Franco-Dutch War
This article needs additional citations for verification. (November 2021) |
Franco-Dutch War | |||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Part of the wars of Louis XIV | |||||||||
Left to right: | |||||||||
| |||||||||
Belligerents | |||||||||
|
| ||||||||
Commanders and leaders | |||||||||
| |||||||||
Strength | |||||||||
253,000 at peak[1] 30,000[2][3] |
80,000 132,350 (annual average)[4][a] 25,000 30,000 at peak[1] | ||||||||
Casualties and losses | |||||||||
200,000 killed or wounded[1] | 100,000 killed or wounded[1] | ||||||||
342,000 total military deaths[5] |
The Franco-Dutch War, also known as the Dutch War (
The war began in May 1672 when France nearly overran the Dutch Republic, an event still known as the
Spain recovered Charleroi from France but ceded Franche-Comté, as well as much of Artois and Hainaut, establishing borders that remain largely unchanged into modern times. Under the leadership of William of Orange, the Dutch had recovered all the territory lost in the disastrous early stages, a success that secured him a leading role in domestic politics. This helped him counter the threat posed by continued French expansion and create the 1688 Grand Alliance that fought in the Nine Years' War.
Origins
As part of a general policy of opposition to
Although France and the Republic concluded an assistance treaty in 1662, the States of Holland refused to support a division of the Spanish Netherlands, convincing Louis his objectives could only be achieved by force. The Dutch received limited French support during the Second Anglo-Dutch War (1665-1667) but increasingly preferred a weak Spain as a neighbour to a strong France.[b] Shortly after talks to end the Anglo-Dutch War began in May 1667, Louis launched the War of Devolution, rapidly occupying most of the Spanish Netherlands and Franche-Comté.[9]
In July, the Treaty of Breda ended the Anglo-Dutch War, leading to talks between the Dutch and Charles II of England on a common diplomatic front against France. This was supported by Spain and Emperor Leopold, who was also concerned by French expansion. After his first suggestion of an Anglo-French alliance was rejected by Louis, Charles entered the 1668 Triple Alliance, between England, the Republic and Sweden. After the Alliance mediated between France and Spain, Louis relinquished many of his gains in the 1668 Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle.[10]
While Breda and Aix-la-Chapelle were seen as Dutch diplomatic triumphs, they also presented significant dangers; De Witt himself was well aware of these, but failed to convince his colleagues. Louis considered the January 1668 Partition Treaty with Leopold confirmation of his right to the Spanish Netherlands, a point reinforced by Aix-la-Chapelle, despite his concessions. He no longer saw the need to negotiate, and decided their acquisition was best achieved by first defeating the Republic.[11]
The Dutch also over-estimated their own power; defeat at Lowestoft in 1665 exposed the shortcomings of their navy and the federal command system, while the successful Raid on the Medway was largely due to English financial weakness. In 1667, the Dutch States Navy was at the height of its power, an advantage rapidly eroded by English and French naval expansion. The Anglo-Dutch War was primarily fought at sea, masking the poor state of the Dutch army and forts, deliberately neglected since they were viewed as bolstering the power of the Prince of Orange.[12]
In preparation for an attack on the Republic, Louis embarked on a series of diplomatic initiatives, the first being the 1670
Preparations
French armies of the period held significant advantages over their opponents; an undivided command, talented generals like
The retention of border towns like Charleroi and Tournai in 1668 allowed Louvois to pre-position supply dumps, stretching from the French border to Neuss in the Rhineland. 120,000 men were allocated to attacks on the Republic, split into two main groups; one at Charleroi, under Turenne, the other near Sedan, commanded by Condé. After marching through the Bishopric of Liège, they would join near Maastricht, then occupy the Duchy of Cleves, a possession of Frederick William, Elector of Brandenburg. At the same time 30,000 mercenaries, paid by Münster and Cologne and led by Luxembourg, would attack from the east.[19] One final element was a planned English landing in the Spanish Netherlands but this ceased to be a viable option as the Dutch retained control of the sea.[20]
The French had demonstrated their new tactics when over-running the Duchy of Lorraine in mid 1670, while the Dutch were given accurate information on their plans as early as February 1671. These were confirmed by Condé in November and again in January 1672, Dutch regent de Groot describing him as "one of our best friends."[21] However, the Dutch were poorly prepared for a campaign against France; available funds had mostly been invested in the fleet, at the expense of their land defences. Most of the Dutch States Army was based in the three southern fortresses of Breda, 's-Hertogenbosch and Maastricht; in November 1671, the Council of State reported these as being short of supplies and money, with many fortifications barely defendable.[22] Most units were substantially below strength; on 12 June, one officer reported his official strength of eighteen companies had only enough men for four.[23]
This was partly because with Prince William now of age, his Orangist supporters refused to approve additional military spending unless he was appointed Captain-General, a move opposed by de Witt. Aware of internal English opposition to the Anglo-French alliance, the Dutch relied on the provisions of the Triple Alliance requiring England and the Republic to support each other, if attacked by Spain or France. This assumption was shared by the Parliament of England, who approved funding for the fleet in early 1671 to fulfil its obligations under the alliance.[24] The true danger only became obvious on 23 March, when acting under orders from Charles, the Royal Navy attacked a Dutch merchant convoy in the Channel; this followed a similar incident in 1664.[25]
