Freedom Party of Austria
Freedom Party of Austria Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs | ||
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fpoe | ||
^ A: Before its rightward shift, it was classified as a centre to centre-right party,[4] supporting national liberalism and pan-Germanism from 1956 to 1986. |
The Freedom Party of Austria
The FPÖ was founded in 1956 as the successor to the short-lived Federation of Independents (VdU), representing pan-Germanists and national liberals opposed to socialism and Catholic clericalism, represented by the Social Democratic Party of Austria (SPÖ) and the Austrian People's Party (ÖVP), respectively. Its first leader, Anton Reinthaller, was a former Nazi functionary and SS officer, but the FPÖ did not advocate far-right policies and presented itself as a centrist party.[16] The FPÖ was long the third largest in Austria and had modest support. Under the leadership of Norbert Steger in the early 1980s, it sought to style itself on Germany's Free Democratic Party.[17][18][19] The FPÖ gave external support to SPÖ chancellor Bruno Kreisky (SPÖ) after the 1970 election and joined Fred Sinowatz's government, as SPÖ's junior partner, after the 1983 election.
Jörg Haider became leader of the party in 1986, after which it began an ideological turn towards right-wing populism. This resulted in a strong surge in electoral support, but also led the SPÖ to break ties, and a splinter in the form of the Liberal Forum in 1993. In the 1999 election, the FPÖ won 26.9% of the vote, becoming the second most popular party, ahead of the ÖVP by around 500 votes. The two parties eventually reached a coalition agreement in which ÖVP retained the office of chancellor. The FPÖ soon lost most of its popularity, falling to 10% in the 2002 election, but remained in government as junior partner. Internal tensions led Haider and much of the party leadership to leave in 2005, forming the Alliance for the Future of Austria (BZÖ), which replaced the FPÖ as governing partner. Heinz-Christian Strache then became leader, and the party gradually regained its popularity, peaking at 26.0% in the 2017 election. The FPÖ once again became junior partner in government with the ÖVP. In May 2019, the Ibiza affair led to the collapse of the government and the resignation of Strache from both the offices of vice-chancellor and party leader.[20] The resulting snap election saw the FPÖ fall to 16.2% and return to opposition.[21][22]
History
Political background
The FPÖ is a descendant of the
In 1949, the
Early years (1956–1980)
The first FPÖ party leader was Anton Reinthaller, a former Nazi Minister of Agriculture and SS officer.[33] He had been asked by ÖVP Chancellor Julius Raab to take over the movement rather than let it be led by a more socialist-leaning group.[16] While the majority of former Nazis had probably joined the two main parties in absolute numbers, they formed a greater percentage of FPÖ members due to the party's small size.[16] Nevertheless, none of them were real revolutionaries and they pursued pragmatic, non-ideological policies, and the FPÖ presented itself as a moderate party.[16] The FPÖ served as a vehicle for them to integrate in the Second Republic; the party was a welcome partner with both the SPÖ and ÖVP in regional and local politics, although it was excluded at the national level.[16][34] The ÖVP and the FPÖ ran a joint candidate for the 1957 presidential election, who lost.[16]
Reinthaller was replaced as leader in 1958 by
Steger leadership (1980–1986)
Liberal
In 1983, the right-wing
During the 1986 National Convention in Innsbruck, the internal struggle developed into an open conflict; this led Haider to victory as new FPÖ party leader with 58% of the vote, supported by conservative and pan-German factions.[17][18][35][40] However, incoming SPÖ Chancellor Franz Vranitzky—who also entered office in 1986—had strong negative feelings towards Haider, who he felt was too far-right. Vranitzky subsequently announced an election in 1986, in the process disbanding the SPÖ-FPÖ "Small Coalition" and, after the election, entered into a coalition with the ÖVP.[41] Under Haider's leadership, the FPÖ increased its vote to 9.7%,[42] while the party gradually became more right-wing and its former liberal influence waned.[43] As the FPÖ increased its electoral support with Haider's radical-populist rhetoric, the party reduced its chances of forming coalitions with other parties.[42]
Haider leadership (1986–2000)
With Jörg Haider as the new party leader, the 1989 Carinthia provincial election caused a sensation; the SPÖ lost its majority and the ÖVP was relegated to third-party status, as the FPÖ finished second with 29% of the vote. The FPÖ formed a coalition with the ÖVP, with Haider as Governor of Carinthia (at this point his greatest political triumph).[42] By the 1990 general election the party had moved away from the liberal mainstream course, instead focusing on immigration and becoming increasingly critical of the political establishment and the EU.[43] Following a remark made by Haider in 1991 about the "decent employment policy" of Nazi Germany (in contrast to that of the current Austrian government),[note 3] he was removed as governor by a joint SPÖ-ÖVP initiative and replaced by the ÖVP's Christof Zernatto. Later that year, however, the FPÖ saw gains made in three provincial elections (most notably in Vienna).[45]
