Yugoslavia
Yugoslavia[a] (/ˌjuːɡoʊˈslɑːviə/; lit. 'Land of the South Slavs') was a country in Southeast and Central Europe that existed from 1918 to 1992.
It
The Kingdom was invaded by the Axis powers on 6 April 1941. In 1943, a Democratic Federal Yugoslavia was proclaimed by the Partisan resistance. In 1944, King Peter II, then living in exile, recognised it as the legitimate government. After a communist government was elected in November 1945, the monarchy was abolished, and the country was renamed the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia. It acquired the territories of Istria, Rijeka, and Zadar from Italy. Partisan leader Josip Broz Tito ruled the country from 1944 as prime minister and later as president until his death in 1980. In 1963, the country was renamed for the final time, as the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY).
The six constituent republics that made up the SFRY were the socialist republics of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia, and Slovenia. The Socialist Republic of Serbia contained two socialist autonomous provinces, Kosovo and Vojvodina, which after 1974 were largely equal to the other members of the federation.[8][9] After an economic and political crisis in the 1980s and the rise of nationalism and ethnic conflicts, Yugoslavia broke up along its republics' borders, at first into five countries, leading to the Yugoslav Wars. From 1993 to 2017, the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia tried political and military leaders from the former Yugoslavia for war crimes, genocide, and other crimes committed during those wars.
After the breakup, the republics of
Background
The concept of Yugoslavia, as a common state for all
Kingdom of Yugoslavia
The country was formed in 1918 immediately after World War I as the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes by union of the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs and the Kingdom of Serbia.[12] It was commonly referred to at the time as a "Versailles state".[13] Later, King Alexander I renamed the country to Yugoslavia in 1929.[14]
King Alexander
On 20 June 1928, Serb deputy
Alexander attempted to create a centralised Yugoslavia. He decided to abolish Yugoslavia's historic regions, and new internal boundaries were drawn for provinces or banovinas.[18][19] The banovinas were named after rivers.[18] Many politicians were jailed or kept under police surveillance. During his reign, communist movements were restricted.[20]
The king was assassinated in Marseille during an official visit to France in 1934 by Vlado Chernozemski, an experienced marksman from Ivan Mihailov's Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization with the cooperation of the Ustaše, a Croatian fascist revolutionary organisation.[21][22][23][24][25] Alexander was succeeded by his eleven-year-old son Peter II and a regency council headed by his cousin, Prince Paul.[26]
1934–1941
The international political scene in the late 1930s was marked by growing intolerance between the principal figures, by the aggressive attitude of the totalitarian regimes, and by the certainty that the order set up after World War I was losing its strongholds and its sponsors their strength. Supported and pressured by Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany, Croatian leader Vladko Maček and his party managed the creation of the Banovina of Croatia (Autonomous Region with significant internal self-government) in 1939. The agreement specified that Croatia was to remain part of Yugoslavia, but it was hurriedly building an independent political identity in international relations. The entire kingdom was to be federalised, but World War II stopped the fulfillment of those plans.[citation needed]
Prince Paul submitted to fascist pressure and signed the Tripartite Pact in Vienna on 25 March 1941, hoping to continue keeping Yugoslavia out of the war. However, this was at the expense of popular support for Paul's regency. Senior military officers were also opposed to the treaty and launched a coup d'état when the king returned on 27 March. Army General Dušan Simović seized power, arrested the Vienna delegation, exiled Prince Paul, and ended the regency, giving 17-year-old King Peter full powers. Hitler then decided to attack Yugoslavia on 6 April 1941, followed immediately by an invasion of Greece where Mussolini had previously been repelled.[27][28]
World War II
At 5:12 a.m. on 6 April 1941, German, Italian and Hungarian forces invaded Yugoslavia.[29] The German Air Force (Luftwaffe) bombed Belgrade and other major Yugoslav cities. On 17 April, representatives of Yugoslavia's various regions signed an armistice with Germany in Belgrade, ending eleven days of resistance against the invading German forces.[30] More than 300,000 Yugoslav officers and soldiers were taken prisoner.[31]
The
From the start, the Yugoslav resistance forces consisted of two factions: the communist-led
The Partisans initiated a
On 25 November 1942, the
The
Western attempts to reunite the Partisans, who denied the supremacy of the old government of the
The official Yugoslav post-war estimate of victims in Yugoslavia during World War II is 1,704,000. Subsequent data gathering in the 1980s by historians Vladimir Žerjavić and Bogoljub Kočović showed that the actual number of dead was about 1 million.[41]