In February 1672, de Witt compromised by appointing William as Captain-General for a year. Budgets were approved and contracts issued to increase the army to over 80,000 but assembling these men would take months. Negotiations with Frederick William to reinforce Cleves with 30,000 men were delayed by his demands for Dutch-held fortresses on the Rhine, including Rheinberg and Wesel. By the time they reached agreement on 6 May, he was occupied with a French-backed Swedish invasion of Pomerania, and could not engage the French in 1672.[26] The Maastricht garrison was increased to 11,000, in the hope they could delay the French long enough to strengthen the eastern border; the cities provided 12,000 men from their civil militia, with 70,000 peasants conscripted to build earthworks along the IJssel river. These were unfinished when France declared war on 6 April, followed by England on 7 April, using a manufactured diplomatic incident known as the 'Merlin' affair.[27] Münster and Cologne entered the war on 18 May.[citation needed]
French offensive: 1672
France crosses the Rhine
The French offensive began on 4 May 1672 when a subsidiary force under
Leaving 10,000 men to cover Maastricht, the rest of the French army crossed back over the Meuse, then advanced along the Rhine, supported by troops from
Although the situation on land had become critical for the Dutch, events at sea were much more favourable. On 7 June, Dutch Lieutenant-Admiral
IJssel Line is outflanked
In early June, the Dutch headquarters at
Captain-General William Henry now wanted the entire field army to fall back on Utrecht. However, in 1666 the provinces had regained full sovereignty of their forces.
From that point onwards, Von Galen would wage a largely separate campaign. He started to besiege
Peace negotiations
On 14 June, William arrived with the remnants of the field army, some eight thousand men, at
In a defeatist mood a divided
The Dutch were given the choice of surrendering their southern fortresses, permitting religious freedom for Catholics and a payment of six million guilders, or France and Münster retaining their existing gains – thus the loss of Overijssel, Guelders and Utrecht – and a single payment of sixteen million livres. Louis knew perfectly well that the delegation did not have the mandate to agree such terms and would have to return for new instructions. However, he also did not continue his advance to the west.[43]
Several explanations have been given for this policy. The French were rather overwhelmed by their success. They had within a month captured three dozen fortresses. This strained their organisational and logistical capacities. All these strongholds had to be garrisoned and supplied.
Relations with England were also delicate. Louis had promised Charles to make William Henry the Sovereign Prince of a Holland
Louis also allowed his honour to take precedence over the
Orangists take power
The news that the French had penetrated into the heart of the Republic led to a general panic in the cities of the province of Holland. Blaming the States regime for the Dutch collapse, their populations rioted. Members of the city councils were by force replaced by Orangist partisans or in fear of reprisals declared for the cause of the Prince of Orange.[47] Pamphlets accused the regenten of having betrayed the Republic to Louis and De Ruyter of wanting to deliver the fleet to the French.[48] When the French peace terms became known on 1 July, they caused outrage.[49]
The result was to bolster Dutch resistance. On 2 July, William was appointed stadtholder of Zealand and on 4 June of Holland.[50] The new stadtholder William III of Orange was given a general mandate to negotiate. Meanwhile, the polders of the Holland Water Line had slowly filled, forming an obstacle to a possible French advance.[51] Charles thought that William's rise to power allowed to quickly obtain a peace favourable to England. He sent two of his ministers to Holland. They were received with jubilation by the population, who assumed they came to save them from the French. Arriving at the Dutch army camp in
Observing that the water around 's-Hertogenbosch showed little sign of receding, Louis became impatient and lifted the siege on 26 July.[54] Leaving his main force of 40,000 behind, he took 18,000 men with him, and marched to Paris within a week, straight through the Spanish Netherlands. He freed 12,000 Dutch prisoners of war for a small ransom, to avoid having to pay for their maintenance, allowing the majority to rejoin the Dutch States Army, which by August contained 57,000 men.[55]
War of attrition
In June, the Dutch seemed defeated. The Amsterdam stock market collapsed and their international credit evaporated. Frederick William, the Elector of Brandenburg, in these circumstances hardly dared to threaten the eastern borders of Münster. A single loyal ally remained: the Spanish Netherlands. They well understood that if the Dutch capitulated, they too would be lost. Although officially neutral, and forced to allow the French to transgress their territory with impunity, they openly reinforced the Dutch with thousands of troops.[citation needed]
Concern at French gains brought the support of Brandenburg-Prussia, Emperor Leopold and Charles II of Spain.[56] Instead of a rapid victory, Louis was forced into a war of attrition around the French frontiers; in August, Turenne ended his offensive against the Dutch and proceeded to Germany with 25,000 infantry and 18,000 cavalry. Frederick William and Leopold combined their forces of around 25,000 under the Imperial general Raimondo Montecuccoli; he crossed the Rhine at Koblenz in January 1673 but Turenne forced him to retreat into northern Germany.[57]
The faltering offensive caused financial problems for the anti-Dutch allies, especially England. Münster was in an even worse condition; on 27 August it had to abandon the siege of Groningen. Whereas the Dutch had managed to supply the city through waterways at its northern edge, Von Galen's troops were starving and had largely deserted.