While Haider often employed controversial rhetoric, his expressed political goals included small government with more direct democracy rather than centralized totalitarianism.[24] Following the increasing importance of immigration as a political issue, in 1993 the party decided to launch the "Austria First!" initiative (calling for a referendum on immigration issues). The initiative was controversial and five FPÖ MPs, including Heide Schmidt, left the party and founded the Liberal Forum (LiF). The FPÖ's relations with the Liberal International also became increasingly strained, and later that year the FPÖ left the LI (which was preparing to expel it). In turn, the LiF soon joined the Liberal International instead.[46] In 1999, Haider was again elected Governor of Carinthia.[40]
Coalition government (2000–2005)
In the
The party had been kept on the sidelines for most of the Second Republic, except for its brief role in government in the 1980s. Along with the party's origins and its focus on issues such as immigration and questions of identity and belonging, the party had been subjected to a strategy of cordon sanitaire by the SPÖ and ÖVP. The EU sanctions were lifted in September after a report had found that the measures were effective only in the short term; in the long run, they might give rise to an anti-EU backlash.[49] Some observers noted an inconsistency in that there had been no sanctions against Italy when the post-fascist Italian Social Movement/National Alliance had entered government in 1994.[50]
The FPÖ struggled with its shift from an anti-establishment party to being part of the government, which led to decreasing internal stability and electoral support. Its
In the subsequent election campaign, the party was deeply divided and unable to organise an effective political strategy. It changed leaders five times in less than two months, and in the 2002 general election decreased its share of the vote to 10.2%, almost two-thirds less than its previous share. Most of its voters sided with the ÖVP, which became the largest party in Austria with 43% of the vote. Nevertheless, the coalition government of the ÖVP and FPÖ was revived after the election; however, there was increasing criticism within the FPÖ against the party's mission of winning elections at any cost.[52]
Haider's departure for BZÖ
After an internal row had threatened to tear the FPÖ apart, former chairman
Strache's early leadership (2005–2017)
The FPÖ fared much better than the BZÖ in polls following the 2005 split,[57] with the first tests in regional elections in Styria[58] and Burgenland.[59] On 23 April 2005 Heinz-Christian Strache was elected as new chairman of the FPÖ, taking over from interim leader Hilmar Kabas. As most of the party's office-seeking elite had gone over to the BZÖ, the FPÖ was again free from responsibility. Under Strache the party's ideology grew more radical, and it returned to its primary goal of vote-maximising.[60] The FPÖ did reasonably well in October's Vienna election, in which Strache was the leading candidate and ran a campaign directed strongly against immigration.[citation needed] It took a 14.9% share, while the BZÖ won just 1.2%.[61]
By the 2006 general election, the FPÖ returned to promoting anti-immigration, anti-Islam and Eurosceptic issues. It won 11% of the vote and 21 seats in parliament,[60] while the BZÖ only barely passed the 4% threshold needed to enter Parliament. The subsequent coalition between the SPÖ and the ÖVP left both parties in opposition. In the 2008 general election both the FPÖ and the BZÖ rose significantly at the expense of the SPÖ and the ÖVP. Both parties increased their percentage of the vote by about 6.5%, with the FPÖ at 17.4% and the BZÖ at 10.7%— together gaining 28.2%, and thus both breaking the record vote for the FPÖ in the 1999 election.[62] In the 2009 European Parliament election the FPÖ doubled its 2004 results, winning 12.8% of the vote and 2 seats.
In December 2009 the local Carinthia branch of the BZÖ, its stronghold, broke away and founded the
After its convention in early 2011 midway between general elections, the FPÖ had a support in opinion polls of around 24–29%—at par with the SPÖ and ÖVP, and above the BZÖ. Among people under 30 years of age, the FPÖ had the support of 42%.[67][68]
In the 2013 legislative election the party obtained 20.51% of votes, while BZÖ scored 3.53% and lost all of its seats. After the election SPÖ and ÖVP renewed their coalition and FPÖ remained in opposition.
