Francisco Franco

Head of the Spanish State[b]
In office 1 October 1936[a] – 20 November 1975
Prime Minister	Himself (1938–Jun. 1973) Luis Carrero Blanco (Jun–Dec. 1973) Carlos Arias Navarro (Dec. 1973–1975)
Preceded by	Miguel Cabanellas[c] Manuel Azaña[4]
Succeeded by	King of Spain)
Prime Minister of Spain[d]
In office 30 January 1938[a] – 9 June 1973
Caudillo	Himself
Preceded by	Francisco Gómez-Jordana[e] Juan Negrín[6]
Succeeded by	Luis Carrero Blanco
National Chief of FET y de las JONS
In office 19 April 1937 – 20 November 1975
Deputy	Francisco Gómez-Jordana (1938–1939) None (1939–1962) Agustín Muñoz Grandes (1962–1967) Luis Carrero Blanco (1967–1973)
Preceded by	Position established
Succeeded by	Carlos Arias Navarro
Personal details
Born	(1892-12-04)4 December 1892 Ferrol, Spain
Died	20 November 1975(1975-11-20) (aged 82) Madrid, Spain
Resting place	Valley of the Fallen, Madrid (1975–2019) Mingorrubio Cemetery, Madrid (since 2019)
Political party	FET y de las JONS
Spouse	Carmen Polo ​ (m. 1923)​
Children	María del Carmen
Relatives	Nicolás Franco (brother) Ramón Franco (brother) Francisco Franco [es] (cousin) Ricardo de la Puente [es] (cousin)
Residence(s)	El Pardo, Madrid
Education	Infantry Academy of Toledo
Signature
Military service
Allegiance	Kingdom of Spain (1907–1931) Spanish Republic (1931–1936) Spanish State (1936–1975)
Branch/service	Spanish Armed Forces
Years of service	1907–1975
Rank	Captain general Army Air Force Navy
Commands	All (generalissimo)
Battles/wars	2nd Melillan Campaign (WIA) Rif War Revolution of 1934 Spanish Civil War Ifni War

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Francisco Franco Bahamonde^[f] (Spanish: [fɾanˈθisko ˈfɾaŋko βa.aˈmonde]; 4 December 1892 – 20 November 1975) was a Spanish military general who led the Nationalist forces in overthrowing the Second Spanish Republic during the Spanish Civil War and thereafter ruled over Spain from 1939 to 1975 as a dictator, assuming the title Caudillo. This period in Spanish history, from the Nationalist victory to Franco's death, is commonly known as Francoist Spain or as the Francoist dictatorship.

Born in

Francisco Franco Bahamonde was born on 4 December 1892 in the Calle Frutos Saavedra in Ferrol, Galicia,^[19] into a seafaring family.^[20] He was baptised thirteen days later at the military church of San Francisco, with the baptismal name Francisco Paulino Hermenegildo Teódulo.^[19]

After relocating to Galicia, the Franco family was involved in the Spanish Navy, and over the span of two centuries produced naval officers for six uninterrupted generations (including several admirals),^[20] down to Franco's father Nicolás Franco Salgado-Araújo [es] (22 November 1855 – 22 February 1942).^[21]

His mother,

Franco's father was a naval officer who reached the rank of vice admiral (intendente general). When Franco was fourteen, his father moved to Madrid following a reassignment and ultimately abandoned his family, marrying another woman. While Franco did not suffer any great abuse by his father's hand, he would never overcome his antipathy for his father and largely ignored him for the rest of his life. Years after becoming dictator, under the pseudonym Jaime de Andrade, Franco wrote a brief novel called Raza, whose protagonist is believed by Stanley Payne to represent the idealised man Franco wished his father had been. Conversely, Franco strongly identified with his mother (who always wore widow's black once she realised her husband had abandoned her) and learned from her moderation, austerity, self-control, family solidarity and respect for Catholicism, though he would also inherit his father's harshness, coldness and implacability.^[25]

Military career

Rif War and advancement through the ranks

Francisco followed his father into the Navy, but as a result of the

Riffian rebellions. Their tactics resulted in heavy losses among Spanish military officers, and also provided an opportunity to earn promotion through merit on the battlefield. It was said that officers would receive either la caja o la faja (a coffin or a general's sash). Franco quickly gained a reputation as an effective officer.

In 1913, Franco transferred into the newly formed regulares: Moroccan colonial troops with Spanish officers, who acted as elite shock troops.^[30] In 1916, aged 23 with the rank of captain, Franco was shot in the abdomen by guerrilla gunfire during an assault on Moroccan positions at El Biutz, in the hills near Ceuta; this was the only time he was wounded in ten years of fighting.^[31] The wound was serious, and he was not expected to live. His recovery was seen by his Moroccan troops as a spiritual event – they believed Franco to be blessed with baraka or protected by God. He was recommended for promotion to major and to receive Spain's highest honour for gallantry, the coveted Cruz Laureada de San Fernando. Both proposals were denied, with the 23-year-old Franco's young age being given as the reason for denial. Franco appealed the decision to the king, who reversed it.^[31] Franco also received the Cross of Maria Cristina, First Class.^[32]

Disappointed with the plans by Spain's Prime Minister, Lieutenant General Miguel Primo de Rivera, for a strategic retreat from the interior to the African coastline, Colonel Franco wrote in the April 1924 issue of Revista de Tropas Coloniales (Colonial Troops Magazine) that he would disobey orders of retreat given by a superior. As a result, Franco had a tense meeting with Primo de Rivera in July.

Lieutenant Colonel Franco visited a fellow africanista, General Gonzalo Queipo de Llano, on 21 September 1924 to propose that Queip de Llano organize a coup d'état against Primo.^[35] In the end, Franco complied with General Primo's orders, taking part in the retreat of Spanish soldiers from Xaouen in late 1924, and thus earning a promotion to colonel.^[36]

Franco led the first wave of troops ashore at

The municipal elections of 12 April 1931 were largely seen as a plebiscite on the monarchy.[40] The Republican-Socialist alliance failed to win the majority of the municipalities in Spain but had a landslide victory in all the large cities and in almost all the provincial capitals.^[41] The monarchists and the army deserted Alfonso XIII and consequently the king decided to leave the country and go into exile, giving way to the Second Spanish Republic. Although Franco believed that the majority of the Spanish people still supported the crown, and although he regretted the end of the monarchy, he did not object, nor did he challenge the legitimacy of the republic.^[42] The closing of the academy in June by the provisional War Minister Manuel Azaña however was a major setback for Franco and provoked his first clash with the Spanish Republic. Azaña found Franco's farewell speech to the cadets insulting.^[43] In his speech Franco stressed the Republic's need for discipline and respect.^[44] Azaña entered an official reprimand into Franco's personnel file and for six months Franco was without a post and under surveillance.^[43]

In December 1931, a new reformist, liberal, and democratic

Franco was a subscriber to the journal of Acción Española, a monarchist organisation, and a firm believer in a supposed Jewish-Masonic-Bolshevik conspiracy, or contubernio (conspiracy). The conspiracy suggested that Jews, Freemasons, Communists, and other leftists alike sought the destruction of Christian Europe, with Spain being the principal target.^[47]

On 5 February 1932, Franco was given a command in A Coruña. Franco avoided involvement in José Sanjurjo's attempted coup that year, and even wrote a hostile letter to Sanjurjo expressing his anger over the attempt. As a result of Azaña's military reform, in January 1933 Franco was relegated from first to 24th in the list of brigadiers. The same year, on 17 February he was given the military command of the Balearic Islands. The post was above his rank, but Franco was still unhappy that he was stuck in a position he disliked. The prime minister wrote in his diary that it was probably more prudent to have Franco away from Madrid.^[48][49]