FPR Yugoslavia
On 11 November 1945,
On 31 January 1946, the new constitution of the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia, modelled after the Constitution of the Soviet Union, established six republics, an autonomous province, and an autonomous district that were a part of Serbia. The federal capital was Belgrade. The policy focused on a strong central government under the control of the Communist Party, and on recognition of the multiple nationalities.[43] The flags of the republics used versions of the red flag or Slavic tricolor, with a red star in the centre or in the canton.[citation needed]
Name | Capital | Flag | Coat of arms | Location |
---|---|---|---|---|
Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina | Sarajevo | |||
Socialist Republic of Croatia | Zagreb | |||
Socialist Republic of Macedonia | Skopje | |||
Socialist Republic of Montenegro | Titograd | |||
Socialist Republic of Serbia | Belgrade | |||
Socialist Republic of Slovenia | Ljubljana |
Tito's regional goal was to expand south and take control of Albania and parts of Greece. In 1947, negotiations between Yugoslavia and Bulgaria led to the Bled agreement, which proposed to form a close relationship between the two Communist countries, and enable Yugoslavia to start a civil war in Greece and use Albania and Bulgaria as bases. Stalin vetoed this agreement and it was never realised. The break between Belgrade and Moscow was now imminent.[44]
Yugoslavia solved the national issue of nations and nationalities (national minorities) in a way that all nations and nationalities had the same rights. However, most of the German minority of Yugoslavia, most of whom had collaborated during the occupation and had been recruited to German forces, were expelled towards Germany or Austria.[45]
Yugoslav–Soviet split and the Non-Alignment Movement
The country distanced itself from the Soviets in 1948 (cf.
All the Communist European Countries had deferred to Stalin and rejected the Marshall Plan aid in 1947. Tito, at first went along and rejected the Marshall plan. However, in 1948 Tito broke decisively with Stalin on other issues, making Yugoslavia an independent communist state. Yugoslavia requested American aid. American leaders were internally divided, but finally agreed and began sending money on a small scale in 1949, and on a much larger scale 1950–53. The American aid was not part of the Marshall plan.[49]
Tito criticised both Eastern Bloc and NATO nations and, together with India and other countries, started the Non-Aligned Movement in 1961, which remained the official affiliation of the country until it dissolved.[citation needed]
SFR Yugoslavia
On 7 April 1963, the nation changed its official name to
Tito was the most powerful person in the country, followed by republican and provincial premiers and presidents, and Communist Party presidents. Slobodan Penezić Krcun, Tito's chief of secret police in Serbia, fell victim to a dubious traffic incident after he started to complain about Tito's politics. Minister of the interior Aleksandar Ranković lost all of his titles and rights after a major disagreement with Tito regarding state politics. Some influential ministers in government, such as Edvard Kardelj or Stane Dolanc, were more important than the Prime Minister.[citation needed]
First cracks in the tightly governed system surfaced when
A more severe sign of disobedience was so-called Croatian Spring of 1970 and 1971, when students in Zagreb organised demonstrations for greater civil liberties and greater Croatian autonomy, followed by mass protests across Croatia.[54][55] The regime stifled the public protest and incarcerated the leaders, though many key Croatian representatives in the Party silently supported this cause.[56] As a result, a new Constitution was ratified in 1974, which gave more rights to the individual republics in Yugoslavia and provinces in Serbia.[54][55]
Ethnic tensions and economic crisis
After the Yugoslav Partisans took over the country at the end of WWII, nationalism was banned from being publicly promoted. Overall relative peace was retained under Tito's rule, though nationalist protests did occur, but these were usually repressed and nationalist leaders were arrested and some were executed by Yugoslav officials. However, the Croatian Spring protests in the 1970s were backed by large numbers of Croats who complained that Yugoslavia remained a Serb hegemony.[57]
Tito, whose home republic was Croatia, was concerned over the stability of the country and responded in a manner to appease both Croats and Serbs: he ordered the arrest of the Croatian Spring protestors while at the same time conceding to some of their demands. Following the 1974 Yugoslav Constitution, Serbia's influence in the country was significantly reduced,[58] while its autonomous provinces of Vojvodina and Kosovo were granted greater autonomy, along with greater rights for the Albanians of Kosovo and Hungarians of Vojvodina.[59] Both provinces were afforded much of the same status as the six republics of Yugoslavia, though they could not secede.[60] Vojvodina and Kosovo formed the provinces of the Republic of Serbia but also formed part of the federation, which led to the unique situation in which Central Serbia did not have its own assembly but a joint assembly with its provinces represented in it. Albanian and Hungarian became nationally recognised minority languages, and the Serbo-Croat of Bosnia and Montenegro altered to a form based on the speech of the local people and not on the standards of Zagreb and Belgrade. In Slovenia the recognized minorities were Hungarians and Italians.[citation needed]
