French Algeria
French Algeria Algérie française ( Arabic ) | |||||||||||||||
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1830–1962 | |||||||||||||||
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Capital and largest city | Algiers | ||||||||||||||
Official languages | French | ||||||||||||||
Common languages | |||||||||||||||
Government | French Department | ||||||||||||||
Governor General | |||||||||||||||
• 1830 (first) | Louis-Auguste-Victor Bourmont | ||||||||||||||
• 1962 (last) | Christian Fouchet | ||||||||||||||
Legislature | Surrender of Algiers | 5 July 1830 | |||||||||||||
5 July 1962 | |||||||||||||||
Area | |||||||||||||||
• Total | 2,381,741 km2 (919,595 sq mi) | ||||||||||||||
Currency | Budju (1830–1848) (Algerian) Franc (1848–1962) | ||||||||||||||
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French Algeria (
French rule in the region began in 1830, after the
As a recognized jurisdiction of France, Algeria became a destination for hundreds of thousands of European immigrants. They were first known as
During its last years as part of France, Algeria was a founding member of the European Coal and Steel Community and the European Economic Community.[6]
History
Initial conflicts
Since the
During the
History of Algeria |
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The
Following the conquest under the
French conquest of Algeria
The invasion of Algeria against the Regency of Algiers (Ottoman Algeria) was initiated in the last days of the Bourbon Restoration by Charles X, as an attempt to increase his popularity amongst the French people.[10] He particularly hoped to appeal to the many veterans of the Napoleonic Wars who lived in Paris. His intention was to bolster patriotic sentiment, and distract attention from ineptly handled domestic policies by "skirmishing against the dey."[11][12][13]
Fly Whisk Incident (April 1827)
In the 1790s, France had contracted to purchase wheat for the French army from two merchants in Algiers, Messrs. Bacri and Boushnak, and was in arrears paying them. Bacri and Boushnak owed money to the dey and claimed they could not pay it until France paid its debts to them. The dey had unsuccessfully negotiated with
After a contentious meeting in which Deval refused to provide satisfactory answers on 29 April 1827, the dey struck Deval with his
Invasion of Algiers (June 1830)
Algerian refugees were welcomed by the Moroccan population, while the Sultan recommended that the authorities of
Hardly had the news of the capture of Algiers reached Paris than Charles X was deposed during the
Alexis de Tocqueville's views on Algeria were instrumental in its brutal and formal colonization. He advocated for a mixed system of "total domination and total colonization" whereby French military would wage total war against civilian populations while a colonial administration would provide rule of law and property rights to settlers within French occupied cities.[16][17]
Characterization as genocide
Some governments and scholars have called France's conquest of Algeria a genocide.[18]
For example, Ben Kiernan, an Australian expert on Cambodian genocide[19] wrote in Blood and Soil: A World History of Genocide and Extermination from Sparta to Darfur on the French conquest of Algeria:[20]
By 1875, the French conquest was complete. The war had killed approximately 825,000 indigenous Algerians since 1830. A long shadow of genocidal hatred persisted, provoking a French author to protest in 1882 that in Algeria, "we hear it repeated every day that we must expel the native and, if necessary, destroy him." As a French statistical journal urged five years later, "the system of extermination must give way to a policy of penetration."
—Ben Kiernan, Blood and Soil
When France recognized the Armenian genocide, Turkey accused France of having committed genocide against 15% of Algeria's population.[21][22]
Popular revolts against the French occupation
Conquest of the Algerian territories under the July Monarchy (1830–1848)
On 1 December 1830,
In 1834, France annexed as a
Soon after the conquest of Algiers, the soldier-politician
Among others testimonies, Lieutenant-colonel Lucien de Montagnac wrote on 15 March 1843, in a letter to a friend:
All populations who do not accept our conditions must be despoiled. Everything must be seized, devastated, without age or sex distinction: grass must not grow any more where the French army has set foot. Who wants the end wants the means, whatever may say our philanthropists. I personally warn all good soldiers whom I have the honour to lead that if they happen to bring me a living Arab, they will receive a beating with the flat of the saber.... This is how, my dear friend, we must make war against Arabs: kill all men over the age of fifteen, take all their women and children, load them onto naval vessels, send them to the Marquesas Islands or elsewhere. In one word, annihilate everything that will not crawl beneath our feet like dogs.[23]
Whatever initial misgivings Louis Philippe's government may have had about occupying Algeria, the geopolitical realities of the situation created by the 1830 intervention argued strongly for reinforcing French presence there. France had reason for concern that Britain, which was pledged to maintain the territorial integrity of the Ottoman Empire, would move to fill the vacuum left by a French withdrawal. The French devised elaborate plans for settling the hinterland left by Ottoman provincial authorities in 1830, but their efforts at state-building were unsuccessful on account of lengthy armed resistance.