In 1932, the Jesuits, who were in charge of many schools throughout the country, were banned and had all their property confiscated.^[50] The army was further reduced, and landowners were expropriated. Home rule was granted to Catalonia, with a local parliament and a president of its own.^[51] In June 1933 Pope Pius XI issued the encyclical Dilectissima Nobis (Our Dearly Beloved), "On Oppression of the Church of Spain", in which he criticised the anti-clericalism of the Republican government.^[50]

The elections held in October 1933 resulted in a centre-right majority. The political party with the most votes was the Confederación Español de Derechas Autónomas ("CEDA"), but president Alcalá-Zamora declined to invite the leader of the CEDA, Gil Robles, to form a government.^[52] Instead, he invited the Radical Republican Party's Alejandro Lerroux to do so. Despite receiving the most votes, CEDA was denied cabinet positions for nearly a year.^[53] After a year of intense pressure, CEDA, the largest party in the congress, was finally successful in forcing the acceptance of three ministries. The entrance of CEDA in the government, despite being normal in a parliamentary democracy, was not well accepted by the left. The Socialists triggered an insurrection that they had been preparing for nine months. The leftist Republican parties did not directly join the insurrection, but their leadership issued statements that they were "breaking all relations" with the Republican government.^[54] The Catalan Bloc Obrer i Camperol (BOC) advocated the need to form a broad workers' front and took the lead in forming a new and more encompassing Alianza Obrera, which included the Catalan UGT and the Catalan sector of the PSOE, with the goal of defeating fascism and advancing the socialist revolution. The Alianza Obrera declared a general strike "against fascism" in Catalonia in 1934.^[55] A Catalan state was proclaimed by Catalan nationalist leader Lluis Companys, but it lasted just ten hours. Despite an attempt at a general stoppage in Madrid, other strikes did not endure. This left the striking Asturian miners to fight alone.^[56]

In several mining towns in Asturias, local unions gathered small arms and were determined to see the strike through. It began on the evening of 4 October, with the miners occupying several towns, attacking and seizing local

With this rebellion against legitimate established political authority, the socialists also repudiated the representative institutional system as the anarchists had done.[65] The Spanish historian Salvador de Madariaga, an Azaña supporter, and an exiled vocal opponent of Francisco Franco is the author of a sharp critical reflection against the participation of the left in the revolt: "The uprising of 1934 is unforgivable. The argument that Mr Gil Robles tried to destroy the Constitution to establish fascism was, at once, hypocritical and false. With the rebellion of 1934, the Spanish left lost even the shadow of moral authority to condemn the rebellion of 1936."^[66]

At the start of the Civil War, López Ochoa was assassinated; his head was severed and paraded around the streets on a pole, with a card reading, 'This is the butcher of Asturias'.^[67] Sometime after these events, Franco was briefly commander-in-chief of the Army of Africa (from 15 February onwards), and from 19 May 1935, on, Chief of the General Staff.

1936 general election

At the end of 1935, President Alcalá-Zamora manipulated a petty-corruption issue into a major scandal in parliament, and eliminated Alejandro Lerroux, the head of the Radical Republican Party, from the premiership. Subsequently, Alcalá-Zamora vetoed the logical replacement, a majority centre-right coalition, led by the CEDA, which would reflect the composition of the parliament. He then arbitrarily appointed an interim prime minister and after a short period announced the dissolution of parliament and new elections.^[68]

Two wide coalitions formed: the

José Calvo Sotelo, who made anti-communism the focus of his parliamentary speeches, began spreading violent propaganda—advocating for a military coup d'état, formulating a catastrophist discourse of a dichotomous choice between "communism" or a markedly totalitarian "National" State, and setting the mood of the masses for a military rebellion. The diffusion of the myth about an alleged Communist coup d'état as well a pretended state of "social chaos" became pretexts for a coup. Franco himself along with General Emilio Mola had stirred an anti-Communist campaign in Morocco.^[78]

On 23 February, Franco was sent to the Canary Islands to serve as the islands' military commander, an appointment perceived by him as a destierro (banishment).^[79] Meanwhile, a conspiracy led by General Mola was taking shape.

Interested in the parliamentary immunity granted by a seat at the Cortes, Franco intended to stand as candidate of the Right Bloc alongside José Antonio Primo de Rivera for the by-election in the province of Cuenca programmed for 3 May 1936, after the results of the February 1936 election were annulled in the constituency. But Primo de Rivera refused to run alongside a military officer (Franco in particular) and Franco himself ultimately desisted on 26 April, one day before the decision of the election authority. By that time, PSOE politician Indalecio Prieto had already deemed Franco as a "possible caudillo for a military uprising".^[80]

Disenchantment with Azaña's rule continued to grow and was dramatically voiced by Miguel de Unamuno, a republican and one of Spain's most respected intellectuals, who in June 1936 told a reporter who published his statement in El Adelanto that President Manuel Azaña should "...debiera suicidarse como acto patriótico" ("commit suicide as a patriotic act").^[81]

In June 1936, Franco was contacted, and a secret meeting was held within La Esperanza forest on Tenerife to discuss starting a military coup.^[82] An obelisk (which has subsequently been removed) commemorating this historic meeting was erected at the site in a clearing at Las Raíces in Tenerife.^[83]

Outwardly, Franco maintained an ambiguous attitude until nearly July. On 23 June 1936, he wrote to the head of the government,

A week later the rebels, who soon called themselves the Nationalists, controlled a third of Spain; most naval units remained under control of the Republican loyalist forces, which left Franco isolated. The coup had failed in the attempt to bring a swift victory, but the Spanish Civil War had begun.

From the Spanish Civil War to World War II

Franco rose to power during the Spanish Civil War, which began in July 1936 and officially ended with the victory of his Nationalist forces in April 1939. Although it is impossible to calculate precise statistics concerning the Spanish Civil War and its aftermath, Payne writes that if civilian fatalities above the norm are added to the total number of deaths for victims of violence, the number of deaths attributable to the civil war would reach approximately 344,000.^[87] During the war, rape, torture, and summary executions committed by soldiers under Franco's command were used as a means of retaliation and to repress political dissent.^[88]

The war was marked by

Following the

On 26 July, just eight days after the revolt had started, foreign allies of the Republican government convened an international communist conference at Prague to arrange plans to help the Popular Front forces in Spain. Communist parties throughout the world quickly launched a full scale propaganda campaign in support of the Popular Front. The Communist International (Comintern) immediately reinforced its activity, sending to Spain its Secretary-General, the Bulgarian Georgi Dimitrov, and Palmiro Togliatti the chief of the Communist Party of Italy.^[97][98] From August onward, aid from the Soviet Union began; by February 1937 two ships per day arrived at Spain's Mediterranean ports carrying munitions, rifles, machine guns, hand grenades, artillery, and trucks. With the cargo came Soviet agents, technicians, instructors and propagandists.^[99]

The Communist International immediately started to organise the International Brigades, volunteer military units which included the Garibaldi Brigade from Italy and the Lincoln Battalion from the United States. The International Brigades were usually deployed as shock troops, and as a result they suffered high casualties.^[100]

In early August, the situation in western

CR.32 fighter and the German Junkers Ju 52 cargo-bomber and the Heinkel He 51 biplane fighter.^[101]