The fact that these autonomous provinces held the same voting power as the republics but unlike other republics could not legally separate from Yugoslavia satisfied Croatia and Slovenia, but in Serbia and in the new autonomous province of Kosovo, reaction was different. Serbs saw the new constitution as conceding to Croat and ethnic Albanian nationalists.[61] Ethnic Albanians in Kosovo saw the creation of an autonomous province as not being enough, and demanded that Kosovo become a constituent republic with the right to separate from Yugoslavia. This created tensions within the Communist leadership, particularly among Communist Serb officials who viewed the 1974 constitution as weakening Serbia's influence and jeopardising the unity of the country by allowing the republics the right to separate.[61]
According to official statistics, from the 1950s to the early 1980s, Yugoslavia was among the fastest growing countries, approaching the ranges reported in South Korea and other countries undergoing an economic miracle.[62] The unique socialist system in Yugoslavia, where factories were worker cooperatives and decision-making was less centralized than in other socialist countries, may have led to the stronger growth. However, even if the absolute value of the growth rates was not as high as indicated by the official statistics, both the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia were characterized by surprisingly high growth rates of both income and education during the 1950s.[62]
The period of European growth ended after the oil price shock in 1970s. Following that, an economic crisis erupted in Yugoslavia due to disastrous economic policies such as borrowing vast amounts of Western capital to fund growth through exports.[62] At the same time, Western economies went into recession, decreasing demand for Yugoslav imports thereby creating a large debt problem.[citation needed]
In 1989, 248 firms were declared bankrupt or were liquidated and 89,400 workers were laid off according to official sources[who?]. During the first nine months of 1990 and directly following the adoption of the IMF programme, another 889 enterprises with a combined work-force of 525,000 workers suffered the same fate. In other words, in less than two years "the trigger mechanism" (under the Financial Operations Act) had led to the layoff of more than 600,000 workers out of a total industrial workforce of the order of 2.7 million.[63] An additional 20% of the work force, or half a million people, were not paid wages during the early months of 1990 as enterprises sought to avoid bankruptcy.[64] The largest concentrations of bankrupt firms and lay-offs were in Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia and Kosovo. Real earnings were in a free fall and social programmes collapsed; creating within the population an atmosphere of social despair and hopelessness.[64] This was a critical turning point in the events to follow.[citation needed]
Breakup
After Tito's death on 4 May 1980, ethnic tensions grew in Yugoslavia. The legacy of the Constitution of 1974 threw the system of decision-making into a state of paralysis, made all the more hopeless as the conflict of interests became irreconcilable. The Albanian majority in Kosovo demanded the status of a republic in the 1981 protests in Kosovo while Serbian authorities suppressed this sentiment and proceeded to reduce the province's autonomy.[65]
In 1986, the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts drafted a memorandum addressing some burning issues concerning the position of Serbs as the most numerous people in Yugoslavia. The largest Yugoslav republic in territory and population, Serbia's influence over the regions of Kosovo and Vojvodina was reduced by the 1974 Constitution. Because its two autonomous provinces had de facto prerogatives of full-fledged republics, Serbia found that its hands were tied, for the republican government was restricted in making and carrying out decisions that would apply to the provinces. Since the provinces had a vote in the Federal Presidency Council (an eight-member council composed of representatives from the six republics and the two autonomous provinces), they sometimes even entered into coalitions with other republics, thus outvoting Serbia. Serbia's political impotence made it possible for others to exert pressure on the 2 million Serbs (20% of the total Serbian population) living outside Serbia.[citation needed]
After Tito's death, Serbian communist leader Slobodan Milošević began making his way toward the pinnacle of Serbian leadership.[66] Milošević sought to restore pre-1974 Serbian sovereignty. Other republics, especially Slovenia and Croatia, denounced his proposal as a revival of greater Serbian hegemonism. Through a series of moves known as the "anti-bureaucratic revolution", Milošević succeeded in reducing the autonomy of Vojvodina and of Kosovo and Metohija,[67] but both entities retained a vote in the Yugoslav Presidency Council. The very instrument that reduced Serbian influence before was now used to increase it: in the eight-member Council, Serbia could now count on four votes at a minimum: Serbia proper, then-loyal Montenegro, Vojvodina, and Kosovo.[68]