The absence of the Dutch field army offered opportunities for the French to renew their offensive. On 27 December, after a severe frost, Luxembourg began to cross the ice of the Water Line with eight thousand men, hoping to sack The Hague.[62] A sudden thaw cut his force in half and he narrowly escaped to his own lines with the remainder, on his way back massacring the civilian population of Bodegraven and Zwammerdam.[63] This increased the hatred against Luxembourg. The province of Utrecht was one of the richest regions of Europe and intendant Louis Robert had extorted large sums from its wealthy inhabitants.[64] The French applied the not-unusual method of mettre à contribution: unless noble refugees or Amsterdam merchants made regular payments, their luxury mansions would be burnt down.[65] This made the general the favourite subject of Dutch anti-French propaganda. Special books were published highlighting the outrages he committed, illustrated by Romeyn de Hooghe. The most common Dutch school book, the Mirror of Youth, that had been dedicated to Spanish misdeeds, was now rewritten to reflect French atrocities.[citation needed]
1673
Until the advent of railways in the 19th century, goods and supplies were largely transported by water, making rivers such as the Lys, Sambre and Meuse vital for trade and military operations.[66] The primary French objective in 1673 was the capture of Maastricht, which controlled a key access point on the Meuse; the city surrendered on 30 June.[67] In June 1673, the French occupation of Kleve and lack of money temporarily drove Brandenburg-Prussia out of the war in the Peace of Vossem.[50]
However, in August, the Dutch, Spain and Emperor Leopold, supported by other German states, agreed the anti-French Alliance of The Hague, joined by Charles IV of Lorraine in October.[68] In September, the resolute defense by John Maurice of Nassau-Siegen and Aylva in the north of the Dutch Republic had now finally forced Von Galen to withdraw,[69] while William crossed the Dutch Waterline and recaptured Naarden. In November, a 30,000-strong Dutch-Spanish army, under William's command, marched into the lands of the Bishops of Münster and Cologne. The Dutch troops took revenge and carried out many atrocities. Together with 35,000 Imperial troops, they then captured Bonn, an important magazine in the long logistical lines between France and the Dutch Republic. The French position in the Netherlands became untenable and Louis was forced to evacuate French troops from the Dutch Republic. This deeply shocked Louis and he retreated to Saint Germain where no one, except a few intimates, were allowed to disturb him. The next year only Grave and Maastricht remained in French hands,[70] while the war expanded into the Rhineland and Spain.[68] Münster was forced to signe a peace treaty with the Dutch Republic in April 1674 and Cologne followed in May.[71]
In England, the alliance with Catholic France had been unpopular from the start and although the real terms of the Treaty of Dover remained secret, many suspected them.[72] The Cabal ministry that managed government for Charles had gambled on a short war but when this proved not to be the case, opinion quickly turned against it, while the French were also accused of abandoning the English at Solebay.[73]
Opposition to the alliance with France further increased when Charles' heir, his Catholic brother,
This combination of events led Louis to pursue a "policy of exhaustion that emphasised sieges and the gathering of war taxes, raids, and blockades over full-scale battles".