On 21 September, with the head of the column at the town of

Toledo, which was achieved on 27 September.^[102] This controversial decision gave the Popular Front time to strengthen its defences in Madrid and hold the city that year,^[103] but with Soviet support.^[104] Kennan alleges that once Stalin had decided to assist the Spanish Republicans, the operation was put in place with remarkable speed and energy. The first load of arms and tanks arrived as early as 26 September and was secretly unloaded at night. Advisers accompanied the armaments. Soviet officers were in effective charge of military operations on the Madrid front. Kennan believes that this operation was originally conducted in good faith with no other purpose than saving the Republic.^[105]

Hitler's policy for Spain was shrewd and pragmatic.[106] The minutes of a conference with his foreign minister and army chiefs at the Reich Chancellery in Berlin on 10 November 1937 summarised his views on foreign policy regarding the Spanish Civil War: "On the other hand, a 100 percent victory for Franco was not desirable either, from the German point of view; rather were we interested in a continuance of the war and in the keeping up of the tension in the Mediterranean."^[107][108] Hitler distrusted Franco; according to the comments he made at the conference he wanted the war to continue, but he did not want Franco to achieve total victory. He felt that with Franco in undisputed control of Spain, the possibility of Italy intervening further or of its continuing to occupy the Balearic Islands would be prevented.^[109]

By February 1937 the Soviet Union's military help started to taper off, to be replaced by limited economic aid.

Rise to power

The designated leader of the uprising, General

Andalucia, Franco with an independent command, and Miguel Cabanellas in Zaragoza commanding Aragon). The Spanish Army of Morocco was itself split into two columns, one commanded by General Juan Yagüe and the other commanded by Colonel José Varela

.

From 24 July a coordinating junta, the National Defence Junta, was established, based at Burgos. Nominally led by Cabanellas, as the most senior general, it initially included Mola, three other generals, and two colonels; Franco was later added in early August.^[111] On 21 September it was decided that Franco was to be commander-in-chief (this unified command was opposed only by Cabanellas),^[112] and, after some discussion, with no more than a lukewarm agreement from Queipo de Llano and from Mola, also head of government.^[113] He was, doubtlessly, helped to this primacy by the fact that, in late July, Hitler had decided that all of Germany's aid to the Nationalists would go to Franco.^[114]

Mola had been somewhat discredited as the main planner of the attempted coup that had now degenerated into a civil war, and was strongly identified with the Carlist monarchists and not at all with the Falange, a party with Fascist leanings and connections ("phalanx", a far-right Spanish political party founded by José Antonio Primo de Rivera), nor did he have good relations with Germany. Queipo de Llano and Cabanellas had both previously rebelled against the dictatorship of General Miguel Primo de Rivera and were therefore discredited in some nationalist circles, and Falangist leader José Antonio Primo de Rivera was in prison in Alicante (he would be executed a few months later). The desire to keep a place open for him prevented any other Falangist leader from emerging as a possible head of state. Franco's previous aloofness from politics meant that he had few active enemies in any of the factions that needed to be placated, and he had also cooperated in recent months with both Germany and Italy.^[115]

On 1 October 1936, in

Head of State).^[116] When Mola was killed in another air accident a year later on 2 June 1937 (which some believe was an assassination), no military leader was left from those who had organised the conspiracy against the Republic between 1933 and 1935.^[117]

Military command

Franco personally guided military operations from this time until the end of the war. Franco himself was not a strategic genius, but he was very effective at organisation, administration, logistics and diplomacy.

Valencia instead of Catalonia,^[120] remain particularly controversial from a military strategic viewpoint.^[121]

Valencia, Castellon and Alicante saw the last Republican troops defeated by Franco.

Although both Germany and Italy provided military support to Franco, the degree of influence of both powers on his direction of the war seems to have been very limited. Nevertheless, the Italian troops, despite not always being effective, were present in most of the large operations in large numbers. Germany sent insignificant numbers of combat personnel to Spain, but aided the Nationalists with technical instructors and modern matériel;^[122] including some 200 tanks and 600 aircraft^[123] which helped the Nationalist air force dominate the skies for most of the war.^[124]

Franco's direction of the German and Italian forces was limited, particularly in the direction of the Condor Legion, but he was by default their supreme commander, and they declined to interfere in the politics of the Nationalist zone.^[125] For reasons of prestige it was decided to continue assisting Franco until the end of the war, and Italian and German troops paraded on the day of the final victory in Madrid.^[126]

The Nationalist victory could be accounted for by various factors:^[127] the Popular Front government had reckless policies in the weeks prior to the war, where it ignored potential dangers and alienated the opposition, encouraging more people to join the rebellion, while the rebels had superior military cohesion, with Franco providing the necessary leadership to consolidate power and unify the various rightist factions.^[128] His foreign diplomacy secured military aid from Italy and Germany and, by some accounts, helped keep Britain and France out of the war.^[118]

The rebels made effective use of a smaller navy, acquiring the most powerful ships in the Spanish fleet and maintaining a functional officer corps, while Republican sailors had assassinated a large number of their naval officers who sided with the rebels in 1936, as at Cartagena,^[129] and El Ferrol.^[130] The Nationalists used their ships aggressively to pursue the opposition, in contrast to the largely passive naval strategy of the Republicans.

Not only did the Nationalists receive more foreign aid to sustain their war effort, but there is evidence that they made more efficient use of such aid.

air power contributed greatly to the Nationalist victory.^[134]

The Republicans were subject to disunity and infighting,[135] and were hampered by the destructive consequences of the revolution in the Republican zone: mobilisation was impeded, the Republican image was harmed abroad in democracies, and the campaign against religion aroused overwhelming and unwavering Catholic support for the Nationalists.^[136]

Political command

On 19 April 1937, Franco and Serrano Súñer, with the acquiescence of Generals Mola and Quiepo de Llano,

Unlike some other fascist movements, the Falangists had developed an official program in 1934, the "Twenty-Seven Points".[139] In 1937, Franco assumed as the tentative doctrine of his regime 26 out of the original 27 points.^[140] Franco made himself jefe nacional (National Chief) of the new FET (Falange Española Tradicionalista; Traditionalist Spanish Phalanx) with a secretary, Political Junta and National Council to be named subsequently by himself. Five days later on 24 April the raised-arm salute of the Falange was made the official salute of the Nationalist regime.^[141] Also in 1937 the Marcha Real ("Royal March") was restored by decree as the national anthem in the Nationalist zone. It was opposed by the Falangists, who associated it with the monarchy and boycotted it when it was played, often singing their own anthem, Cara al Sol (Facing the Sun) instead.^[142] By 1939 the fascist style prevailed, with ritual rallying calls of "Franco, Franco, Franco."^[143]

Franco's advisor on Falangist party matters,

By early 1939 only Madrid (see History of Madrid) and a few other areas remained under control of the government forces. On 27 February Chamberlain's Britain and Daladier's France officially recognised the Franco regime. On 28 March 1939, with the help of pro-Franco forces inside the city (the "fifth column" General Mola had mentioned in propaganda broadcasts in 1936), Madrid fell to the Nationalists. The next day, Valencia, which had held out under the guns of the Nationalists for close to two years, also surrendered. Victory was proclaimed on 1 April 1939, when the last of the Republican forces surrendered. On the same day, Franco placed his sword upon the altar of a church and vowed to never take it up again unless Spain itself was threatened with invasion.