As a result of these events,
Meanwhile, Slovenia, under the presidency of Milan Kučan, and Croatia supported the Albanian miners and their struggle for formal recognition. Initial strikes turned into widespread demonstrations demanding a Kosovar republic. This angered Serbia's leadership which proceeded to use police force and later, federal police troops to restore civil order.[71]
In January 1990, the extraordinary 14th Congress of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia was convened, where the Serbian and Slovenian delegations argued over the future of the League of Communists and Yugoslavia. The Serbian delegation, led by Milošević, insisted on a policy of "one person, one vote" which would empower the plurality population, the Serbs. In turn, the Slovenian delegation, supported by Croats, sought to reform Yugoslavia by devolving even more power to republics, but were voted down. As a result, the Slovene and Croatian delegations left the Congress and the all-Yugoslav Communist party was dissolved.[72][73]
The constitutional crisis that inevitably followed resulted in a rise of nationalism in all republics: Slovenia and Croatia voiced demands for looser ties within the federation. Following the fall of communism in Eastern Europe, each of the republics held multi-party elections in 1990. Slovenia and Croatia held the elections in April since their communist parties chose to cede power peacefully. Other Yugoslav republics—especially Serbia—were more or less dissatisfied with the democratisation in two of the republics and proposed different sanctions (e.g. Serbian "customs tax" for Slovene products) against the two, but as the year progressed, other republics' communist parties saw the inevitability of the democratisation process. In December, as the last member of the federation, Serbia held parliamentary elections confirming the rule of former communists in the republic.[citation needed]
Slovenia and Croatia elected governments oriented towards greater autonomy of the republics (under Milan Kučan and Franjo Tuđman, respectively).[74] Serbia and Montenegro elected candidates who favoured Yugoslav unity.[citation needed] The Croat quest for independence led to large Serb communities within Croatia rebelling and trying to secede from the Croat republic. Serbs in Croatia would not accept the status of a national minority in a sovereign Croatia since they would be demoted from the status of a constituent nation.[75]
Yugoslav Wars
This section needs additional citations for verification. (September 2020) |
The war broke out when the new regimes tried to replace Yugoslav civilian and military forces with secessionist forces. When, in August 1990, Croatia attempted to replace police in the Serb-populated Croat Krajina by force, the population first looked for refuge in the Yugoslav Army barracks, while the army remained passive. The civilians then organised armed resistance. These armed conflicts between the Croatian armed forces ("police") and civilians mark the beginning of the Yugoslav war that inflamed the region. Similarly, the attempt to replace Yugoslav frontier police by Slovene police forces provoked regional armed conflicts which ended with a minimal number of victims.[76]
A similar attempt in Bosnia and Herzegovina led to a war that lasted more than three years (see below). The results of all these conflicts were the almost total emigration of the Serbs from all three regions, the massive displacement of the populations in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the establishment of the three new independent states. The separation of Macedonia was peaceful, although the Yugoslav Army occupied the peak of the Straža mountain on Macedonian soil.[citation needed]
Serbian uprisings in Croatia began in August 1990 by blocking roads leading from the Dalmatian coast towards the interior almost a year before Croatian leadership made any move towards independence. These uprisings were more or less discreetly backed by the Serb-dominated federal army (JNA). The Serbs in Croatia proclaimed "Serb autonomous areas", which were later united into the
Croatia also embarked upon the illegal importation of arms, (following the disarmament of the republics' armed forces by the federal army) mainly from Hungary. These activities were under constant surveillance and produced a
Following the first multi-party election results, in the autumn of 1990, the republics of Slovenia and Croatia proposed transforming Yugoslavia into a loose confederation of six republics. By this proposal, republics would have right to self-determination. However Milošević rejected all such proposals, arguing that like Slovenes and Croats, the Serbs (having in mind Croatian Serbs) should also have a right to self-determination.[citation needed]