The most successful local opposition immediately after the fall of Algiers was led by
Historians generally set the indigenous population of Algeria at 3 million in 1830.[24] Although the Algerian population decreased at some point under French rule, most certainly between 1866 and 1872,[25] the French military was not fully responsible for the extent of this decrease, as some of these deaths could be explained by the locust plagues of 1866 and 1868, as well as by a rigorous winter in 1867–68, which caused a famine followed by an epidemic of cholera.[26]
Resistance of Lalla Fadhma N'Soumer
The French began their occupation of Algiers in 1830, starting with a landing in Algiers. As occupation turned into colonization, Kabylia remained the only region independent of the French government. Pressure on the region increased, and the will of her people to resist and defend Kabylia increased as well.
In about 1849, a mysterious man arrived in Kabiliya. He presented himself as Mohamed ben Abdallah (the name of the
Boubaghla went often to Soumer to talk with high-ranking members of the religious community, and Lalla Fadhma was soon attracted by his strong personality. At the same time, the relentless combatant was attracted by a woman so resolutely willing to contribute, by any means possible, to the war against the French. With her inspiring speeches, she convinced many men to fight as imseblen (volunteers ready to die as martyrs) and she herself, together with other women, participated in combat by providing cooking, medicines, and comfort to the fighting forces.
Traditional sources tell that a strong bond was formed between Lalla Fadhma and Boubaghla. She saw this as a wedding of peers, rather than the traditional submission as a slave to a husband. In fact, at that time Boubaghla left his first wife (Fatima Bent Sidi Aissa) and sent back to her owner a slave he had as a concubine (Halima Bent Messaoud). But on her side, Lalla Fadhma wasn't free: even if she was recognized as tamnafeqt ("woman who left her husband to get back to his family ," a Kabylia institution), the matrimonial tie with her husband was still in place, and only her husband's will could free her. However he did not agree to this, even when offered large bribes. The love between Fadhma and Bou remained platonic, but there were public expressions of this feeling between the two.
Fadhma was personally present at many fights in which Boubaghla was involved, particularly the battle of Tachekkirt won by Boubaghla forces (18–19 July 1854), where the French general
Resistance of Emir Abd al Qadir
The French faced other opposition as well in the area. The superior of a religious brotherhood,
The French in Algiers viewed with concern the success of a Muslim government and the rapid growth of a viable territorial state that barred the extension of European settlement. Abd al Qadir fought running battles across Algeria with French forces, which included units of the Foreign Legion, organized in 1831 for Algerian service. Although his forces were defeated by the French under General
One by one, the amir's strongholds fell to the French, and many of his ablest commanders were killed or captured so that by 1843 the Muslim state had collapsed.
Abd al Qadir took refuge in 1841 with his ally, the sultan of
Abd al Qadir was promised safe conduct to Egypt or Palestine if his followers laid down their arms and kept the peace. He accepted these conditions, but the minister of war — who years earlier as general in Algeria had been badly defeated by Abd al Qadir — had him consigned in France in the Château d'Amboise.