Although Germany had recognised the Franco Government, Franco's policy towards Germany was extremely cautious until spectacular German victories at the beginning of the Second World War. An early indication that Franco was going to keep his distance from Germany soon proved true. A rumoured state visit by Franco to Germany did not take place and a further rumour of a visit by Goering to Spain, after he had enjoyed a cruise in the Western Mediterranean, again did not materialise. Instead Goering had to return to Berlin.^[147]

During the Civil War and in the aftermath, a period known as the White Terror took place. This saw mass executions of Republican and other Nationalist enemies, standing in contrast to the wartime Red Terror. Historical analysis and investigations estimate the number of executions by the Franco regime during this time to be between 100,000 and 200,000 dead.

Stanley G. Payne says the total number of all kinds of executions in the Republican zone added up to about 56,000, and that those in the Nationalist zone probably amounted to at least 70,000, with an additional 28,000 executions after the war ended.^[8][148] Recent searches conducted with parallel excavations of mass graves in Spain by the Association for the Recovery of Historical Memory (Asociación para la Recuperación de la Memoria Histórica), ARMH) estimate that more than 35,000 people killed by the nationalist side are still missing in mass graves.^[149]

Despite the end of the war, Spanish

In September 1939, World War II began. Franco had received important support from Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini during the Spanish Civil War, and he had signed the Anti-Comintern Pact. He made pro-Axis speeches,^[161] while offering various kinds of support to Italy and Germany. His spokesman Antonio Tovar commented at a Paris conference entitled 'Bolshevism versus Europe' that "Spain aligned itself definitively on the side of...National Socialist Germany and Fascist Italy."^[162] However, Franco was reluctant to enter the war due to Spain recovering from its recent civil war and instead pursued a policy of "non-belligerence".

On 23 October 1940, Hitler and Franco

Some historians argue that Franco made demands he knew Hitler would not accede to, in order to stay out of the war. Other historians argue that Franco, as the leader of a destroyed and bankrupt country in chaos following a brutal three-year civil war, simply had little to offer the Axis and that the Spanish armed forces were not ready for a major war. It has also been suggested that Franco decided not to join the war after the resources he requested from Hitler in October 1940 were not forthcoming.[165]

Franco allowed Spanish soldiers to volunteer to fight in the German Army against the Soviet Union (the Blue Division) but forbade Spaniards to fight in the West against the democracies. Franco's common ground with Hitler was particularly weakened by Hitler's attempts to manipulate Christianity, which went against Franco's fervent commitment to defending Catholicism. Contributing to the disagreement was an ongoing dispute over German mining rights in Spain.

According to some scholars, after the

Franco was initially disliked by Cuban President Fulgencio Batista, who, during World War II, suggested a joint U.S.-Latin American declaration of war on Spain to overthrow Franco's regime.^[174] Hitler may not have really wanted Spain to join the war, as he needed neutral harbours to import materials from countries in Latin America and elsewhere. He felt Spain would be a burden as it would be dependent on Germany for help. By 1941, Vichy French forces were proving their effectiveness in North Africa, reducing the need for Spanish help, and Hitler was wary about opening up a new front on the western coast of Europe as he struggled to reinforce the Italians in Greece and Yugoslavia. Franco signed a revised Anti-Comintern Pact on 25 November 1941. Spain continued to be able to obtain valuable German goods, including military equipment, as part of payment for Spanish raw materials,^[175] and traded wolfram with Germany until August 1944 when the Germans withdrew from the Spanish frontier.^[165]

Spanish neutrality during World War II was publicly acknowledged by leading Allied statesmen.^[176] In November 1942, US President Roosevelt wrote to General Franco: "...your nation and mine are friends in the best sense of the word."^[177] In May 1944, Winston Churchill stated in the House of Commons: "In the dark days of the war the attitude of the Spanish Government in not giving our enemies passage through Spain was extremely helpful to us.... I must say that I shall always consider that a service was rendered...by Spain, not only to the United Kingdom and to the British Empire and Commonwealth, but to the cause of the United Nations."^[178] According to the personal recollection of US Ambassador to Spain Carlton Hayes, similar gratitude was also expressed by the Provisional French Government at Algiers in 1943. Franco placed no obstacles to Britain's construction of a large air base extending from Gibraltar into Spanish territorial waters and welcomed the Anglo-American landings in North Africa. Spain did not intern any of the 1,200 American airmen who were forced to land in the country, but "gave them refuge and permitted them to leave."^[179]

After the war, the Spanish government tried to destroy all evidence of its cooperation with the Axis. In 2010, documents were discovered showing that on 13 May 1941, Franco ordered his provincial governors to compile a list of Jews while he negotiated an alliance with the Axis powers.^[180] Franco supplied Reichsführer-SS Heinrich Himmler, architect of the Nazis' Final Solution, with a list of 6,000 Jews in Spain.^[180]

On 14 June 1940, Spanish forces in Morocco occupied Tangier (a city under international control) and did not leave until the war's end in 1945.

After the war, Franco allowed many former Nazis, such as Otto Skorzeny and Léon Degrelle, and other fascists, to seek political asylum in Spain.^[181]

Treatment of Jews

Franco had a controversial association with Jews before and during World War II. He made

Throughout the war, Franco rescued many Jews. ... Just how many Jews were saved by Franco's government during World War II is a matter of historical controversy. Franco has been credited with saving anywhere from approximately 30,000 to 60,000 Jews; most reliable estimates suggest 45,000 is a likely figure.[185]

Preston writes that, in the post-war years, "a myth was carefully constructed to claim that Franco's regime had saved many Jews from extermination" as a means to deflect foreign criticism away from allegations of active collaboration with the Nazi regime.^[186] As early as 1943, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs concluded that the Allies were likely to win the war. José Félix de Lequerica y Erquiza became Foreign Minister in 1944 and soon developed an "obsession" with the importance of the "Jewish card" in relations with the former Allied powers.^[187]

Spain provided visas for thousands of French Jews to transit Spain en route to Portugal to escape the Nazis. Spanish diplomats protected about 4,000 Jews living in Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, and Austria. At least some 20,000 to 30,000 Jews were allowed to pass through Spain in the first half of the War. Jews who were not allowed to enter Spain, however, were sent to the Miranda de Ebro concentration camp or deported to France. In January 1943, after the German embassy in Spain told the Spanish government that it had two months to remove its Jewish citizens from Western Europe, Spain severely limited visas, and only 800 Jews were allowed to enter the country. After the war, Franco exaggerated his contributions to saving Jews in order to improve Spain's image in the world and end its international isolation.^{[185][188][page needed][189][190]}

After the war, Franco did not recognise Israeli statehood and maintained strong relations with the Arab world. Israel expressed disinterest in establishing relations, although there were some informal economic ties between the two countries in the later years of Franco's governance.

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Franco was recognised as the Spanish head of state by the United Kingdom, France, and Argentina in February 1939.

On paper, Franco had more power than any Spanish leader before or since. For the first four years after taking Madrid, he ruled almost exclusively by decree. The "Law of the Head of State," passed in August 1939, "permanently confided" all governing power to Franco; he was not required to even consult the cabinet for most legislation or decrees.^[200] According to Payne, Franco possessed far more day-to-day power than Hitler or Stalin possessed at the respective heights of their power. He noted that while Hitler and Stalin maintained rubber-stamp parliaments, this was not the case in Spain in the early years after the war – a situation that nominally made Franco's regime "the most purely arbitrary in the world".^[201]

This changed in 1942, when Franco convened a parliament known as the Cortes Españolas. It was elected in accordance with corporatist principles, and had little real power. Notably, it had no control over government spending, and the government was not responsible to it; ministers were appointed and dismissed by Franco alone.