On 9 March 1991, demonstrations were held against Slobodan Milošević in Belgrade, but the police and the military were deployed in the streets to restore order, killing two people. In late March 1991, the Plitvice Lakes incident was one of the first sparks of open war in Croatia. The Yugoslav People's Army (JNA), whose superior officers were mainly of Serbian ethnicity, maintained an impression of being neutral, but as time went on, they became increasingly more involved in state politics.[citation needed]
On 25 June 1991, Slovenia and Croatia became the first republics to declare independence from Yugoslavia. The federal customs officers in Slovenia on the border crossings with Italy, Austria, and Hungary simply changed uniforms since most of them were local Slovenes. The following day (26 June), the Federal Executive Council specifically ordered the army to take control of the "internationally recognized borders", leading to the Ten-Day War. As Slovenia and Croatia fought towards independence, the Serbian and Croatian forces indulged in violent and perilous rivalry.[66]
The Yugoslav People's Army forces, based in barracks in Slovenia and Croatia, attempted to carry out the task within the next 48 hours. However, because of misinformation given to the Yugoslav Army conscripts that the Federation was under attack by foreign forces and the fact that the majority of them did not wish to engage in a war on the ground where they served their conscription, the Slovene territorial defence forces retook most of the posts within days with minimal loss of life on both sides.[citation needed]
There was, however, evidence of a suspected war crime. The Austrian ORF TV network showed footage of three Yugoslav Army soldiers surrendering to the territorial defence force when gunfire was heard and the troops were seen falling down. None were killed in the incident, yet there were numerous cases of destruction of civilian property and civilian life by the Yugoslav People's Army, including houses and a church. A civilian airport, along with a hangar and aircraft inside the hangar, was bombarded; truck drivers on the road from Ljubljana to Zagreb and Austrian journalists at the Ljubljana Airport were killed.[citation needed]
A ceasefire was eventually agreed upon. According to the Brioni Agreement, recognised by representatives of all republics, the international community pressured Slovenia and Croatia to place a three-month moratorium on their independence.[citation needed]
During these three months, the Yugoslav Army completed its pull-out from Slovenia, but in Croatia, a bloody
In September 1991, the
As a result of the conflict, the
In Bosnia and Herzegovina in November 1991, the Bosnian Serbs held a referendum which resulted in an overwhelming vote in favour of forming a Serbian republic within the borders of Bosnia and Herzegovina and staying in a common state with Serbia and Montenegro. On 9 January 1992, the self-proclaimed Bosnian Serb assembly proclaimed a separate "Republic of the Serb people of Bosnia and Herzegovina". The referendum and creation of SARs were proclaimed unconstitutional by the government of Bosnia and Herzegovina and declared illegal and invalid. In February–March 1992, the government held a national referendum on Bosnian independence from Yugoslavia. That referendum was in turn declared contrary to the BiH and the Federal constitution by the federal Constitutional Court in Belgrade and the newly established Bosnian Serb government.[citation needed]
The referendum was largely boycotted by the Bosnian Serbs. The Federal court in Belgrade did not decide on the matter of the referendum of the Bosnian Serbs. The turnout was somewhere between 64 and 67% and 98% of the voters voted for independence. It was not clear what the two-thirds majority requirement actually meant and whether it was satisfied. The republic's government declared its independence on 5 April, and the Serbs immediately declared the independence of Republika Srpska. The
Timeline
Various dates are considered the end of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia:
- 25 June 1991, when Croatia and Slovenia declared independence[78]
- 8 September 1991: following a referendum the Republic of Macedonia declared independence which was ratified by the Assembly of Macedonia on 17 September[79]
- 8 October 1991, when the 9 July moratorium on Slovene and Croatian secession ended and Croatia restated its independence in the Croatian Parliament (that day is officially considered the date of Independence)[80]
- 6 April 1992: full recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina's independence by the European Union followed by the U.S.[81]
- 27 April 1992: the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia is formed[14]
- 14 December 1995: the Dayton Agreement is signed by the leaders of FR Yugoslavia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Croatia[82]
New states
Succession, 1992–2003
As the
According to the Succession Agreement signed in Vienna on 29 June 2001, all assets of former Yugoslavia were divided between five successor states:[87]
Name | Capital | Flag | Coat of arms | Declared date of independence | United Nations membership[88] |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia[c] | Belgrade | 27 April 1992[d] | 1 November 2000[e] | ||
Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina | Sarajevo | 3 March 1992 | 22 May 1992 | ||
Republic of Croatia | Zagreb | 25 June 1991 | 22 May 1992 | ||