French rule
Demography
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e – Indicates that this is an estimated figure. Source: [28][29] |
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Graphs are unavailable due to technical issues. There is more info on Phabricator and on MediaWiki.org. |
Graphs are unavailable due to technical issues. There is more info on Phabricator and on MediaWiki.org. |
French atrocities against the Algerian indigenous population
According to
During the Pacification of Algeria (1835-1903) French forces engaged in a scorched earth policy against the Algerian population. Colonel Lucien de Montagnac stated that the purpose of the pacification was to "destroy everything that will not crawl beneath our feet like dogs"[36] The scorched earth policy, decided by Governor General Thomas Robert Bugeaud, had devastating effects on the socio-economic and food balances of the country: "we fire little gunshot, we burn all douars, all villages, all huts; the enemy flees across taking his flock."[36] According to Olivier Le Cour Grandmaison, the colonization of Algeria led to the extermination of a third of the population from multiple causes (massacres, deportations, famines or epidemics) that were all interrelated.[37] Returning from an investigation trip to Algeria, Tocqueville wrote that "we make war much more barbaric than the Arabs themselves [...] it is for their part that civilization is situated."[38]
French forces deported and banished entire Algerian tribes. The Moorish families of Tlemcen were exiled to the Orient, and others were emigrated elsewhere. The tribes that were considered too troublesome were banned, and some took refuge in Tunisia, Morocco and Syria or were deported to New Caledonia or Guyana. Also, French forces also engaged in wholesale massacres of entire tribes. All 500 men, women and children of the El Oufia tribe were killed in one night,[39] while all 500 to 700 members of the Ouled Rhia tribe were killed by suffocation in a cave.[39] The Siege of Laghouat is referred by Algerians as the year of the "Khalya ," Arabic for emptiness, which is commonly known to the inhabitants of Laghouat as the year that the city was emptied of its population.[40][41] It is also commonly known as the year of Hessian sacks, referring to the way the captured surviving men and boys were put alive in the hessian sacks and thrown into dug-up trenches.[42][43]
From 8 May to June 26, 1945, the French carried out the Sétif and Guelma massacre, in which between 6,000 and 80,000 Algerian Muslims were killed. Its initial outbreak occurred during a parade of about 5,000 people of the Muslim Algerian population of Sétif to celebrate the surrender of Nazi Germany in World War II; it ended in clashes between the marchers and the local French gendarmerie, when the latter tried to seize banners attacking colonial rule.[44] After five days, the French colonial military and police suppressed the rebellion, and then carried out a series of reprisals against Muslim civilians.[45] The army carried out summary executions of Muslim rural communities. Less accessible villages were bombed by French aircraft, and cruiser Duguay-Trouin, standing off the coast in the Gulf of Bougie, shelled Kherrata.[46] Vigilantes lynched prisoners taken from local jails or randomly shot Muslims not wearing white arm bands (as instructed by the army) out of hand.[44] It is certain that the great majority of the Muslim victims had not been implicated in the original outbreak.[47] The dead bodies in Guelma were buried in mass graves, but they were later dug up and burned in Héliopolis.[48]
During the
In 2018 France officially admitted that torture was systematic and routine.[63][64][65]
Hegemony of the colons
Political organization
A commission of inquiry established by the
Once elected to the National Assembly, colons became permanent fixtures. Because of their seniority, they exercised disproportionate influence, and their support was important to any government's survival.[66] The leader of the colon delegation, Auguste Warnier (1810–1875), succeeded during the 1870s in modifying or introducing legislation to facilitate the private transfer of land to settlers and continue the Algerian state's appropriation of land from the local population and distribution to settlers. Consistent proponents of reform, like Georges Clemenceau and socialist Jean Jaurès, were rare in the National Assembly.
Economic organization
The bulk of Algeria's wealth in manufacturing, mining, agriculture, and trade was controlled by the grands colons. The modern European-owned and -managed sector of the economy centered on small industry and a highly developed export trade, designed to provide food and raw materials to France in return for capital and consumer goods. Europeans held about 30% of the total arable land, including the bulk of the most fertile land and most of the areas under irrigation.[67] By 1900, Europeans produced more than two-thirds of the value of output in agriculture and practically all agricultural exports. The modern, or European, sector was run on a commercial basis and meshed with the French market system that it supplied with wine, citrus, olives, and vegetables. Nearly half of the value of European-owned real property was in vineyards by 1914. By contrast, subsistence cereal production—supplemented by olive, fig, and date growing and stock raising—formed the basis of the traditional sector, but the land available for cropping was submarginal even for cereals under prevailing traditional cultivation practices.