On 26 July 1947, Franco proclaimed Spain a monarchy, but did not designate a monarch. This gesture was largely done to appease the monarchists in the

", a phrase usually part of the styles of monarchs, to his style.

Franco initially sought support from various groups. His administration marginalised fascist ideologues in favour of

technocrats, many of whom were linked with Opus Dei, who promoted economic modernisation.^[202]

Franco adopted Fascist trappings,

Stanley Payne argued that very few scholars consider him to be a "core fascist".^[207] Regarding the regime, the Oxford Living Dictionary uses Franco's regime as an example of fascism,^[208] and it has also been variously presented as a "fascistized dictatorship",^[209] or a "semi-fascist regime".^[210] Francisco Cobo Romero writes that, besides neutering left-wing advances by using an essentially antiliberal brand of ultranationalism, "in its attempt to emulate Fascism, Francoism resorted to the sacralization and mystification of the motherland, raising it into an object of cult, and coating it with a liturgic divinization of its leader".^[211]

All in all, some authors have pointed at a purported artificialness and failure of FET JONS in order to de-emphasise the Fascist weight within the regime whereas others have embedded those perceived features of "weak party" within the frame of a particular model of "Spanish Fascism".[212] However, new research material has been argued to underpin the "Fascist subject", both on the basis of the existence of a pervasive and fully differentiated Fascist falangist political culture, and on the importance of the Civil War for falangism, which served as an area of experience, of violence, of memory, as well as for the generation of a culture of victory.^[212] Under the perspective of a comparative of European fascisms, Javier Rodrigo considers the Francoist regime to be paradigmatic for three reasons: for being the only authoritarian European regime with totalitarian aspirations, for being the regime that deployed the most political violence in times of rhetorical peace, and for being the regime deploying the most effective "memoricidal" apparatus.^[213]

With the end of World War II, Spain suffered from the consequences of its isolation from the international economy. Spain was excluded from the Marshall Plan,^[214] unlike other neutral countries in Europe. This situation ended in part when, in the light of Cold War tensions and of Spain's strategic location, the United States of America entered into a trade and military alliance with Franco. This historic alliance commenced with the visit of US President Dwight Eisenhower to Spain in 1953, which resulted in the Pact of Madrid. Spain was then admitted to the United Nations in 1955.^[215] American military facilities in Spain built since then include Naval Station Rota, Morón Air Base, and Torrejón Air Base.^[216]

Political repression

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According to Preston's estimates, Franco's forces killed about 420,000 Spaniards in the theatre of war, through extrajudicial killings during the Civil War, and in state executions immediately following its end in 1939.

low-intensity war

against Franco.

Franco's Spanish nationalism promoted a unitary national identity by repressing Spain's cultural diversity. Bullfighting and flamenco^[221] were promoted as national traditions while those traditions not considered "Spanish" were suppressed. Franco's view of Spanish tradition was somewhat artificial and arbitrary: while some regional traditions were suppressed, flamenco, an Andalucian tradition, was considered part of a larger, national identity. All cultural activities were subject to censorship, and many, such as the Sardana, the national dance of Catalonia, were plainly forbidden (often in an erratic manner). This cultural policy was relaxed over time, most notably during the late 1960s and early 1970s.

Franco also used language politics in an attempt to establish national homogeneity. He promoted the use of Castilian Spanish and suppressed other languages such as Catalan, Galician, and Basque. The legal usage of languages other than Castilian was forbidden. All government, notarial, legal and commercial documents were to be drawn up exclusively in Castilian and any documents written in other languages were deemed null and void. The usage of any other language was forbidden in schools, in advertising, and on road and shop signs. For unofficial use, citizens continued to speak these languages. This was the situation throughout the 1940s and to a lesser extent during the 1950s, but after 1960 the non-Castilian Spanish languages were freely spoken and written, and they reached bookshops and stages, although they never received official status.

Most country towns and rural areas were patrolled by pairs of

grises

("greys", due to the colour of their uniforms) as they were called.

Student revolts at universities in the late 1960s and early 1970s were violently repressed by the heavily armed Policía Armada (Armed Police), and plain-clothes police were present at lectures in Spanish universities.

Mercheros like El Lute) were especially affected. Through this law, homosexuality and prostitution were made criminal offences in 1954.^[224]

The Spanish colonies and decolonisation

Further information: Spanish Empire

Spain attempted to retain control of its colonies throughout Franco's rule. During the

French Algeria. Despite this, Franco was forced to make some concessions. When Morocco became independent from France in 1956, he surrendered the territories of the Spanish protectorate to the new-born state, retaining only a few cities (the Plazas de soberanía). The year after, Mohammed V invaded Spanish Sahara during the Ifni War (known as the "Forgotten War" in Spain). Only in 1975, with the Green March

, did Morocco take control of all of the former Spanish territories in the Sahara.

In 1968, under pressure from the United Nations,

closed its border with that territory

in 1969. The border would not be fully reopened until 1985.

Economic policy

See also:

Spanish Miracle

The Civil War ravaged the Spanish economy.[226] Infrastructure had been damaged, workers killed, and daily business severely hampered. For more than a decade after Franco's victory, the devastated economy recovered very slowly. Franco initially pursued a policy of autarky, cutting off almost all international trade. The policy had devastating effects, and the economy stagnated. Only black marketeers could enjoy an evident affluence.

On the brink of bankruptcy, a combination of pressure from the United States and the IMF managed to convince the regime to adopt a free market economy. Many of the old guard in charge of the economy were replaced by technocrats (technocrata), despite some initial opposition from Franco. The regime took its first faltering steps toward abandoning its pretensions of self-sufficiency and towards a transformation of Spain's economic system. Pre-Civil War industrial production levels were regained in the early 1950s, though agricultural output remained below prewar levels until 1958. The years from 1951 to 1956 were marked by substantial economic progress, but the reforms of the period were only sporadically implemented, and they were not well coordinated. From the mid-1950s there was a slow but steady acceleration in economic activity, but the relative lack of growth (compared to the rest of Western Europe) eventually forced the Franco regime to allow the introduction of liberal economic policies in the late 1950s. During the pre-stabilization years of 1957–1959, Spanish economic planners implemented partial measures such as moderate anti-inflationary adjustments and incremental moves to integrate Spain into the global economy, but external developments and a worsening domestic economic crisis forced them to adopt more sweeping changes. A reorganisation of the Council of Ministers in early 1957 had brought a group of younger men, most of whom were educated in economics and had experience, to the key ministries. The process of integrating the country into the world economy was further facilitated by the reforms of the 1959 Stabilization and Liberalization Plan.^[227][228]

When Franco replaced his ideological ministers with the apolitical technocrats, the regime implemented several development policies that included deep economic reforms. After a recession, growth took off from 1959, creating an economic boom that lasted until 1974, and became known as the "Spanish miracle".

Concurrent with the absence of social reforms, and the economic power shift, a tide of mass emigration commenced to other European countries, and to a lesser extent, to South America. Emigration helped the regime in two ways. The country got rid of populations it would not have been able to keep in employment, and the emigrants supplied the country with much needed monetary remittances.