Republic of Macedonia[f] | Skopje | 8 September 1991 | 8 April 1993 | ||
Republic of Slovenia | Ljubljana | 25 June 1991 | 22 May 1992 |
Succession, 2006–present
In June 2006,
Bosnia and Herzegovina | Croatia | Kosovo | Montenegro | North Macedonia | Serbia | Slovenia | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Flag | |||||||
Coat of arms | |||||||
Capital | Sarajevo | Zagreb | Pristina | Podgorica | Skopje | Belgrade | Ljubljana |
Independence | 3 March, 1992 |
25 June, 1991 |
17 February, 2008 |
3 June, 2006 |
8 September, 1991 |
5 June, 2006 |
25 June, 1991 |
Population (2018) | 3,301,779 | 4,109,669 | 1,886,259 | 622,359 | 2,068,979 | 6,988,221 | 2,086,525 |
Area | 51,197 km2 | 56,594 km2 | 10,908 km2 | 13,812 km2 | 25,713 km2 | 88,361 km2 | 20,273 km2 |
Density | 69/km2 | 74/km2 | 159/km2 | 45/km2 | 81/km2 | 91/km2 | 102/km2 |
Water area (%) | 0.02% | 1.1% | 1.00% | 2.61% | 1.09% | 0.13% | 0.6% |
GDP (nominal) total (2023) | $24.531 billion | $73.490 billion | $9.815 billion | $6.674 billion | $15.024 billion | $68.679 billion | $65.202 billion |
GDP (PPP) per capita (2023) | $18,956 | $40,484 | $15,398 | $27,616 | $21,103 | $25,718 | $52,517 |
Gini Index (2018[90]) | 33.0 | 29.7 | 23.2 | 33.2 | 43.2 | 29.7 | 25.6 |
HDI (2021) | 0.780 (High) | 0.858 (Very High) | 0.750 (High) | 0.832 (Very High) | 0.770 (High) | 0.802 (Very High) | 0.918 (Very High) |
Internet TLD | .ba | .hr | .xk | .me | .mk | .rs | .si |
Calling code | +387 | +385 | +383 | +382 | +389 | +381 | +386 |
Yugo-nostalgia
Remembrance of the time of the joint state and its positive attributes is referred to as Yugo-nostalgia. Many aspects of Yugo-nostalgia refer to the socialist system and the sense of social security it provided. There are still people from the former Yugoslavia who self-identify as Yugoslavs; this identifier is commonly seen in demographics relating to ethnicity in today's independent states.[91]
Demographics
This section is missing information about overall statistics on religion, ethnicity, and language.(April 2022) |
Yugoslavia had always been a home to a very diverse population, not only in terms of national affiliation, but also religious affiliation. Of the many religions, Islam, Roman Catholicism, Judaism, and Protestantism, as well as various Eastern Orthodox faiths, composed the religions of Yugoslavia, comprising over 40 in all. The religious demographics of Yugoslavia changed dramatically since World War II. A census taken in 1921 and later in 1948 show that 99% of the population appeared to be deeply involved with their religion and practices. With postwar government programs of modernisation and urbanisation, the percentage of religious believers took a dramatic plunge. Connections between religious belief and nationality posed a serious threat to the post-war Communist government's policies on national unity and state structure.[92] Although Yugoslavia became a de facto atheist state, in contrast to other socialist states of the time, Catholic Church maintained an active role in society of Yugoslavia,[93] the Holy See normalized its relations with Yugoslavia by 1967 and worked together on stopping the Vietnam War.[94] Likewise, the Serbian Orthodox Church received favorable treatment, and Yugoslavia did not engage in anti-religious campaigns to the extent of other countries in the Eastern Bloc.[95]
After the rise of communism, a survey taken in 1964 showed that just over 70% of the total population of Yugoslavia considered themselves to be religious believers. The places of highest religious concentration were that of Kosovo with 91% and Bosnia and Herzegovina with 83.8%. The places of lowest religious concentration were Slovenia 65.4%, Serbia with 63.7% and Croatia with 63.6%. The percentage of self-declared atheists was highest among Yugoslavs by nationality at 45%, followed by Serbs at 42%.[96] Religious differences between Orthodox Serbs and Macedonians, Catholic Croats and Slovenes, and Muslim Bosniaks and Albanians alongside the rise of nationalism contributed to the collapse of Yugoslavia in 1991.[92]
The
Languages
The three major languages in Yugoslavia were Serbo-Croatian, Slovenian, and Macedonian.[98] Serbo-Croatian, the only language taught all across former Yugoslavia, remained the second language of many Slovenes[99] and Macedonians, especially those born during the time of Yugoslavia. After the breakup of Yugoslavia, Serbo-Croatian has lost its unitary codification and its official unitary status and has since diverged into four standardized varieties of what remains one pluricentric language: Bosnian, Croatian, Montenegrin and Serbian.[citation needed]
See also
Notes
- Serbo-Croatian: Jugoslavija / Југославија [juɡǒslaːʋija]; Slovene: Jugoslavija [juɡɔˈslàːʋija]; Macedonian: Југославија [juɡɔˈsɫavija]; Albanian: Jugosllavia; Aromanian: Iugoslavia; Hungarian: Jugoszlávia; Pannonian Rusyn: Югославия, romanized: Juhoslavija; Slovak: Juhoslávia; Romanian: Iugoslavia; Czech: Jugoslávie; Italian: Iugoslavia; Turkish: Yugoslavya; Bulgarian: Югославия, romanized: Yugoslaviya
- ^ The Yugoslav Committee, led by Dalmatian Croat politician Ante Trumbić, lobbied the Allies to support the creation of an independent South Slavic state and delivered the proposal in the Corfu Declaration on 20 July 1917.[6]
- ^ Later renamed to Serbia and Montenegro in 2003.