In 1953, sixty per cent of the Muslim rural population were officially classed as being destitute. The European community, numbering at the time about one million out of a total population of nine million, owned about 66% of farmable land and produced all of the 1.3 million tons of wine that provided the base of the Algerian economy. Exports of Algerian wine and wheat to France were balanced in trading terms by a flow of manufactured goods.[68]
The colonial regime imposed more and higher taxes on Muslims than on Europeans.[69] The Muslims, in addition to paying traditional taxes dating from before the French conquest, also paid new taxes, from which the colons were normally exempted. In 1909, for instance, Muslims, who made up almost 90% of the population but produced 20% of Algeria's income, paid 70% of direct taxes and 45% of the total taxes collected. And colons controlled how these revenues would be spent. As a result, colon towns had handsome municipal buildings, paved streets lined with trees, fountains and statues, while Algerian villages and rural areas benefited little if at all from tax revenues.
In financial terms Algeria was a drain on the French tax-payer. In the early 1950s the total Algerian budget of seventy-two billion francs included a direct subsidy of twenty-eight billion contributed from the metropolitan budget. Described at the time as being a French luxury, continued rule from Paris was justified on a variety of grounds including historic sentiment, strategic value and the political influence of the European settler population.[70]
Schools
The colonial regime proved severely detrimental to overall education for Algerian Muslims, who had previously relied on religious schools to learn reading and writing and engage in religious studies. Not only did the state appropriate the habus lands (the religious foundations that constituted the main source of income for religious institutions, including schools) in 1843, but colon officials refused to allocate enough money to maintain schools and mosques properly and to provide for enough teachers and religious leaders for the growing population. In 1892, more than five times as much was spent for the education of Europeans as for Muslims, who had five times as many children of school age. Because few Muslim teachers were trained, Muslim schools were largely staffed by French teachers. Even a state-operated
Efforts were begun by 1890 to educate a small number of Muslims along with European students in the French school system as part of France's "civilizing mission" in Algeria. The curriculum was entirely French and allowed no place for Arabic studies, which were deliberately downgraded even in Muslim schools. Within a generation, a class of well-educated, gallicized Muslims — the évolués (literally, the evolved ones)—had been created. Almost all of the handful of Muslims who accepted French citizenship were évolués; ironically, this privileged group of Muslims, strongly influenced by French culture and political attitudes, developed a new Algerian self-consciousness.
Relationships between the colons, Indigènes and France
Reporting to the French Senate in 1894, Governor-General Jules Cambon wrote that Algeria had "only a dust of people left her." He referred to the destruction of the traditional ruling class that had left Muslims without leaders and had deprived France of interlocuteurs valables (literally, valid go-betweens), through whom to reach the masses of the people. He lamented that no genuine communication was possible between the two communities.[73]
The colons who ran Algeria maintained a dialog only with the
Separate personal status
Two communities existed: the French national and the people living with their own traditions. Following its conquest of
Algeria became the prototype for a pattern of French colonial rule.
With nine million or so 'Muslim' Algerians "dominated" by one million settlers, Algeria had similarities with South Africa, that has later been described as "quasi-apartheid"[75] while the concept of apartheid was formalized in 1948.
This personal status lasted the entire time Algeria was French, from 1830 till 1962, with various changes in the meantime.
When French rule began, France had no well-established systems for intensive colonial governance, the main existing legal provision being the 1685 Code Noir which was related to slave-trading and owning and incompatible with the legal context of Algeria.
Indeed, France was committed in respecting the local law.
Status before 1865
On 5 July 1830,
That same year and the same month, the July Revolution ended the Bourbon Restoration and began the July Monarchy in which Louis Philippe I was King of the French.