During the 1960s, the wealthy classes of Francoist Spain experienced further increases in wealth, particularly those who remained politically faithful, while a burgeoning middle class became visible as the "economic miracle" progressed. International firms established factories in Spain where salaries were low, company taxes very low, strikes forbidden and workers' health or state protections almost unheard of. State-owned firms like the car manufacturer SEAT, truck builder Pegaso, and oil refiner INH, massively expanded production. Furthermore, Spain was virtually a new mass market. Spain became the second-fastest growing economy in the world between 1959 and 1973, just behind Japan. By the time of Franco's death in 1975, Spain still lagged behind most of Western Europe but the gap between its per capita GDP and that of the leading Western European countries had narrowed greatly, and the country had developed a large industrialised economy.

Succession

Juan Carlos

in 1969

In the late 1960s, the ageing Franco decided to name a monarch to succeed his regency, but the simmering tensions between the

Juan de Borbón, the Count of Barcelona.^[230] This designation came as a surprise to the Carlist pretender to the throne, Prince Xavier of Bourbon-Parma, as well as to Don Juan.^[231]

As his final years progressed, tensions within the various factions of the Movimiento would consume Spanish political life, as varying groups jockeyed for position in an effort to win control of the country's future.

Honours

Main article: Military career and honours of Francisco Franco § Awards

Death and funeral

On 19 July 1974, the aged Franco fell ill from various health problems, and Juan Carlos took over as acting head of state. Franco recovered and on 2 September he resumed his duties as head of state. A year later he fell ill again, afflicted with further health problems, including a long battle with Parkinson's disease. Franco's last public appearance was on 1 October 1975 when, despite his gaunt and frail appearance, he gave a speech to crowds from the balcony at the Royal Palace of Madrid, warning the people that there was a "Masonic, Leftist and Communist conspiracy against Spain." On 30 October 1975 he fell into a coma and was put on life support. Franco's family agreed to disconnect the life-support machines. Officially, he died a few minutes after midnight on 20 November 1975 from heart failure, at the age of 82 – on the same date as the death of José Antonio Primo de Rivera, the founder of the Falange, in 1936. Historian Ricardo de la Cierva claimed, however, that he had been told around 6 pm on 19 November that Franco had already died.^[232]

As soon as news of Franco's death was made public, the government declared thirty days of official national mourning. On 22 November, Juan Carlos was officially proclaimed

King of Spain. There was a public viewing of Franco's body at the chapel in the Royal Palace; a requiem mass and a military parade were held on the day of his burial.^[233]

Franco's body was interred at the Valley of the Fallen (Spanish: Valle de los Caídos), a colossal memorial built by the forced labour of political prisoners ostensibly to honour the casualties of both sides of the Spanish Civil War. It was located only 10 kilometres from the palace, monastery, and royal pantheon of El Escorial built for King Felipe II. On 1 April 1959, Franco had inaugurated its huge underground basilica as his monument and mausoleum, saying in his own words that it was built "in memory of my victory over communism, which was trying to dominate Spain." The project's architect, Diego Méndez, had constructed a lead-lined tomb for Franco underneath the floor of the transept, behind the high altar of the church, in 1956, a fact unknown to the Spanish people until almost thirty years later.^[233] Franco was the only person interred in the Valley who did not die during the civil war.^[234] He was buried a few metres from the grave of the Falange's founder, Jose Antonio.^[235]

A requiem mass and a military parade took place on the day of his burial, 23 November 1975. As the

blue shirts of the Falangists greeted it with rebel songs from the civil war and fascist salutes.^[236]

The major European governments, who condemned Franco's regime, declined to send high-level representatives to his funeral.

General Augusto Pinochet, the dictator of Chile,^[238] for whom the Spanish Caudillo was a role-model. It was made clear to General Pinochet that he was not welcome at Juan Carlos's coronation.^[242]

Following Franco's funeral, his widow, Carmen Polo, supervised the moving of crates of jewellery, antiques, artworks, and Franco's papers to the family's various estates in Spain or to safe havens in foreign countries. The family remained extremely rich after his death. Polo had a room in her apartment in which the walls were lined from floor to ceiling with forty columns of twenty drawers, some containing tiaras, necklaces, earrings, garlands, brooches and cameos. Others contained gold, silver, diamonds, emeralds, rubies, topazes, and pearls, but the most valuable jewels were kept in bank vaults.[243]

Exhumation

Valle de los Caídos

, where it had lain since his funeral in 1975.

On 11 May 2017, the

exhume Franco's remains.^[244]

On 24 August 2018, the

Carmen Calvo Poyato stated that having Franco buried at the monument "shows a lack of respect ... for the victims buried there". The government gave Franco's family a 15-day deadline to decide Franco's final resting place, or else a "dignified place" would be chosen by the government.^[245]

On 13 September 2018, the Congress of Deputies voted 176–2, with 165 abstentions, to approve the government's plan to remove Franco's body from the monument.^[246]

Franco's family opposed the exhumation and attempted to prevent it by making appeals to the Ombudsman's Office. The family expressed its wish that Franco's remains be reinterred with full military honours at the Almudena Cathedral in the centre of Madrid, the burial place he had requested before his death.^[247] The demand was rejected by the Spanish Government, which issued another 15-day deadline to choose another site.^[248] Because the family refused to choose another location, the Spanish Government ultimately chose to rebury Franco at the Mingorrubio Cemetery in El Pardo, where his wife Carmen Polo and a number of Francoist officials, most notably prime ministers Luis Carrero Blanco and Carlos Arias Navarro, are buried.^[249] His body was to be exhumed from the Valle de los Caídos on 10 June 2019, but the Supreme Court of Spain ruled that the exhumation would be delayed until the family had exhausted all possible appeals.^[250]

On 24 September 2019, the Supreme Court ruled that the exhumation could proceed, and the Sánchez government announced that it would move Franco's remains to the Mingorrubio cemetery as soon as possible.^[251] On 24 October 2019 his remains were moved to his wife's mausoleum which is located in the Mingorrubio Cemetery, and buried in a private ceremony.^[252] Though barred by the Spanish government from being draped in the Spanish flag, Francisco Franco's grandson, also named Francisco Franco, draped his coffin in the nationalist flag.^[253] According to a poll by the Spanish newspaper, El Mundo, 43% of Spanish people approved of the exhumation while 32.5% opposed it. Opinions on the exhumation were divided by party line, with the Socialist party strongly in favour of the exhumation as well as the removal of his statue there. There seems to be no consensus on whether the statue should simply be moved or completely destroyed.^[254]

Legacy

Further information: Spanish transition to democracy

See also: Symbols of Francoism § Statues of Franco, and Military career and honours of Francisco Franco § Honorific eponyms

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In Spain and abroad, the legacy of Franco remains controversial. The longevity of Franco's rule, his suppression of political opposition, and his government's effective propaganda sustained through the years have made a detached evaluation difficult. For almost 40 years, Spaniards, and particularly children at school, were told that

Divine Providence had sent Franco to save Spain from chaos, atheism, and poverty.^[255] Historian Stanley Payne described Franco as being the most significant figure to dominate Spain since King Felipe II,^[256] while Michael Seidman argued that Franco was the most successful counter-revolutionary leader of the 20th century.^[257]

A highly controversial figure within Spain, Franco is seen as a divisive leader. Supporters credit him for keeping Spain neutral and uninvaded during the

Second World War. They emphasise his strong anti-communist and nationalist views, economic policies, and opposition to socialism as major factors in Spain's post-war economic success and later international integration.^[258] For Spain's neutrality during the war he was praised by Winston Churchill, Charles de Gaulle and Franklin D. Roosevelt.^[176][177] He was also supported by Konrad Adenauer and many American Catholics, but was later strongly opposed by the Truman administration.^[259]

The American conservative commentator

William F. Buckley, Jr, was an admirer of Franco, and praised him effusively in his magazine, National Review, where the staff were also ardent admirers of the dictator. In 1957, Buckley called him "an authentic national hero",^[260] who "above others", had the qualities needed to wrest Spain from "the hands of the visionaries, ideologues, Marxists and nihilists", i.e., from the democratically elected government of the country.^[261]

Conversely, critics on the left have denounced him as a tyrant responsible for thousands of deaths in years-long political repression and have called him complicit in atrocities committed by Axis forces during the Second World War due to his support of the Axis governments.