In June 2015 the main part of the federal party section of Salzburg split off and formed the Free Party Salzburg.[69]
In the
Coalition government (2017–2019)
In the 2017 Austrian legislative election, the FPÖ obtained 26% of votes, increased its seats by eleven seats to 51 seats, achieving its best result since the 1999 election.[77] It was leading every other party until Sebastian Kurz became the leader of the ÖVP,[78] and polling still predicted it would reach second place.[79] Despite the FPÖ's decline in support during the election campaign, it still achieved an ideological victory as Austria's governing parties, particularly the ÖVP under Kurz[77][78] but also the SPÖ,[80] shifted noticeably to the right, adopting much of the FPÖ's policies.[80][81][82]
The FPÖ entered coalition talks with the ÖVP, and in December 2017, they reached an agreement and created a coalition government. The FPÖ gained control over six ministries, including defense, the interior, and foreign affairs.[83][84][85][86]
Ibiza affair (May 2019)
In mid-May 2019, secretly made footage was released, apparently showing Strache soliciting funds for the party from a purported Russian national.[87] In the video, Strache also suggests his intention to censor the Austrian media in a way that would favor the FPÖ, citing the media landscape of Orban's Hungary.[88]
The footage led to the collapse of the coalition with the ÖVP on 20 May 2019.[89][90]
Post-Ibiza era (2019–present)
In the 2019 general election the party's support collapsed to 16%, down from 26% in 2017. In the aftermath of the election they collapsed to a record low of 10% in April 2020, but as of November 2022 they have stabilized to around 23–25%.[citation needed]
Norbert Hofer replaced Strache as party leader in September 2019, just before the election. He resigned on 1 June 2021. On 7 June 2021, Herbert Kickl was elected the new leader of the party by the central party committee, a process that was made official at a party convention vote on 19 June 2021.[citation needed]
Ideology and platform
Part of a series on |
Conservatism in Austria |
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Historically, the FPÖ was a broadly liberal party and its ideology comprised national liberalism,[24] pan-Germanism,[91] anti-clericalism,[92] with a significant classical-liberal minority faction.[91] Before its rightward shift, it was classified as a centrist to centre-right party,[93][18][17] supporting national liberalism and pan-Germanism from 1956 to 1986. The party was considered the Austrian counterpart of Germany's Free Democratic Party.[17][18][19]
The FPÖ has traditionally been part of the "national liberal" camp, and generally identifies with a freiheitlich (libertarian) profile.[24] However, since the rise to party leadership of Jörg Haider in 1986, the FPÖ departed from liberalism[94] and left the Liberal International (of which it had been a member since 1978),[37] causing the split of the Liberal Forum, and has variously been described as national-conservative,[6][7][8] right-wing populist,[95][9][10][11][12][13][14] "right-conservative",[96] "right-national"[97] and far-right.[2][98][99][100] Leading current party members such as Andreas Mölzer and Harald Vilimsky have considered themselves as national liberal "cultural Germans",[14][101] while Barbara Rosenkranz has considered her ideology as national conservative.[102]
Under the leadership of
The FPÖ has been accused by the Austrian Mauthausen Committee of being involved in right-wing extremism and possessing a neo-Nazi ideology.[104][105]
Individual freedom
This Section relies largely or entirely on a single source. (July 2016) |
The principle of individual freedom in society was already one of the central points in the FPÖ (and VdU's) programme during the 1950s.[citation needed] The party did not regard its liberalism and its pan-German, nationalist positions as contradictory. From the late 1980s through the 1990s, the party developed economically, supporting tax reduction, less state intervention and more privatisation. Starting in the late 2000s, the party has taken a more populist tack, combining this position with qualified support for the welfare state.[106] According to a 2020 study, the party's policy on welfare "is restricted to the mitigation of welfare retrenchment for the core workforce, whereas the party has been a protagonist of tax cuts, trade union disempowerment and, more recently, welfare chauvinism."[106] It criticised unemployment and alleged welfare-state abuse by immigrants which, it said, threatened the welfare state and pensioners' benefits.[107]
Anti-establishment
During the 1980s and 1990s, Austrian voters became increasingly disaffected with the rule by the two major parties (SPÖ and ÖVP). This coincided with the leadership of Haider, who presented the FPÖ as the only party which could seriously challenge the two parties' dominance. The party strongly criticised the power concentrated in the hands of the elite, until the FPÖ joined the government in 2000. In the 1990s the party advocated replacing the present Second Austrian Republic with a Third Republic, since it sought a radical transformation from "a party state to a citizens' democracy". The party wanted to provide more
Immigration and Islam
Immigration was not a significant issue in Austria until the 1980s. Under Haider's leadership, immigration went from being practically non-existent on the list of most important issues for voters before 1989, to the 10th-most-important in 1990, and the second-most-important in 1992. In 1993, the controversial "Austria First!" initiative attempted to collect signatures for a referendum on immigration restrictions and asserted that "Austria is not a country of immigration."[109]
The party maintained that "the protection of cultural identity and social peace in Austria requires a stop to immigration", maintaining that its concern was not against foreigners, but to safeguard the interests and cultural identity of native Austrians.