The royal "Ordonnance du 22 juillet 1834" organized general government and administration of the French territories in North Africa and is usually considered as an effective annexation of Algeria by France;[78] the annexation made all people legally linked to France and broke the legal link between people and the Ottoman Empire,[77] because International law made annexation systematically induce a régnicoles.[78] This made people living in Algeria "French subjects ,"[79] without providing them any way to become French nationals.[80] However, since it was not positive law, this text did not introduce legal certainty on this topic.[77][79] This was confirmed by the French Constitution of 1848
As French rule in Algeria expanded, particularly under
A case in 1861 questioned the legal status of people in Algeria. On 28 November 1861, the conseil de l'ordre des avocats du barreau d'Alger (Bar association of Algiers) declined to recognise Élie Énos (or Aïnos), a Jew from Algiers, since only French citizens could become lawyers.[77] On 24 February 1862 (appeal) and on 15 February 1864 (cassation), judges reconsidered this, deciding that people could display the qualities of being French (without having access to the full rights of a French citizen).[83]
Status since 1865
This section may be a rough translation from French. It may have been generated, in whole or in part, by a computer or by a translator without dual proficiency. (August 2022) |
However, he oversaw an 1865 decree (sénatus-consulte du 14 juillet 1865 sur l'état des personnes et la naturalisation en Algérie) that "stipulated that all the colonised indigenous were under French jurisdiction, i.e., French nationals subjected to French laws ," and allowed Arab, Jewish, and Berber Algerians to request French citizenship—but only if they "renounced their Muslim religion and culture ."[84]
This was the first time indigènes (natives) were allowed to access French citizenship,[85] but such citizenship was incompatible with the statut personnel,[86] which allowed them to live within the Muslim traditions.
- Flandin argued that French citizenship was not compatible with Muslim status, since it had opposing laws on marriage, repudiation, divorce, and children's legal status.
- Claude Alphonse Delangle, senator, also argued that Muslim and Jewish religions allowed polygamy, repudiation, and divorce.[87]
Later, Azzedine Haddour argued that this decree established "the formal structures of a political apartheid ."[88] Since few people were willing to abandon their religious values (which was seen as apostasy), rather than promoting assimilation, the legislation had the opposite effect: by 1913, only 1,557 Muslims had been granted French citizenship.[81]
Special penalties were managed by the cadis or tribe head but because this system was unfair it was decided by a Circulaire on 12 February 1844 to take control of those specific fines. Those fines were defined by various prefectural decrees, and were later known as the Code de l'indigénat. Lack of codification means that there is no complete text summary of these fines available.[89]
On 28 July 1881, a new law (loi qui confère aux Administrateurs des communes mixtes en territoire civil la répression, par voie disciplinaire, des infractions spéciales à l'indigénat) known as the
Periodic attempts at partial reform failed:
- In 1881, Paul Leroy-Beaulieu created the Société française pour la protection des Indigènes des colonies (French society for the protection of natives) to give indigènes the right of vote.[93][94]
- In 1887, Henri Michelin and Alfred Gaulier proposed the naturalisation of the indigènes, keeping the personal status from the local law but removing the personal status of common right from the Civil Code.[93][95]
- In 1890, Alfred Martineau proposed a progressive French naturalisation of all Muslim indigènes living in Algeria.[93][96]
- In 1911, La revue indigène published several articles signed by law professors (André Weiss, Arthur Giraud, Charles de Boeck and Eugène Audinet) advocating naturalization of the indigènes with their status.[93]
- In 1912, the Jeunes Algériens movement claimed in its Manifeste that the naturalization with their status and with conditions of the Algerian indigènes.[93]
In 1909, 70% of all direct taxes in Algeria were paid by Muslims, despite their general poverty.[81]
Opportunities for Muslims improved slightly from the 1890s, particularly for urban elites, which helped ensure acquiescence to the introduction of military conscription for Muslims in 1911.[82]
Under the
In 1870, the French government granted Algerian Jews French citizenship under the Crémieux Decree, but not Muslims.[100] This meant that most Algerians were still 'French subjects', treated as the objects of French law, but were still not citizens, could still not vote, and were effectively without the right to citizenship.[88]
In 1919, after the involvement of 172,019 Algerians in the First World War, the Jonnart Law eased access to French citizenship for those who met one of several criteria, such as working for the French army, a son in a war, knowing how to read and write in the French language, having a public position, being married to or born of an indigène who became a French citizen.[citation needed] Half a million Algerians were exempted from the indigénat status, and this status became void in 1927 in the mixed towns but remained applicable in other towns until its abrogation in 1944.[92]
Later, Jewish people's citizenship was revoked by the
Muslim French
Despite periodic attempts at partial reform, the situation of the Code de l'indigénat persisted until the French Fourth Republic, which formally began in 1946.