Meanwhile, the
War expands: 1674–1675
In broad terms, French strategy now focused on retaking Spanish possessions gained in 1667–1668 but returned at Aix-La-Chapelle, while preventing Imperialist advances in the Rhineland. They also supported minor campaigns in Roussillon and Sicily that absorbed Spanish and Dutch naval resources.[68]
Flanders and the Franche-Comté
In the spring of 1674, the French invaded the Spanish province of Franche-Comté and overran the entire province in less than six weeks. French troops then reinforced Condé's army in the Spanish Netherlands, who were outnumbered by the main Allied field army. William invaded French Flanders, hoping to recapture the Spanish possession of Charleroi and take Oudenarde, but was halted by Condé at the Battle of Seneffe.[79] While both sides claimed victory, the appalling casualties confirmed Louis' preference for positional warfare, ushering in a period where siege and manoeuvre dominated military tactics.[80]
One of the biggest obstacles to Allied success in Flanders was their diverging objectives; the Imperials wanted to prevent reinforcements reaching Turenne in the Rhineland while the Spanish aimed at recovering losses in the Spanish Netherlands. The Dutch were further split by internal disputes; the powerful Amsterdam mercantile body were anxious to end an expensive war once their commercial interests were secured, while William saw France as a long-term threat that had to be defeated. This conflict increased once ending the war became a distinct possibility with the recapture of Grave in October 1674, leaving only Maastricht.[81]
Rhineland
During the winter of 1673–1674, Turenne based his troops in Alsace and the Palatinate; despite England's withdrawal from the war in February, his army of less than 8,000 retained a number of English regiments, as Charles II encouraged members to continue serving in order to keep his French subsidies. Monmouth and Churchill were among those who did so, while others enrolled in the Dutch Scots Brigade, including John Graham, later Viscount Dundee.[82]
The 1674 campaign began when Turenne crossed the Rhine in June with 7,000 men, hoping to attack Charles of Lorraine before he could combine with forces under Alexander von Bournonville. At Sinsheim, the French routed a separate Imperial army led by Aeneas de Caprara but the delay allowed Bournonville to link up with Charles at Heidelberg; after receiving reinforcements, Turenne began crossing the Neckar river, forcing the Imperial troops to retreat.[83]
Bournonville marched south to the Imperial city of Strasbourg, giving him a base for an attack on Alsace but delayed while he awaited the arrival of 20,000 troops under Frederick William. To prevent this, Turenne made a night march that enabled him to surprise the Imperial army and fought them to a standstill at Entzheim on 4 October. As was then accepted practice, Bournonville halted operations until spring but in his Winter Campaign 1674/1675, Turenne inflicted a series of defeats culminating in Turckkeim on 5 January, which secured Alsace and prevented an Imperial invasion. This campaign is often considered to be Turenne's masterpiece.[84]
Command of Imperial operations in the Rhineland passed to Montecuccoli, the only Allied general considered equal to Turenne. He crossed the Rhine at Philippsburg with 25,000 men, hoping to draw the French north, then double back, but Turenne was not fooled, and instead blocked the river near Strasbourg to prevent Montecuccoli being resupplied. By mid-July, both armies were running out of food and Turenne tried to bring the retreating Imperial army to battle. At Salzbach on 27 July, he was killed by a stray cannonball while reconnoitering the enemy's positions.[85] Demoralised by his death, the French withdrew after some inconclusive skirmishing, and fell back to Alsace. They were pursued by Montecuccoli, who crossed the Rhine at Strasbourg and besieged Hagenau, while another Imperial army defeated Créquy at Konzer Brücke and recaptured Trier. Condé was despatched from Flanders to take command and forced Montecuccoli to withdraw across the Rhine; however, ill-health forced him to retire in December and he was replaced by Créquy.[86]
Spain and Sicily
Activity on this front was largely limited to skirmishing in
In Sicily, the French supported a successful revolt by the city of Messina against its Spanish overlords in 1674, obliging San Germán to transfer some of his troops. A French naval force under Jean-Baptiste de Valbelle managed to resupply the city in early 1675 and establish local naval supremacy.[88]
In the 1660s and early 1670s, the Swedish Empire experienced a financial crisis. In hope of subsidies, Charles XI of Sweden had entered the anti-French Triple Alliance with the Dutch Republic and the Kingdom of England, which broke apart when Charles II of England signed the Treaty of Dover with France in 1670. In April 1672, Sweden and France also concluded an alliance, with France promising subsidies in peace time, and more subsidies in war time, if Sweden maintained a 16,000 men strong army in its German dominions. In December 1674 Sweden invaded Brandenburg after France had threatened to halt its subsidies if the Swedish would not use their army.[89] In June, however, a Swedish army under Carl Gustaf Wrangel was decisively defeated by the Brandenburgian army under Frederick William at Fehrbellin. The Swedish invasion had failed and in September, Imperial and Danish forces attacked Swedish Bremen-Verden.