During the period of ÖVP-FPÖ government, many amendments were introduced to tighten the country's immigration policies.[114] The number of new asylum applications, for example, was reduced from 32,000 in 2003 to 13,300 in 2006.[115]
Heimat
From the mid-1980s, the concept of Heimat (a word meaning both "the homeland" and a more general notion of cultural identity) has been central to the ideology of the FPÖ, although its application has slightly changed with time. Initially, Heimat indicated the feeling of national belonging influenced by a pan-German vision; the party assured voters in 1985 that "the overwhelming majority of Austrians belong to the German ethnic and cultural community." Although it was noted then that Austria was the mother country which held the national traditions, this would later be favoured more explicitly over the pan-German concept.[110] In 1995 Haider declared an end to pan-Germanism in the party, and in the 1997 party manifesto the former community of "German people" was replaced with the "Austrian people".[116] Under the leadership of Strache, the concept of Heimat has been promoted and developed more deeply than it had been previously.[117] After his reelection as chairman in 2011, the German aspects of the party's programme were formally reintroduced.[118]
Foreign policy
At the end of the Cold War, the FPÖ became more
The party's views on the United States and the Middle East have evolved over time. Despite the anti-American views of some right-wing forums in the 1970s and 1980s (that chiefly were rooted in worries over US cultural expansion and hegemonic role in world politics at the expense of Europe), the FPÖ were more positively inclined towards the United States under Haider's leadership in the late 1980s and 1990s. However, this changed in 2003 following Haider visiting Saddam Hussein on the eve of the Iraq War; he subsequently condemned US foreign policy and derided George W. Bush as not being very different from Hussein. This move was strongly criticised by the FPÖ, which was part of the then-current government. Nevertheless, in the mid- to late 2000s the FPÖ too criticised US foreign policy as promoted by Bush, which it saw as leading to increased levels of violence in the Middle East. The party also became more critical of Israel's part in the Israel–Palestine conflict.[120]
By 2010, under Heinz-Christian Strache's leadership, the party became more supportive of
Strache, at about the same time, said he wanted to meet with the front figures of the American
On 30 March 2023, lawmakers from the party walked out from the lower house of Austria's parliament during a speech by the Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelenskyy in protest at this supposed violation of Austria's national principle of neutrality.[130]
Presently, the party advocates the introduction of a hard north Euro and a soft south Euro.[131]
International relations
While the FPÖ is currently not a member of any European or international organisations, it has ties with several European political parties and groupings. Additionally, according to political analyst Thomas Hofer, the party's policies and brash style helped inspire like-minded parties across Europe.