- ^ Date of the proclamation of the FR of Yugoslavia.
- ^ Membership succeeded by Serbia on 3 June 2006.
- ^ Name changed to the Republic of North Macedonia in 2019 as a result of the Prespa Agreement.
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- ^ "Statistical yearbook of Yugoslavia, 1991" (PDF). publikacije.stat.gov.rs. Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia Federal Statistical Office.
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- ^ "Краљевски намесници и чланови Народног претставништва положили су јуче заклетву на верност Њ. В. Кралу Петру II" [Royal deputies and members of the People's Representative Office took the oath of allegiance to King Peter II yesterday]. Време (in Serbo-Croatian). 12 October 1934.
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Further reading
- Allcock, John B. Explaining Yugoslavia (Columbia University Press, 2000)
- Allcock, John B. et al. eds. Conflict in the Former Yugoslavia: An Encyclopedia (1998)
- Bezdrob, Anne Marie du Preez. Sarajevo Roses: War Memoirs of a Peacekeeper. Oshun, 2002. ISBN 1-77007-031-1
- ISBN 9782825119587.
- Chan, Adrian. Free to Choose: A Teacher's Resource and Activity Guide to Revolution and Reform in Eastern Europe. Stanford, CA: SPICE, 1991. ED 351 248
- Cigar, Norman. Genocide in Bosnia: The Policy of Ethnic-Cleansing. College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1995
- Cohen, Lenard J. Broken Bonds: The Disintegration of Yugoslavia. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1993
- Conversi, Daniele: German -Bashing and the Breakup of Yugoslavia, The Donald W. Treadgold Papers in Russian, East European and Central Asian Studies, no. 16, March 1998 (University of Washington: HMJ School of International Studies)
- Djilas, Milovan. Land without Justice, [with] introd. and notes by William Jovanovich. New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co., 1958.
- Dragnich, Alex N. Serbs and Croats. The Struggle in Yugoslavia. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1992
- Fisher, Sharon. Political Change in Post-Communist Slovakia and Croatia: From Nationalist to Europeanist. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006 ISBN 1-4039-7286-9
- Glenny, Mischa. The Balkans: Nationalism, War and the Great Powers, 1804–1999 (London: Penguin Books Ltd, 2000)
- ISBN 0-14-026101-X
- Gutman, Roy. A Witness to Genocide. The 1993 Pulitzer Prize-winning Dispatches on the "Ethnic Cleansing" of Bosnia. New York: Macmillan, 1993
- Hall, Richard C., ed. War in the Balkans: An Encyclopedic History from the Fall of the Ottoman Empire to the Breakup of Yugoslavia (2014) excerpt
- Hall, Brian. The Impossible Country: A Journey Through the Last Days of Yugoslavia (Penguin Books. New York, 1994)
- Hayden, Robert M.: Blueprints for a House Divided: The Constitutional Logic of the Yugoslav Conflicts. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2000
- Hoare, Marko A., A History of Bosnia: From the Middle Ages to the Present Day. London: Saqi, 2007
- Hornyak, Arpad. Hungarian-Yugoslav Diplomatic Relations, 1918–1927 (East European Monographs, distributed by Columbia University Press; 2013) 426 pages
- Jelavich, Barbara: History of the Balkans: Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries, Volume 1. New York: American Council of Learned Societies, 1983 ED 236 093
- Jelavich, Barbara: History of the Balkans: Twentieth Century, Volume 2. New York: American Council of Learned Societies, 1983. ED 236 094
- Kohlmann, Evan F.: Al-Qaida's Jihad in Europe: The Afghan-Bosnian Network Berg, New York 2004, ISBN 1-85973-807-9
- Malesevic, Sinisa: Ideology, Legitimacy and the New State: Yugoslavia, Serbia and Croatia. London: Routledge, 2002.
- Owen, David. Balkan Odyssey Harcourt (Harvest Book), 1997
- Pavlowitch, Stevan K. The improbable survivor: Yugoslavia and its problems, 1918–1988 (1988). online free to borrow
- Pavlowitch, Stevan K. Tito—Yugoslavia's great dictator : a reassessment (1992) online free to borrow
- Pavlowitch, Steven. Hitler's New Disorder: The Second World War in Yugoslavia (2008) excerpt and text search
- Ramet, Sabrina P. (2006). The Three Yugoslavias: State-Building and Legitimation, 1918–2005. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. ISBN 978-0-253-34656-8.