War at sea
At sea, after the peace with England, the Dutch fleet could now be deployed in an offensive manner. De Ruyter attempted an attack on the French Caribbean islands, but was forced to retreat without having achieved anything. A Dutch fleet under Cornelis Tromp meanwhile operated along the French coast. Tromp directed a landing on 27 June on the island of Belle Île, off the coast of Brittany, and captured its coastal bulwarks. The Dutch, however, left the island again after two days, because the 3,000 French defenders had taken refuge in the island's strong fortress and a siege would have taken too long. A few days later, on 4 July, the island of Noirmoutier was attacked. After a short struggle, which left more than a hundred Dutch men out of action, the French retreated to Poitou, leaving the island, with its castle, coastal batteries, more than 30 pieces of artillery and several ships, in the hands of the Dutch. For nearly three weeks, the Dutch flag flew from the walls of the French stronghold and the Dutch fleet captured many French ships in the meantime. The whole coastline from Brest to Bayonne was in turmoil, and several strong French forces gathered to prevent the Dutch from landing. On 23 July the island of Noirmoutier was however abandoned after the Dutch blew up the castle and demolished the coastal batteries. The French coast was kept in fear for some time, but after ending the French blockade of Cádiz and visiting the Mediterranean, Tromp's fleet returned to Holland at the end of 1674.[90][91][92]
Negotiating the peace: 1676–1678
On both sides, the last years of the war saw minimal return for their investment of men and money.
In Germany, Imperial forces captured Philippsburg in September 1676 but the French stabilised their front. Créquy's maneuvering countered Imperial offensives by Charles V of Lorraine[93] whereas the French commander succeeded in capturing Freiburg in November 1677.[97] Defeating the Imperials at Rheinfelden and Ortenbach in July 1678 ended their hopes of retaking the city. The French followed up by capturing Kehl and the bridge over the Rhine near Strasbourg, thus ensuring control of Alsace. The Spanish theatre remained largely static; French victory at Espolla in July 1677 left the strategic position unchanged but their losses worsened the crisis faced by the Spanish administration.[93]
Looking to aid Spain in the defense of Sicily, the Dutch Republic sent a small fleet under command of De Ruyter to the Mediterranean Sea. De Ruyter disapproved of the operation, because he thought that his fleet was insufficient to change the balance of power in the Mediterranean, in which the French had a very strong presence. Under pressure from the admiralty he had accepted command anyway. His doubts would soon be justified, but not after he repulsed an attack of a superior French fleet under Abraham Duquesne at Stromboli. Several months later in April 1676 De Ruyter repeated this feat at the Battle of Augusta, but was mortally wounded in the process.[98] The French would achieve naval supremacy in the Western Mediterranean after their galleys surprised the Dutch/Spanish fleet at anchor at Palermo in June.[99] However, French intervention had been opportunistic; friction arose with the anti-Spanish rebels, the cost of operations was prohibitive and Messina was evacuated in early 1678.[93]
In Northern Germany meanwhile the Swedish position crumbled. In 1675, most of Swedish Pomerania and the
The peace talks that began at
The Battle of Saint-Denis was fought three days later on 13 August, when a combined Dutch-Spanish force attacked the French army under Luxembourg. The French were forced to withdraw, which ensured that Mons remained in Spanish hands. On 19 August, Spain and France agreed to an armistice, followed by a formal peace treaty on 17 September.[101]
1678: the Peace of Nijmegen and its consequences
Louis XIV's two primary goals, the destruction of the Dutch Republic and the conquest of the Spanish Netherlands, had not been achieved.
The Dutch recovered from the near disaster of 1672 to prove they were a significant power in Northern Europe. They ended the war without losing an inch of their own territory, obtained the French evacuation of several advanced positions conquered in 1668 and the repeal of the rigorous customs tariff of 1667, which had been designed, by Jean-Baptiste Colbert, to hinder their trade.[105] Arguably, their most lasting gain was William's marriage to Mary and his arrival as one of the most powerful statesmen in Europe, with sufficient stature to hold together an anti-French coalition. It also showed that while significant sections of the English mercantile and political class were anti-Dutch on commercial grounds, there was no popular support in England for an alliance with France.[citation needed] However, the advantageous separate peace, signed against William's wishes, meant that the Republic's allies were in a worse position. For years afterwards the Republic was burdened with the reputation of being an untrustworthy ally, concerned only with its commercial interests.[106] The war had also seen the rebirth of the Dutch States Army as one of the most disciplined and best trained European armed forces. That this was not sufficient to keep France from making conquests in the Spanish Netherlands, William and the regents blamed mainly on the Spanish themselves. The Dutch had expected more military strength from the once powerful Spanish Empire.[107]
In Spain, defeat led to the Queen Regent,
Brandenburg managed to occupy Swedish Pomerania completely in September 1678, France's ally Sweden regained it by the 1679 Treaty of Saint-Germain-en-Laye but this did little to improve its perilous financial position. In addition, Frederick William's resentment at being forced to give up what he saw as his own territory turned Brandenburg-Prussia into an implacable opponent.[109]
Louis had the enormous advantages of a stellar corps of commanders, superior logistics and a unified strategy, in contrast to the differing objectives of his opponents. At the same time, the war demonstrated that the threat of French expansion overruled all other considerations for rival nations and that France, though having emerged as Europe's greatest power, could not easily impose its will against a coalition. French forces would soon capture Strasbourg (in 1681) and triumph in the brief War of the Reunions (1683–1684), which only further alienated other European states and led to the creation of the anti-French Grand Alliance in 1688, which largely held together through the 1688–1697 Nine Years' War (1688-1697) and the War of the Spanish Succession (1701-1714).[110]
Gallery
-
Allegory on the French invasion of the Dutch Republic
See also
- List of Dutch structures damaged by the French (1672–1673)
- Louis XIV Victory Monument (Place des Victoires, Paris)
References
Notes
Citations
- ^ a b c d Clodfelter 1992, p. 47.