Under the leadership of Strache, the party has cooperated mainly with the Northern League,
At a conference in 2011, Strache and the new leader of the French
Election results
National Council
Election | Votes | % | Seats | +/– | Government |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
1956 | 283,749 | 6.5 (#3) | 6 / 165
|
Opposition | |
1959 | 336,110 | 7.7 (#3) | 8 / 165
|
2 | Opposition |
1962 | 313,895 | 7.0 (#3) | 8 / 165
|
Opposition | |
1966 | 242,570 | 5.4 (#3) | 6 / 165
|
2 | Opposition |
1970 | 253,425 | 5.5 (#3) | 6 / 165
|
Supporting SPÖ minority | |
1971 | 248,473 | 5.5 (#3) | 10 / 183
|
4 | Opposition |
1975 | 249,444 | 5.4 (#3) | 10 / 183
|
Opposition | |
1979 | 286,743 | 6.1 (#3) | 11 / 183
|
1 | Opposition |
1983 | 241,789 | 5.0 (#3) | 12 / 183
|
1 | SPÖ–FPÖ majority |
1986 | 472,205 | 9.7 (#3) | 18 / 183
|
6 | Opposition |
1990 | 782,648 | 16.6 (#3) | 33 / 183
|
15 | Opposition |
1994 | 1,042,332 | 22.5 (#3) | 42 / 183
|
9 | Opposition |
1995 | 1,060,175 | 21.9 (#3) | 41 / 183
|
1 | Opposition |
1999 | 1,244,087 | 26.9 (#2) | 52 / 183
|
11 | ÖVP–FPÖ majority |
2002 | 491,328 | 10.0 (#3) | 18 / 183
|
34 | ÖVP–FPÖ majority (2002–2005) |
Opposition (2005–2006) | |||||
2006 | 519,598 | 11.0 (#4) | 21 / 183
|
3 | Opposition |
2008 | 857,028 | 17.5 (#3) | 34 / 183
|
13 | Opposition |
2013 | 962,313 | 20.5 (#3) | 40 / 183
|
6 | Opposition |
2017 | 1,316,442 | 26.0 (#3) | 51 / 183
|
11 | ÖVP–FPÖ majority (2017–2019) |
Opposition (2019) | |||||
2019 | 772,666 | 16.2 (#3) | 31 / 183
|
20 | Opposition |
President
Election | Candidate | First round result | Second round result | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Votes | % | Result | Votes | % | Result | ||
1957 | Wolfgang Denk | 2,159,604 | 48.9 | 2nd place | — | ||
1963 | did not contest | ||||||
1965 | did not contest | ||||||
1971 | did not contest | ||||||
1974 | did not contest | ||||||
1980 | Willfried Gredler | 751,400 | 17.0 | 2nd place | — | ||
1986 | Otto Scrinzi | 55,724 | 1.2 | 4th place | — | ||
1992 | Heide Schmidt | 761,390 | 16.4 | 3rd place | — | ||
1998 | did not contest | ||||||
2004 | did not contest | ||||||
2010 | Barbara Rosenkranz | 481,923 | 15.2 | 2nd place | — | ||
2016 | Norbert Hofer | 1,499,971 | 35.1 | Runner-up | 2,124,661 | 46.2 | Lost |
2022 | Walter Rosenkranz | 717,097 | 17.7 | 2nd place | — |
European Parliament
Election | Votes | % | Seats | +/– |
---|---|---|---|---|
1996 | 1,044,604 | 27.5 (#3) | 6 / 21
|
|
1999 | 655,519 | 23.4 (#3) | 5 / 21
|
1 |
2004 | 157,722 | 6.3 (#5) | 1 / 18
|
4 |
2009 | 364,207 | 12.7 (#4) | 2 / 19
|
1 |
2014 | 556,835 | 19.7 (#3) | 4 / 18
|
2 |
2019 | 650,114 | 17.2 (#3) | 3 / 18
|
1 |
State Parliaments
State | Year | Votes | % | Seats | ± | Government |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Burgenland | 2020 | 18,160 | 9.8 (#3) | 4 / 36
|
2 | Opposition |
Carinthia | 2023 | 74,329 | 24.5 (#2) | 9 / 36
|
0 | Opposition |
Lower Austria | 2023 | 217,511 | 24.2 (#2) | 16 / 56
|
6 | ÖVP–FPÖ |
Salzburg
|
2023 | 69,310 | 25.7 (#2) | 10 / 36
|
3 | ÖVP–FPÖ |
Styria | 2019 | 105,294 | 17.5 (#3) | 8 / 48
|
6 | Opposition |
Tyrol
|
2022 | 64,683 | 18.8 (#2) | 7 / 36
|
2 | Opposition |
Upper Austria | 2021 | 159,692 | 19.8 (#2) | 11 / 56
|
7 | ÖVP–FPÖ |
Vienna | 2020 | 51,603 | 7.1 (#5) | 8 / 100
|
26 | Opposition |
Vorarlberg | 2019 | 23,011 | 13.9 (#3) | 5 / 36
|
4 | Opposition |
Party leaders
The following is a list of the party leaders of the FPÖ:[97]
No. | Portrait | Party leader | Took office | Left office | Time in office |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
1 | Anton Reinthaller (1895–1958) | 7 April 1956 | 1958 | 1–2 years | |