On 7 March 1944 ordonnance ended the Code de l'indigénat and created a second electoral college for 1,210,000 non-citizen Muslims and made 60,000 Muslims French citizen and with a vote in the first electoral college. The 17 August 1945 ordonnance gave each of the two colleges 15 MPs and 7 senators. On 7 May 1946, the Loi Lamine Guèye gave French citizenship to every overseas national, including Algerians, giving them a right to vote at 21 years old. The French Constitution of the Fourth Republic conceptualized the dissociation of citizenship and personal status (but no legal text implements this dissociation).
Although Muslim Algerians were accorded the rights of citizenship, the system of discrimination was maintained in more informal ways. Frederick Cooper writes that Muslim Algerians "were still marginalized in their own territory, notably the separate voter roles of "French" civil status and of "Muslim" civil status, to keep their hands on power."[101]
In the specific context following the second war, in 1947 is introduced the 1947 statute which granted a local status citizenship to the indigènes who became "Muslim French" (Français musulmans), while other French were Français non-musulmans remain civil status citizens[102] The rights differences are no longer implied by a status difference, but by the difference between the two territories, Algerian and French.[citation needed]
This system is rejected by some European for introducing Muslims into the European college, and rejected by some Algerian nationalists for not giving full sovereignty to the Algerian nation.[citation needed]
This "internal system of apartheid" met with considerable resistance from the Muslims affected by it, and is cited as one of the causes of the 1954 insurrection.[103]
Algerian citizens
On 18 March 1962, the Évian Accords guaranteed protection, non-discrimination and property rights for all Algerian citizens and the right of self-determination to Algeria.[104] In France it was approved by the 1962 French Évian Accords referendum.
The agreement addressed various statuses:
- Algerian civil rights
- Rights and freedoms of Algerian citizens of ordinary civil status
- French nationals residing in Algeria as aliens.[104]
The Évian Accords offered French nationals Algerian civil rights for three years, but required them to apply for Algerian nationality.[104] The agreement stated that during this three-year period:
They will receive guarantees appropriate to their cultural, linguistic and religious characteristics. They will retain their personal status, which will be respected and enforced by Algerian courts composed of judges of the same status. They will use the French language within the assemblies and in their relations with the constituted authorities.
— Évian Accords.[104]
The European French community (the colon population), the
The OAS right-wing movement opposed this agreement.
Government and administration
Initial settling of Algeria (1830–48)
In November 1830, French colonial officials attempted to limit the arrivals at Algerian ports by requiring the presentation of passports and residence permits.[105] The regulations created by the French government in May 1831 required permission from the Interior Ministry to enter Algeria and other French controlled territories.
By 1839, there were 25,000 Europeans living in Algeria, while only just less than half of these being French; the others being Spanish, Italian and Germans. And of these, the majority of them stayed within the coastal towns. These recent arrivals were mostly men, outnumbering women by five times. Of the minority that ventured into the countryside were soldier-settlers that were provided land concessions by the French government while Cistercian monks built monasteries and farms.[106]
This allowed merchants with trading interests easy access to passports because they were not permanent settlers, and wealthy persons who planned to found agricultural enterprises in Algeria were also freely given access to move. The circular forbade passage to indigents and needy unskilled workers.[105] During the 1840s, the French government assisted certain emigrants to Algeria, who were mostly urban workers from the Paris basin and France's eastern frontier and were not the agricultural workers that the colonial officials wanted to be sent from France. Single men received 68 percent of the free passages and only 14 percent of the emigrants were women because of varying policies about the emigration of families that all favored unaccompanied males who were seen as more flexible and useful for laborious tasks. Initially in November 1840, families were eligible only if they had no small children and two-thirds of the family was able to work.