- ^ Panhuysen 2009, p. 84.
- ^ Shomette & Haslach 1988, p. 31.
- ^ a b Wilson 2016, p. 461.
- ^ Levy 1983, p. 90.
- ^ 1672 Disaster Year Archived 24 April 2016 at the Wayback Machine, Rijksmuseum
- ^ Israel 1990, pp. 197–199.
- ^ Rowen 1978, pp. 121–125.
- ^ Geyl 1936, p. 311.
- ^ Hutton 1986, pp. 299–300.
- ^ Rowen 1954, pp. 9–12.
- ^ Geyl 1936, pp. 312–316.
- ^ Lynn 1999, pp. 109–110.
- ^ Kenyon 1986, pp. 67–68.
- ^ Hutton 1986, p. 309.
- ^ Frost 2000, p. 209.
- ^ Black 2011, pp. 97–99.
- ^ Lynn 1994, p. 893.
- ^ a b c Lynn 1999, p. 113.
- ^ Hutton 1986, p. 302.
- ^ Rowen 1978, p. 758.
- ^ Rowen 1978, p. 752.
- ^ Van Nimwegen 2010, pp. 440–441.
- ^ Boxer 1969, p. 71.
- ^ Clodfelter 1992, p. 46.
- ^ Rowen 1978, p. 771.
- ^ Rowen 1978, pp. 755–756.
- ^ a b Panhuysen 2009, p. 112.
- ^ Panhuysen 2009, p. 134.
- ^ Panhuysen 2009, p. 135.
- ^ Jenkins 1973, pp. 51–53.
- ^ Rodger 2004, p. 82.
- ^ Panhuysen 2009, p. 139.
- ^ Panhuysen 2009, pp. 140–141.
- ^ Panhuysen 2009, pp. 146–150.
- ^ Panhuysen 2009, pp. 145–146.
- ^ Panhuysen 2009, p. 150.
- ^ a b Panhuysen 2009, p. 201.
- ^ Panhuysen 2009, pp. 151–152.
- ^ Panhuysen 2009, pp. 149, 153.
- ^ Panhuysen 2009, p. 162.
- ^ Panhuysen 2009, p. 163.
- ^ Panhuysen 2009, p. 149.
- ^ Panhuysen 2009, p. 165.
- ^ Troost 2001, p. 87.
- ^ Lynn 1999, p. 115.
- ^ Panhuysen 2009, p. 158.
- ^ Panhuysen 2009, p. 205.
- ^ Reinders 2013, p. 108–110.
- ^ a b Young 2004, p. 131.
- ^ Panhuysen 2009, p. 202.
- ^ Panhuysen 2009, p. 183.
- ^ Lynn 1999, p. 114.
- ^ Panhuysen 2009, p. 185.
- ^ Panhuysen 2009, p. 220.
- ^ Smith 1965, p. 200.
- ^ Lynn 1999, pp. 117–18.
- ^ Panhuysen 2009, p. 210.
- ^ Van Nimwegen 2020, pp. 121.
- ^ Panhuysen 2009, p. 285.
- ^ Panhuysen 2016, p. 86.
- ^ Panhuysen 2009, p. 269.
- ^ Panhuysen 2016, p. 87.
- ^ Panhuysen 2009, pp. 197–98.
- ^ Panhuysen 2009, p. 200.
- ^ Childs 1991, pp. 32–33.
- ^ Lynn 1999, p. 120.
- ^ a b c Young 2004, p. 132.
- ^ Van der Aa 1852.
- ^ Panhuysen 2009, pp. 391–398.
- ^ Panhuysen 2009, pp. 419.
- ^ Boxer 1969, pp. 74–75.
- ^ Palmer 2005, pp. 60–61.
- ^ Hutton 1989, pp. 345–46.
- ^ Boxer 1969, pp. 88–90.
- ^ Satterfield 2003, p. 319.
- ^ Frost 2000, p. 210.
- ^ Odegard 2020, p. 143.
- ^ Tucker 2009, p. 650.
- ^ Lynn 1999, p. 125.