2 | Friedrich Peter (1921–2005) | 1958 | 1978 | 19–20 years | |
3 | Alexander Götz (1928–2018) | 1978 | November 1979 | 0–1 years | |
4 | Norbert Steger (born 1944) | November 1979 | 13 September 1986 | 6 years, 316 days | |
5 | Jörg Haider (1950–2008) | 13 September 1986 | 1 May 2000 | 13 years, 231 days | |
6 | 1 May 2000 | 8 September 2002 | 2 years, 246 days | ||
7 | Mathias Reichhold (born 1957) | 8 September 2002 | 18 October 2002 | 40 days | |
8 | Herbert Haupt (born 1947) | 18 October 2002 | 3 July 2004 | 1 year, 259 days | |
9 | Ursula Haubner (born 1945) | 3 July 2004 | 5 April 2005 | 276 days | |
– | Hilmar Kabas (born 1942) Acting | 5 April 2005 | 23 April 2005 | 18 days | |
10 | Heinz-Christian Strache (born 1969) | 23 April 2005 | 19 May 2019 | 14 years, 26 days | |
11 | Norbert Hofer (born 1971) | 14 September 2019 | 1 June 2021 | 1 year, 260 days | |
12 | Herbert Kickl (born 1968) | 7 June 2021 | 2 years, 317 days |
Notes
- ^ Sometimes referred to as the Liberal Party.[5]
- ^ Note that the SPÖ and its chairman Bruno Kreisky did not criticise Reder's release itself, as they themselves had pleaded Italy for it, but that it was Frischenschlager's official state reception of Reder that remained controversial.[39]
- ^ The incident started when Haider proposed in parliament to require able-bodied welfare recipients to accept public service work assignments. Following this proposal, an SPÖ delegate shouted that the proposal was akin to the forced labour of the Third Reich, which led Haider to retort; "at least in the Third Reich there was a decent employment policy, which is more than can be said for what your government in Vienna can manage." Haider later apologized and distanced himself from his remark.[44]
References
- ^
- • Van Gilder Cooke, Sonia (29 July 2011), "Austria – Europe's Right Wing: A Nation-by-Nation Guide to Political Parties and Extremist Groups", Time, archived from the original on 30 July 2011, retrieved 16 February 2012
- • Meyer-Feist, Andreas (14 February 2012), "Austrian villagers quash plans for Buddhist temple", DW, retrieved 16 February 2012
- • Freedom Party leader may face hate speech charges. The Local (Austria edition). Published 19 October 2016. Retrieved 24 September 2017.
- ^ a b
- • Hainsworth, Paul (2008), The Extreme Right in Western Europe, Routledge, pp. 38–39
- • Art, David (2011), Inside the Radical Right: The Development of Anti-Immigrant Parties in Western Europe, Cambridge University Press, pp. 106–107
- • Wodak, Ruth; De Cillia, Rudolf; Reisigl, Martin (2009), The Discursive Construction of National Identity (2nd ed.), Edinburgh University Press, p. 195
- • Hale Williams, Michelle (2012), "Downside after the summit: factors in extreme-right party decline in France and Austria", Mapping the Extreme Right in Contemporary Europe: From Local to Transnational, Routledge, p. 260
- • Cauquelin, Blaise (30 November 2016). "l'extrême droite près du pouvoir en Autriche". Le Monde (in French). Retrieved 4 April 2019.
- ^ "FPÖ feiert mit "vielleicht neuer Bundeshymne"". Kleine Zeitung (in German). 2 September 2015. Retrieved 11 February 2022.
- ^ Ó Maoláin, Ciarán (1988). Political Parties of the World. Longman. p. 31.
- ^ "Freedom Party of Austria". Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved 9 July 2011.
- ^ a b "Anti-Islamisierungs-Kongress: Mit dem Ausflugsdampfer gegen den Islam - WELT". 17 November 2011.
- ^ ISBN 978-0-230-25116-8.
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- ^ "Kickl elected to lead Austria's far-right party – DW – 06/20/2021". dw.com. Retrieved 23 May 2023.
- ^ ISBN 978-1-55753-230-5.
