectively.[304]
Both countries established diplomatic relations on 25 October 1825 when France recognized independent of Brazil[308]
France has recognized Brazil as its special partner in South America and as a global player in international affairs. The two countries are committed to strengthening their
The countries have enjoyed "Bilateral relations [that] have always been good and are progressing smoothly," according to the Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs.[310]
Both countries established diplomatic relations on 29 August 1825[328]
Portugal and Brazil have countless bilateral agreements in areas such as culture, language, R&D, immigration, defence, tourism, economy, environment, among others.
CPLP.[332] Both countries lobby within the UN to upgrade Portuguese to a working language in that Organisation.[333] Portugal has also lobbied for Brazil to become a permanent member of the UN Security Council.[334] Finally, Portugal hosted the 1st EU-Brazil summit
, in 2007.
Brazil has an embassy in Lisbon and consulates-general in Faro and Porto.
Portugal has an embassy in Brasília, consulates-general in
Brazil–Russia relations have seen a significant improvement in recent years, characterized by an increasing commercial trade and cooperation in military and technology segments. Today, Brazil shares an important alliance with the Russian Federation, with partnerships in areas such as space and military technologies, and telecommunications.
^Georges D. Landau, "The Decision-making Process in Foreign Policy: The Case of Brazil," Center for Strategic and International Studies: Washington DC: March 2003
^Malamud, Andrés (2011). "A Leader Without Followers? The Growing Divergence Between the Regional and Global Performance of Brazilian Foreign Policy". Latin American Politics and Society, 53 (3): 1–24. doi:10.1111/j.1548-2456.2011.00123.x.
^D. Miguel I. Obra ... sobre a legitimidade e inauferiveis direitos do Senhor D. Miguel I. ao throno de Portugal. Traduzida do original francez [of the Count de Bordigné] (in Portuguese). na Impressão Regia. 1828. p. 97.
^Severgnini (2021). "Relaciones diplomáticas entre el Imperio del Brasil y el Estado Oriental del Uruguay. Análisis de la primera legación brasileña en Montevideo (1831—1837)". Instituto de Estudios Internacionales–Universidad de Chile (in Spanish): 119.
^British and Foreign State Papers. Vol. 43. H.M. Stationery Office. 1865. p. 773.
^Malamud, Carlos. "El reconocimiento español de las repúblicas latinoamericanas: el fin del "estado de incomunicación" entre las partes" (in Spanish): 15. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
^Libro amarillo correspondiente al año ...: presentado al Congreso Nacional en sus sesiones ordinarias de ... por el titular despacho (in Spanish). Venezuela. Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores. 2003. pp. 528–529.
^ARR: Arab Report and Record - Page 20. Economic Features, Limited. 1968.
^ abDocumentos de política externa Volumes 1-4 (in Portuguese). Brazil. Ministério das Relações Exteriores, Brazil. Secretaria Geral Adjunta para o Planejamento Político. 1967. p. 23. Retrieved 4 June 2023.
^ abDocumentos de política externa Volumes 1-4 (in Portuguese). Brazil. Ministério das Relações Exteriores, Brazil. Secretaria Geral Adjunta para o Planejamento Político. 1967. p. 85. Retrieved 4 June 2023.
^ abDocumentos de política externa Volumes 1-4 (in Portuguese). Brazil. Ministério das Relações Exteriores, Brazil. Secretaria Geral Adjunta para o Planejamento Político. 1967. p. 101. Retrieved 4 June 2023.
^Documentos de política externa Volumes 1-4 (in Portuguese). Brazil. Ministério das Relações Exteriores, Brazil. Secretaria Geral Adjunta para o Planejamento Político. 1967. p. 129.
^ abDocumentos de política externa Volumes 1-4 (in Portuguese). Brazil. Ministério das Relações Exteriores, Brazil. Secretaria Geral Adjunta para o Planejamento Político. 1967. p. 21. Retrieved 4 June 2023.