- ISBN 0-8223-0773-1.
- Sacco, Joe: Safe Area Gorazde: The War in Eastern Bosnia 1992–1995. Fantagraphics Books, January 2002
- Silber, Laura and Allan Little:Yugoslavia: Death of a Nation. New York: Penguin Books, 1997
- "New Power" at Time magazine (reprinted from 4 December 1944)
- West, Rebecca: Black Lamb and Gray Falcon: A Journey Through Yugoslavia. Viking, 1941
Historiography and memory
- Antolovi, Michael. "Writing History under the 'Dictatorship of the Proletariat': Yugoslav Historiography 1945–1991." Revista de História das Ideias 39 (2021): 49–73. online
- Banac, Ivo. "Yugoslavia." American Historical Review 97.4 (1992): 1084–1104. online
- Banac, Ivo. "The dissolution of Yugoslav historiography." in Beyond Yugoslavia (Routledge, 2019) pp. 39–65. [1]
- Beloff, Nora (1986). Tito's Flawed Legacy: Yugoslavia and the West Since 1939. Westview Pr. ISBN 978-0-8133-0322-2. online
- Brunnbauer, Ulf. "Serving the Nation: Historiography in the Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) After Socialism." Historein 4 (2003): 161–182. online
- Carter, April (1989). Marshal Tito: A Bibliography. Greenwood Press. ISBN 978-0-313-28087-0.
- Cicic, Ana. "Yugoslavia Revisited: Contested Histories through Public Memories of President Tito." (2020). online
- Cosovschi, Agustin. "Seeing and Imagining the Land of Tito: Oscar Waiss and the Geography of Socialist Yugoslavia." Balkanologie. Revue d'études pluridisciplinaires 17.1 (2022). online
- Dimić, Ljubodrag. "Historiography on the Cold War in Yugoslavia: from ideology to science." Cold War History 8.2 (2008): 285–297. https://doi.org/10.1080/14682740802018835
- Foster, Samuel. Yugoslavia in the British imagination: Peace, war and peasants before Tito (Bloomsbury Publishing, 2021) online. See also online book review
- Hoepken, Wolfgang. "War, memory, and education in a fragmented society: The case of Yugoslavia." East European Politics and Societies 13.1 (1998): 190–227. online
- Juhász, József. "Paradigms and narratives in the historiography on the disintegration of Yugoslavia." Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe (2023): 1–12. online
- Karge, Heike. "Mediated remembrance: local practices of remembering the Second World War in Tito's Yugoslavia." European Review of History—Revue européenne d'histoire 16.1 (2009): 49–62. [2]
- Kevo, Tomislav. "The Image of Socialist Yugoslavia in Croatian Historiography." (2013). online
- ISBN 0-521-46705-5
- Perović, Jeronim. "The Tito-Stalin split: a reassessment in light of new evidence." Journal of Cold War Studies 9.2 (2007): 32–63. online
- Sindbæk, Tea. "The fall and rise of a national hero: interpretations of Draža Mihailović and the Chetniks in Yugoslavia and Serbia since 1945." Journal of contemporary European studies 17.1 (2009): 47–59. online
- Sindbæk, Tea. "World War II genocides in Yugoslav historiography." (2006). online[permanent dead link]
- Stallaerts, Robert. "Historiography in the Former and New Yugoslavia." Belgisch Tijdschrift voor Nieuwste Geschiedenis 3 (1999): 4+ online.
- Tromp, Nevanka. "Ongoing Disintegration of Yugoslavia: historiography of the conflict that won't go away." Leidschrift 36.november: 30 jaar postcommunisme. Op zoek naar een nieuw evenwicht (2021): 31–48. [3][permanent dead link]
- Trošt, Tamara P. "The image of Josip Broz Tito in post-Yugoslavia: Between national and local memory." in Ruler Personality Cults from Empires to Nation-States and Beyond (Routledge, 2020) pp. 143–162. online
External links
- Wikimedia Atlas of Yugoslavia
- Maps
- Milivoy S. Stanoyevich (1920). . Encyclopedia Americana.
- The First Yugoslavia: Search for a Viable Political System, by Alex N. Dragnich
- European University Institute Yugoslavia
- "Yugoslavia: the outworn structure"—CIAreport from November 1970
- Timeline: Break-up of Yugoslavia at BBC News
- Teaching about Conflict and Crisis in the Former Yugoslavia Archived 2 March 2010 at the Wayback Machine
- Video on the Conflict in the Former Yugoslavia from the Dean Peter Krogh Foreign Affairs Digital Archives
- The collapse of communist Yugoslavia