When he died in November 1975, the major parties of the left and the right in Spain agreed to follow the Pact of Forgetting. To secure the transition to democracy, they agreed not to have investigations or prosecutions dealing with the civil war or Franco. The agreement effectively lapsed after 2000, the year the Association for the Recovery of Historical Memory (Asociación para la Recuperación de la Memoria Histórica (ARMH)) was founded and the public debate started.^[262] In 2006, a poll indicated that almost two-thirds of Spaniards favoured a "fresh investigation into the war".^[263]

Franco served as a role model for several anti-communist dictators in South America. Augusto Pinochet is known to have admired Franco.^[264] Similarly, as recently as 2006, Franco supporters in Spain have honoured Pinochet.^[265]

In 2006, the BBC reported that Maciej Giertych, an MEP of the clerical-nationalist League of Polish Families, had expressed admiration for Franco, stating that the Spanish leader "guaranteed the maintenance of traditional values in Europe".^[266]

equestrian statue of Franco in Madrid

had been recently removed in March 2005

Spaniards who suffered under Franco's rule have sought to remove memorials of his regime. Most government buildings and streets that were named after Franco during his rule have been reverted to their original names. Owing to Franco's human-rights record, the Spanish government in 2007 banned all official public references to the Franco regime and began the removal of all statues, street names and memorials associated with the regime, with the last statue reportedly being removed in 2008 in the city of Santander.^[267] Churches that retain plaques commemorating Franco and the victims of his Republican opponents may lose state aid.^[268] Since 1978, the national anthem of Spain, the Marcha Real, does not include lyrics introduced by Franco. Attempts to give the national anthem new lyrics have failed due to lack of consensus.

On 11 February 2004,

Valle de los Caidos monument to explain the "terrible" conditions in which it was built. Finally, it proposed the construction of monuments to commemorate Franco's victims in Madrid and other important cities.^[270]

In Spain, a commission to "repair the dignity" and "restore the memory" of the "victims of Francoism" (Comisión para reparar la dignidad y restituir la memoria de las víctimas del franquismo) was approved in 2004 and is directed by the social-democratic deputy Prime Minister María Teresa Fernández de la Vega.^[270]

Recently the

Senate approved the bill on 10 December 2007.^[274]

Official endeavours to preserve the historical memory of Spanish life under the Franco regime include exhibitions like the one held at the Museu d'Història de Catalunya (Museum of Catalan History) in 2003–2004, titled "Les presons de Franco". This exposition depicted the experiences of prisoners in Franco's prison system and described other aspects of the penal system such as women's prisons, trials, the jailers, and prisoners' families.[275] The Museum no longer maintains its online version of the exhibition.

The accumulated wealth of Franco's family (including much real estate inherited from Franco, such as the

Francoist Cortes voted a large public pension for his wife Carmen Polo, which the later democratic governments kept paying. At the time of her death in 1988, Carmen Polo was receiving a pension of over 12.5 million pesetas (four million more than the salary of Felipe González, then head of the government).^[271]

In popular media

Cinema and television

Music

• French singer-songwriter and anarchist Léo Ferré wrote "Franco la muerte", a song he recorded for his 1964 album Ferré 64. In this highly confrontational song, he directly shouts at the dictator and lavishes him with contempt. Ferré refused to sing in Spain until Franco was dead.

Literature

• Franco is a character in CJ Sansom's book Winter in Madrid
• ...Y al tercer año resucitó (...And On the Third Year He Rose Again) (1980) describes what would happen if Franco rose from the dead.
• Franco is featured in the novel Triage (1998) by Scott Anderson.
• Franco is the centrepiece of the satirical work El general Franquisimo o La muerte civil de un militar moribundo by Andalucian political cartoonist and journalist Andrés Vázquez de Sola.^[276]
• Franco features in several novels by Caroline Angus Baker, including Vengeance in the Valencian Water, visiting the aftermath of the 1957 Valencia floods, and Death in the Valencian Dust, about the final executions handed down before his death in 1975.

See also

• Military career and honours of Francisco Franco
• Language politics in Francoist Spain
• List of dictators in modern times
• Symbols of Francoism
• "Generalissimo Francisco Franco is still dead"