^Summary of World Broadcasts Non-Arab Africa · Issues 3269-3342. British Broadcasting Corporation. Monitoring Service. 1970.
^Muzart-Fonseca dos Santos, Idelette; Manuel Da Costa Esteves, José; Rolland, Denis (2007). Les îles du Cap-Vert: langues, mémoires, histoire (in French). L'Harmattan. pp. 239–240.
^A política externa do regime militar brasileiro: multilateralização, desenvolvimento e construção de uma potência média, 1964-1985 (in Portuguese). Editora da Universidade, Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul. 1998. p. 330.
^A política externa do regime militar brasileiro: multilateralização, desenvolvimento e construção de uma potência média, 1964-1985. Editora da Universidade, Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul, 1998. p. 330.
^A política externa do regime militar brasileiro: multilateralização, desenvolvimento e construção de uma potência média, 1964-1985 (in Portugal). Editora da Universidade, Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul. 1998. p. 330.
^Paulo Gilberto Fagundes Vizentini (2004). A política externa do regime militar brasileiro multilateralização, desenvolvimento e construção de uma potência média, 1964-1985 (in Portuguese). Editora da UFRGS. p. 318.
Almeida, Paulo Roberto de. "Never before seen in Brazil: Luis Inácio Lula da Silva's grand diplomacy." Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional 53 (2010): 160–177. online
Buarque, Daniel. "Brazil is not (perceived as) a serious country: exposing gaps between the external images and the international ambitions of the nation." Brasiliana: Journal for Brazilian Studies 8.1-2 (2019): 285-314 online.
Burges, Sean W. Brazil in the world: The international relations of a South American giant (2016) excerpt; wide-ranging survey.
Burges, Sean W. Brazilian Foreign Policy after the Cold War (UP of Florida, 2009)
Burges, Sean W., and Fabrício H. Chagas Bastos. "The importance of presidential leadership for Brazilian foreign policy." Policy Studies 38.3 (2017): 277–290. online
Burges, Sean W. "Without Sticks or Carrots: Brazilian Leadership in South America during the Cardoso Era, 1992–2003." Bulletin of Latin American Research 25#1 (2006): 23–42.
Burges, Sean W. Consensual Hegemony: Theorizing Brazilian Foreign Policy after the Cold War." International Relations (2008) 22 (1): 65–84.
Brazilian foreign policy under Jair Bolsonaro: far-right populism and the rejection of the liberal international order.
Academic Journal
Casarões, Guilherme et al. "Brazilian foreign policy under Jair Bolsonaro: far-right populism and the rejection of the liberal international order." Cambridge Review of International Affairs vol 34 (September 2021), p1-21. https://doi.org/10.1080/09557571.2021.1981248
Chagas-Bastos, Fabrício H., and Marcela Franzoni. "The dumb giant: Brazilian foreign policy under Jair Bolsonaro." E-international Relations 16 (2019). online
Dehshiri, Mohammad Reza, and Mohammad Hossein Neshastesazan. "Human Rights Diplomacy: Case Study of Brazil." World Sociopolitical Studies 2.1 (2018): 87–125. online
De Sá Guimarães, Feliciano, and Irma Dutra De Oliveira E Silva. "Far-right populism and foreign policy identity: Jair Bolsonaro's ultra-conservatism and the new politics of alignment." International Affairs 97.2 (2021): 345–363. online
Gardini, G., and M. Tavares de Almeida. Foreign Policy Responses to the Rise of Brazil: Balancing Power in Emerging States (Palgrave, 2017). How other states responded. excerpt
Long, Tom. "The US, Brazil and Latin America: the dynamics of asymmetrical regionalism." Contemporary Politics 24.1 (2018): 113–129. online
Lopes, Dawisson Belém. "De-westernization, democratization, disconnection: the emergence of Brazil's post-diplomatic foreign policy." Global Affairs 6.2 (2020): 167–184. online
Magalhães, Diego Trindade D'Ávila, and Laís Forti Thomaz. "The Conspiracy-Myth Diplomacy: anti-globalism vs pragmatism in Bolsonaro's foreign policy for South American integration." OIKOS 20.3 (2022). online[permanent dead link]
Mares, David R., and Harold A. Trinkunas, eds. Aspirational power: Brazil on the long road to global influence (Brookings Institution Press, 2016).