- ^ Jacques 2007, p. 408.
- ^ Linklater 2004.
- ^ Lynn 1999, p. 129.
- ^ Lynn 1999, pp. 131–32.
- ^ Lynn 1999, p. 141.
- ^ Rowlands 2002, p. 54.
- ^ Lynn 1999, p. 135.
- ^ Blackmore 2011, pp. 95–96.
- ^ Frost 2000, pp. 209–210.
- ^ Knoop 1848, p. 20.
- ^ Van Lennep 1880, p. 153.
- ^ de Liefde 1885, p. 276.
- ^ a b c d Nolan 2008, p. 126–128.
- ^ Wolfe 2009, p. 149.
- ^ Starkey 2003, p. 38.
- ^ Van Nimwegen 2020, p. 157-161.
- ^ Young 2004, p. 135.
- ^ Sweetman 1997, p. 108.
- ^ Lynn 1999, p. 148–149.
- ^ Lesaffer, Randall. "The Wars of Louis XIV in Treaties (Part V): The Peace of Nijmegen (1678–1679)". Oxford Public International Law. Retrieved 30 December 2018.
- ^ Van Nimwegen 2020, p. 166.
- ^ Panhuysen 2009, pp. 451.
- ^ "Treaty of Peace between France and Spain, signed at Nimeguen, 17 September 1678". Oxford International Public Law. Retrieved 31 December 2018.
- ^ Lynn 1999, p. 159.
- ^ Goubert 1991, p. 126-129.
- ^ Israel 1995, p. 825.
- ^ Van Nimwegen 2020, p. 166-167.
- ISBN 978-0230200128.
- ^ Clark 2007, p. 50.
- ^ Nolan 2008, p. 128.
Sources
- Barton, Simon (2008). A History of Spain. Palgrave. ISBN 978-0230200128.
- Black, Jeremy (2011). Beyond the Military Revolution: War in the Seventeenth Century World. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-0230251564.
- Blackmore, RT (2011). Warfare on the Mediterranean in the Age of Sail: A History, 1571–1866. McFarland & Co. ISBN 978-0786447992.
- Boxer, CR (1969). "Some Second Thoughts on the Third Anglo-Dutch War, 1672–1674". Transactions of the Royal Historical Society. 19: 67–94. S2CID 159934682.
- Clark, Christopher M. (2007). Iron kingdom: the rise and downfall of Prussia, 1600–1947. Penguin. ISBN 978-0140293340.
- Childs, John (1991). The Nine Years' War and the British Army, 1688–1697: The Operations in the Low Countries. Manchester University Press. ISBN 978-0719089961.
- Clodfelter, Micheal (1992). Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Reference to Casualty and Other Figures, 1500–2000. McFarland & Co. ISBN 978-0786474707.
- Frost, Robert (2000). The Northern Wars; State and Society in Northeastern Europe 1558–1721. Routledge. ISBN 978-0582064294.
- Geyl, P (1936). "Johan de Witt, Grand Pensionary of Holland, 1653–72". History. 20 (80): 303–319. JSTOR 24401084.
- Hutton, Ronald (1989). Charles II: King of England, Scotland and Ireland. Clarendon Press. ISBN 978-0198229117.
- Hutton, R (1986). "The Making of the Secret Treaty of Dover, 1668–1670". The Historical Journal. 29 (2): 297–318. S2CID 159787254.
- Israel, Jonathan (1990). Dutch Primacy in World Trade, 1585–1740 (1990 ed.). Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0198211396.
- Jacques, Tony (2007). Dictionary of Battles and Sieges: A Guide to 8,500 Battles from Antiquity through the Twenty-first Century, Volume 2, F–O. Greenwood. ISBN 978-0313335389.
- Jenkins, E. H. (1973). A History of the French Navy. MacDonald and Jane's. ISBN 978-0786457847.
- Kenyon, JP (1986). The History Men: The Historical Profession in England since the Renaissance (1993 ed.). Weidenfeld & Nicolson.
- Levy, Jack S (1983). War in the Modern Great Power System: 1495 to 1975. University Press of Kentucky.
- Linklater, Magnus (2004). "Graham, John, first viscount of Dundee [known as Bonnie Dundee]". doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/11208. (Subscription or UK public library membershiprequired.)
- Lynn, John (1999). The Wars of Louis XIV, 1667–1714 (Modern Wars in Perspective). Longman. ISBN 978-0582056299.
- Lynn, John A (1994). "Recalculating French Army Growth during the Grand Siecle, 1610-1715". French Historical Studies. 18 (4): 881–906. JSTOR 286722.
- Nolan, Cathal (2008). Wars of the Age of Louis XIV, 1650–1715: An Encyclopedia of Global Warfare and Civilization. Greenwood. ISBN 978-0313330469.