Notes

References

Citations

1. ISSN 0212-033X
   .
2. ISSN 0212-033X
   .
3. ISSN 0212-033X
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4. ^ "Manuel Azaña". Encyclopaedia Britannica online. 31 October 2023. As President of the Spanish Republic (1936-1939)
5. ISSN 0212-033X
   .
6. ^ Gobierno de España - Presidencia del Gobierno (ed.). "Relación cronológica de los presidentes del Consejo de Ministros y del Gobierno". La Moncloa (in Spanish). Retrieved 18 January 2023. Prime Minister of the Second Spanish Republic between 17 May 1937-31 March 1939
7. ^ Preston 1994, p. 25.
8. ^ ^{a b c} Payne 2012, p. 110.
9. ^ ^{a b c} Casanova et al. 2004, p. 8.
10. ^ ^{a b c} Fontana 2000, p. 22.
11. ^ ^{a b} Preston 2006, p. 202.
12. ^ ^{a b} Beevor 2006, p. 94.
13. ^ Richards 1998, p. 11.
14. ^ ^{[8][9][10][11][12][13]}
15. ^ Thomas 2013, pp. 900–901.
16. ^ ^{[8][9][10][15][11][12]}
17. ^ Rubottom & Murphy 1984, p. 12.
18. ^ Payne 2000, p. 645.
19. ^ ^{a b} Preston 1995, p. 1.
20. ^ ^{a b} Payne & Palacios 2014, p. 4.
21. ^ Moradiellos 2017, p. 22.
22. ^ Preston 1995, p. 3.
23. ^ Payne & Palacios 2014, p. 157.
24. ^ Payne & Palacios 2014, pp. 8–9.
25. ^ Payne & Palacios 2014, pp. 5–8.
26. ^ Jensen 2005, pp. 13–14.
27. ^ Payne & Palacios 2014, pp. 12–15.
28. ^ Jensen 2005, p. 28.
29. ^ Hodges 2002, p. 34.
30. ^ Payne 2011, p. 71.
31. ^ ^{a b} Ellwood 2014, p. 15.
32. ^ Payne & Palacios 2014, p. 30.
33. ^ Romero Salvadó 2013, p. 259.
34. ^ Preston 1995, pp. 42, 62.
35. ^ Casals 2006, p. 212.
36. ^ Casals 2006, pp. 211–212.
37. ^ Payne & Palacios 2014, p. 50.
38. ^ Payne & Palacios 2014, p. 54.
39. ^ Casanova & Andrés 2014, p. 238.
40. ^ Jackson 2012, p. 518.
41. ^ Payne & Palacios 2014, p. 66.
42. ^ Payne & Palacios 2014, p. 68.
43. ^ ^{a b} Payne & Palacios 2014, p. 74.
44. ^ Franco Bahamonde 2020, p. 42.
45. ^ Preston 2006, p. 53.
46. ^ Hayes 1951, p. 91.
47. ^ Preston 2010, pp. 42, 45.
48. ^ Sangster 2018, p. 83.
49. ^ Payne & Palacios 2014, pp. 80–81.
50. ^ ^{a b} Castillo 2019, p. 92.
51. ^ Ben-Ami 1981, p. 220.
52. ^ Raguer 2007, p. 32.
53. ^ Payne & Palacios 2014, pp. 84–85.
54. ^ Payne & Palacios 2014, p. 88.
55. ^ Payne 2008, p. $2.
56. ^ Vincent 2007, p. 133.
57. ^ Jackson 2012, pp. 154–155.
58. ^ ^{a b} Thomas 2013, p. 132.
59. ^ de la Cueva 1998, p. 356.
60. ^ de la Cueva 1998, p. 365.
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• Payne, Stanley G. (1993). Spain's First Democracy: The Second Republic, 1931–1936. Univ of Wisconsin Press.
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• Payne, Stanley G. (1999). Fascism in Spain, 1923–1977. Madison:
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• Payne, Stanley G. (2000). The Franco regime, 1936–1975. Phoenix Press.
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• Payne, Stanley G. (2008). Franco and Hitler : Spain, Germany, and World War II. New Haven: Yale University Press. pp. 33–35, 40.
  ISBN 978-0300122824
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• Payne, Stanley G. (2011). The Franco Regime, 1936–1975. University of Wisconsin Pres. p. 71.
  ISBN 978-0-299-11073-4
  .
• Payne, Stanley (2012). The Spanish Civil War. New York: Cambridge University Press. p. 110.
  ISBN 978-0521174701
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• ISBN 978-0299302146
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• Pike, David Wingeate (2008). Franco and the Axis Stigma. Springer. p. 74.
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• Prados de la Escosura, Leandro (2017). Spanish Economic Growth, 1850–2015. Springer.
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• Preston, Paul (2010). "The Theorists of Extermination". In Farrán, Carlos Jerez; Amago, Samuel (eds.). Unearthing Franco's Legacy: Mass Graves and the Recovery of Historical Memory in Spain. University of Notre Dame Press.
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• Preston, Paul (2012). The Spanish Holocaust: Inquisition and Extermination in Twentieth-Century Spain. W. W. Norton & Company. p. 266.
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• Preston, Paul (2020). A People Betrayed: A History of Corruption, Political Incompetence and Social Division in Modern Spain. Liveright Publishing.
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• Radcliff, Pamela Beth (2017). Modern Spain: 1808 to the Present. John Wiley & Sons.
  ISBN 978-1-4051-8680-3
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• Raguer, Hilari (2007). Gunpowder and Incense: The Catholic Church and the Spanish Civil War. Routledge. p. 32.
  ISBN 978-1-134-36593-7
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• Rein, Raanan (2013). In the Shadow of the Holocaust and the Inquisition: Israel's Relations with Francoist Spain. Routledge. pp. 17–18.
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• Richards, Michael (1998). A Time of Silence: Civil War and the Culture of Repression in Franco's Spain, 1936–1945. Cambridge University Press.
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• Richardson, R. Dan (2014). Comintern Army: The International Brigades and the Spanish Civil War. University Press of Kentucky. p. 12.
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• Rodgers, Eamonn (2002). Encyclopedia of Contemporary Spanish Culture. Routledge.
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• Romero Salvadó, Francisco J. (2005). The Spanish Civil War: Origins, Course and Outcomes.
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  ]
• Romero Salvadó, Francisco J. (2013). Historical Dictionary of the Spanish Civil War. Scarecrow Press.
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• Rubottom, R. Richard; Murphy, J. Carter (1984). Spain and the United States: Since World War II. Praeger.
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• Ruiz, Julius (January 2007). "Defending the Republic: The García Atadell Brigade in Madrid, 1936". Journal of Contemporary History. 42 (1): 97.
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• Sangster, Andrew (2018). Probing the Enigma of Franco. Cambridge Scholars Publishing.
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• Seidman, Michael (2011). The Victorious Counterrevolution: The Nationalist Effort in the Spanish Civil War. Univ of Wisconsin Press.
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• Siaroff, Alan (2013). Comparing Political Regimes: A Thematic Introduction to Comparative Politics, Third Edition. University of Toronto Press.
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• Taylor, A. J. P. (1996). Origin Of The Second World War. Simon and Schuster. p. 124.
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• Tremlett, Giles (1 December 2003). "Spain torn on tribute to victims of Franco". The Guardian. UK. Retrieved 2 March 2010.
• Villaverde, Angel Luis López (1999). "Indalecio Prieto en Cuenca: comentarios al discurso pronunciado el 1º de mayo de 1936" (PDF). Añil (in Spanish) (19): 16.
  ISSN 1133-2263. Archived from the original
  (PDF) on 1 May 2022. Retrieved 23 May 2022.
• Vincent, Mary (2007). Spain, 1833–2002: People and State. Oxford University Press. p. 133.
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• Weinberg, Gerhard L. (2005). A World at Arms: A Global History of World War II. Cambridge University Press.
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Further reading

• Blinkhorn, Martin. (1988) Democracy and Civil war in Spain 1931–1939 Routledge.
  ISBN 978-0415006996
  .
• ISBN 978-0931888670
  .
• Cerdá, Néstor. (October 2011) "Political Ascent and Military Commander: General Franco in the Early Months of the Spanish Civil War, July–October 1936". Journal of Military History. 75 (4) pp. 1125–1157.

• Franco, Pilar. (1980). Nosotros, Los Franco. La Familia Franco y toda la España contemporánea por un testigo de excepción: la hermana del Caudillo. Espejo de España, Editorial Planeta. 268 Páginas.
  ISBN 84-320-6431-9

• Jerez Mir, Miguel; Luque, Javier. (2014) eds. Costa Pinto, António; Kallis, Aristotle. Rethinking Fascism and Dictatorship in Europe. "State and Regime in Early Francoism, 1936–45: Power Structures, Main Actors and Repression Policy".
  ISBN 978-1137384416 Palgrave Macmillan
  . pp. 176–197.
• Lines, Lisa. (2017) "Francisco Franco as Warrior: Is It Time for a Reassessment of His Military Leadership?" Journal of Military History 81 (2) pp. 513–534.
• ISBN 978-8478805013
  .
• Tusell, Javier. (1992) Franco en la guerra civil – Una biografia política Spanish. Editorial Tusquets.
  ISBN 978-8472236486
  .
• Tusell, Javier. (1996) La Dictadura de Franco Spanish. Altaya.
  ISBN 978-8448706371
  .

Primary sources

• Franco, Francisco. (1922) Marruecos : diario de una bandera. Madrid Pueyo. 434161881.
• ISBN 978-1121497245
  .
• Hoare, Samuel. (1946) Ambassador on Special Mission. UK. Collins. pp. 124–125
• Hoare, Samuel. (1947) Complacent Dictator A.A. Knopf. ASIN B0007F2ZVU.

External links

Wikisource has original text related to this article:

Adolf Hitler's Letter to General Franco (6 February 1941)

• Newspaper clippings about Francisco Franco in the 20th Century Press Archives of the ZBW

Political offices
Preceded by President of Spain	Head of the Spanish State 1 October 1936 – 20 November 1975	Succeeded by Alejandro Rodríguez de Valcárcel as President of the Regency Council
Preceded by Juan Negrín	Prime Minister of Spain 30 January 1938 – 8 June 1973	Succeeded by Luis Carrero Blanco