Pitts, Bryan. "The Empire Strikes Back: US-Brazil Relations from Obama to Trump" in The Future of US Empire in the Americas (Routledge, 2020) pp. 165–187.
Rossone de Paula, Francine. The Emergence of Brazil to the Global Stage: Ascending and Falling in the International Order of Competition (2018) preview; also online review
Rossone de Paula, Francine. "Brazil's non-indifference: a case for a feminist diplomatic agenda or geopolitics as usual?." International Feminist Journal of Politics 21.1 (2019): 47–66.
Saraiva, Miriam Gomes. "The democratic regime and the changes in Brazilian foreign policy towards South America." Brazilian Political Science Review 14 (2020). online
Smith, Joseph. Brazil and the United States: Convergence and Divergence (U of Georgia Press; 2010), 256 pages
Visentini, Paulo. "The Brazil of Lula: a global and affirmative diplomacy (2003-2010)" Austral: Brazilian Journal of Strategy & International Relations 1.1 (2012): 23–35. online[permanent dead link]
Vigevani, Tullo, and Gabriel Cepaluni, eds. Brazilian Foreign Policy in Changing Times: The Quest for Autonomy from Sarney to Lula (Lexington Books, 2009).
Weiffen, Brigitte. "Foreign Policy and International Relations: Taking Stock after Two Years of the Bolsonaro Administration." in Brazil under Bolsonaro. How endangered is democracy? (2022): 55–66. online
Historical
Bethell, Leslie. The Abolition of the Brazilian Slave Trade: Britain, Brazil and the Slave Trade Question (2009) excerpt
Fritsch, Winston. External Restraints on Economic Policy in Brazil, 1889-1930 (1988), emphasis on role of Great Britain.
Garcia, Eugenio V. "Antirevolutionary diplomacy in oligarchic Brazil, 1919–30." Journal of Latin American Studies 36.4 (2004): 771–796. online[dead link]
Graham, Richard. Britain and the Onset of Modernization in Brazil 1850–1914 (1972) excerpt
Harmer, Tanya. "Brazil's Cold War in the Southern Cone, 1970–1975' Cold War History (2012) 12#4 pp 659-681.
Hilton, Stanley E. "The Argentine factor in twentieth-century Brazilian foreign policy strategy." Political Science Quarterly 100.1 (1985): 27–51. online
Mota, Isadora Moura. "On the Verge of War: Black Insurgency, the 'Christie Affair', and British Antislavery in Brazil." Slavery & Abolition 43.1 (2022): 120–139. London threatened war in 1862–1863 in the "Christie Affair."
Rivere, Peter. Absent Minded Imperialism: Britain and the Expansion of Empire in 19th-Century Brazil (1995)
Rodrigues, Jose Honorio. "The Foundations of Brazil's Foreign Policy." International Affairs 38.3 (1962): 324–338; covers 1822 to 1889. online
Roett, Riordan. "Brazil ascendant: international relations and geopolitics in the late 20th century." Journal of international affairs (1975): 139–154. online
Skidmore, Thomas E. "The Historiography of Brazil, 1889-1964," Hispanic American Historical Review (1976) 56#1 pp 81–109; emphasis is on economics and foreign policy. DOI: 10.2307/2513726
Smith, Joseph. Unequal Giants: Diplomatic Relations between the United States & Brazil, 1889-1930 1991).
Topik, Steven C. Trade & Gunboats: The United States & Brazil in the Age of Empire (1997), covers 1870 to 1899.
.jpg)
.jpg)