- Palmer, Michael (2005). Command at Sea: Naval Command and Control Since the Sixteenth Century. Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0674024113.
- Panhuysen, Luc (2009). Rampjaar 1672: Hoe de Republiek aan de ondergang ontsnapte. Uitgeverij Atlas. ISBN 9789045013282.
- Panhuysen, Luc (2016). Oranje tegen de Zonnekoning: De strijd van Willem III en Lodewijk XIV om Europa. De Arbeiderspers. ISBN 978-9029538718.
- Reinders, Michel (2013). Printed Pandemonium: Popular Print and Politics in the Netherlands 1650–72. Brill. ISBN 978-9004243187.
- Rodger, N. A. M. (2004). The Command of the Ocean: A Naval History of Britain, 1649–1815. Penguin. ISBN 9780713994117.
- Rowen, Henry Herbert (1978). John de Witt, Grand Pensionary of Holland, 1625–1672 (2015 ed.). Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0691600437.
- Rowen, Herbert H (1954). "John De Witt and the Triple Alliance". The Journal of Modern History. 26 (1): 1–14. S2CID 145695238.
- Rowlands, Guy (2002). The Dynastic State and the Army under Louis XIV: Royal Service and Private Interest 1661-1701. CUP. ISBN 978-0521144742.
- Satterfield, George (2003). Princes, Posts and Partisans: The Army of Louis XIV and Partisan Warfare in the Netherlands (1673–1678). Brill. ISBN 978-9004131767.
- Sommerville, J. P. (16 January 2008), The wars of Louis XIV
- Smith, Rhea Marsh (1965). Spain: A Modern History. Ann Arbor, Michigan: University of Michigan Press. OCLC 733708764.
- Starkey, Armstrong (2003). War in the Age of Enlightenment, 1700–1789. Praeger. ISBN 978-0275972400.
- Troost, W. (2001). Stadhouder-koning Willem III: Een politieke biografie. Hilversum: Uitgeverij Verloren. ISBN 90-6550-639-X.
- Tucker, Spencer C. (23 December 2009). A Global Chronology of Conflict: From the Ancient World to the Modern Middle East [6 volumes]: From the Ancient World to the Modern Middle East. ABC-CLIO. ISBN 978-1-85109-672-5.
- Van Nimwegen, Olaf (2010). The Dutch Army and the Military Revolutions, 1588–1688. Boydell Press. ISBN 978-1843835752.
- Wilson, Peter H. (2016). Heart of Europe: A History of the Holy Roman Empire. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press.
- Wolf, John (1962). The Emergence of European Civilization. Joanna Cotler Books. ISBN 978-0060471804.
- Wolfe, Michael (2009). Walled Towns and the Shaping of France: From the Medieval to the Early Modern Era. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-0230608122.
- Young, William (2004). International Politics and Warfare in the Age of Louis XIV and Peter the Great. iUniverse. ISBN 978-0595329922.
- Shomette, Donald G.; Haslach, Robert D. (1988). Raid on America: The Dutch Naval campaign of 1672-1674. University of South Carolina Press. ISBN 978-0788422454.
- Van Nimwegen, Olaf (2020). De Veertigjarige Oorlog 1672–1712: de strijd van de Nederlanders tegen de Zonnekoning [The 40 Years' War 1672–1712: the Dutch struggle against the Sun King] (in Dutch). Prometheus. ISBN 978-90-446-3871-4.
- Van der Aa, Abraham Jacob (1852). "Hans Willem van Aylva". Biographisch woordenboek der Nederlanden. Deel 1 (in Dutch).
- Van Lennep, Jacob (1880). De geschiedenis van Nederland, aan het Nederlandsche Volk verteld [The history of the Netherlands, told to the Dutch nation] (in Dutch). Leiden; z.j.
- Knoop, Willem Jan (1848). "Krijgskundige beschouwingen over den oorlog van 1672-1678 in de Nederlanden" [Military reflections on the war of 1672-1678 in the Netherlands]. Nieuwe Spectator (in Dutch).
- Odegard, Erik (2020). "Merchant Companies at War: The Anglo-Dutch Wars in Asia". War, Trade and the State: Anglo-Dutch Conflict, 1652-89: 230–247.
- Sweetman, Jack, ed. (1997). The great admirals: command at sea, 1587-1945. Naval Institute Press. ISBN 978-0-87021-229-1.
- Goubert, Pierre, ed. (1991). The Course of French History. London: Routledge.
- ISBN 0-19-873072-1.
- de Liefde, Jan (1885). Nederlandsche zeehelden van de zeventiende eeuw. Naar het Engelsch bewerkt onder toezicht van C.H. de Goeje (in Dutch). Leiden E.J. Brill.
External links
- "The first stadtholderless period". Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved 21 September 2019.