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- ISSN 2195-1349. Retrieved 3 January 2023.
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- ISBN 9780521316255.
Modern Austria.
- ^ a b c d e f Riedlsperger 1998, p. 28.
- ISBN 1-59454-096-9.
- ISBN 978-1-4128-0836-1.
- ISBN 978-1-57607-940-9.
- ISBN 978-90-13-01255-2.
- ^ Piringer, Kurt (1982). Die Geschichte der Freiheitlichen. Orac. p. 326.
- ISBN 978-3-428-06098-6.
- ^ Einöder, Arthur (20 September 2006). "Die Parteien im Porträt: die FPÖ". ORF (in German). Retrieved 6 February 2011.
- ^ Riedlsperger 1998, p. 28-29.
- ^ a b c d Riedlsperger 1998, p. 29.
- ^ Carter, Elisabeth (2003). The Extreme Right in Austria: An overview (PDF). Extreme Right Electorates and Party Success. University of Mainz. p. 1. Archived from the original (PDF) on 19 July 2011. Retrieved 2 March 2011.
- ^ a b c Huter, Mathias (April 2006). "Blau-orange Realitäten". Datum (in German). Archived from the original on 23 January 2010. Retrieved 6 February 2011.
- ISBN 978-0-7146-8188-7.
- ^ ISBN 978-0-521-85683-6.
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- ^ a b c Campbell 1995, p. 185.
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- ^ Campbell 1995, p. 186-187.
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- ^ Meret 2010, p. 17.
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- ^ a b Meret 2010, p. 17-18.
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- ^ Meret 2010, p. 187; 206.
- ^ Meret 2010, p. 187-188.
- ^ Skyring, Kerry (5 April 2005). "The Latest Incarnation of Jörg Haider". Deutsche Welle. Archived from the original on 4 August 2012. Retrieved 6 January 2014.
- ^ "BZÖ boss determined five years on". Austrian Independent. 5 April 2010. Archived from the original on 19 July 2011. Retrieved 19 January 2011.
- ^ a b Meret 2010, p. 185.
- ^ Purvis, Andrew; Leuker, Angela (10 April 2005). "Jorg Haider's New Clothes". Time. Archived from the original on 23 September 2008. Retrieved 17 January 2011.
- ^ "No BZÖ-FPÖ cooperation in Vienna, says Sonnleitner". Austrian Independent. 5 October 2010. Archived from the original on 8 July 2012. Retrieved 19 January 2011.
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Works cited
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Further reading
- Campbell, David F. J. (1992). "Die Dynamik der politischen Links-Rechts-Schwingungen in Österreich: Die Ergebnisse einer Expertenbefragung". Österreichische Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft (in German). 21 (2): 165–79.
- Geden, Oliver (2005). "The Discursive Representation of Masculinity in the Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ)". Journal of Language and Politics. 4 (3): 399–422. .
- Happold, Matthew (October 2000). "Fourteen against One: The EU Member States' Response to Freedom Party Participation in the Austrian Government". International and Comparative Law Quarterly. 49 (4): 953–963. S2CID 145103897.
- Krzyżanowsky, Michał (2013). From Anti-Immigration and Nationalist Revisionism to Islamophobia: Continuities and Shifts in Recent Discourses and Patterns of Political Communications of the Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ). London/New York: Bloomsbury. pp. 135–148. )
- Luther, Kurt R. (2003). "The Self-Destruction of a Right-Wing Populist Party? The Austrian Parliamentary Election of 2002" (PDF). West European Politics. 26 (2): 136–52. S2CID 219610539.[permanent dead link]
- Luther, Kurt Richard (2008). "Electoral Strategies and Performance of Austrian Right-Wing Populism, 1986–2006". In Günter Bischof; Fritz Plasser (eds.). The Changing Austrian Voter. Contemporary Austrian Studies. Vol. 16. New Brunswick NJ: Transaction Publishers. pp. 104–122.
- McGann, Anthony J.; Kitschelt, Herbert (2005). "The Radical Right in The Alps". Party Politics. 11 (2): 147–71. S2CID 143347776.
- Plasser, Fritz; Ulram, Peter A. (2003). Striking a Responsive Chord: Mass Media and Right-Wing Populism in Austria. Westport CT: Praeger. pp. 21–43. )
- ISBN 0-7658-0116-7.
External links
- Official website (in German)
- Country Studies - Austria