Later, in September 1841, only unaccompanied males could travel to Algeria for free and a complicated system for families was developed that made subsidized travel almost unavailable. These emigrants were offered many different forms of government assistance including free passage (both to the ports of France and by ship to Algeria), wine rations and food, land concessions, and were promised high wages. Between 1841 and 1845, about 20,000 individuals were offered this assisted emigration by the French government, though it is unknown exactly how many actually went to Algeria.[105] These measures were funded and supported by the French government (both local and national) because they saw the move to Algeria as a solution to overpopulation and unemployment; those who applied for assisted emigration emphasized their work ethic, undeserved employment in France, a presumption of government obligation to the less fortunate. By 1848, Algeria was populated by 109,400 Europeans, only 42,274 of whom were French.[105]
Colonisation and military control
This section needs additional citations for verification. (December 2018) |
A royal ordinance in 1845 called for three types of administration in Algeria. In areas where Europeans were a substantial part of the population, colons elected mayors and councils for self-governing "full exercise" communes (communes de plein exercice). In the "mixed" communes, where Muslims were a large majority, government was in the hands of appointed and some elected officials, including representatives of the grands chefs (great chieftains) and a French administrator. The indigenous communes (communes indigènes), remote areas not adequately pacified, remained under the régime du sabre (rule of the sword).
By 1848 nearly all of northern Algeria was under French control. Important tools of the colonial administration, from this time until their elimination in the 1870s, were the bureaux arabes (Arab Bureaus), staffed by Arabists whose function was to collect information on the indigenous people and to carry out administrative functions, nominally in cooperation with the army. The bureaux arabes on occasion acted with sympathy to the local population and formed a buffer between Muslims and colons.
Under the régime du sabre, the colons had been permitted limited self-government in areas where European settlement was most intense, but there was constant friction between them and the army. The colons charged that the bureaux arabes hindered the progress of colonization. They agitated against military rule, complaining that their legal rights were denied under the arbitrary controls imposed on the colony and insisting on a civil administration for Algeria fully integrated with metropolitan France. The army warned that the introduction of civilian government would invite Muslim retaliation and threaten the security of Algeria. The French government vacillated in its policy, yielding small concessions to the colon demands on the one hand while maintaining the régime du sabre to control the Muslim majority on the other.
Under the French Second Republic and Second Empire (1848–70)
This section needs additional citations for verification. (December 2018) |
Shortly after Louis Philippe's constitutional monarchy was overthrown in the revolution of 1848, the new government of the
Land and colonisers
Even before the decision was made to annex Algeria, major changes had taken place. In a bargain-hunting frenzy to take over or buy at low prices all manner of property—homes, shops, farms and factories—Europeans poured into Algiers after it fell. French authorities took possession of the beylik lands, from which Ottoman officials had derived income. Over time, as pressures increased to obtain more land for settlement by Europeans, the state seized more categories of land, particularly that used by tribes, religious foundations, and villages[citation needed].
Called either colons (settlers), Algerians, or later, especially following the 1962 independence of Algeria,
European migration, encouraged during the Second Republic, stimulated the civilian administration to open new land for settlement against the advice of the army. With the advent of the Second Empire in 1852,
Napoleon III visited Algeria twice in the early 1860s. He was profoundly impressed with the nobility and virtue of the tribal chieftains, who appealed to the emperor's romantic nature, and was shocked by the self-serving attitude of the colon leaders. He decided to halt the expansion of European settlement beyond the coastal zone and to restrict contact between Muslims and the colons, whom he considered to have a corrupting influence on the indigenous population. He envisioned a grand design for preserving most of Algeria for the Muslims by founding a royaume arabe (Arab kingdom) with himself as the roi des Arabes (king of the Arabs). He instituted the so-called politics of the grands chefs to deal with the Muslims directly through their traditional leaders.[110]
To further his plans for the royaume arabe, Napoleon III issued two decrees affecting tribal structure, land tenure, and the legal status of Muslims in French Algeria. The first, promulgated in 1863, was intended to renounce the state's claims to tribal lands and eventually provide private plots to individuals in the tribes, thus dismantling "feudal" structures and protecting the lands from the colons. Tribal areas were to be identified, delimited into douars (administrative units), and given over to councils. Arable land was to be divided among members of the douar over a period of one to three generations, after which it could be bought and sold by the individual owners. Unfortunately for the tribes, however, the plans of Napoleon III quickly unraveled. French officials sympathetic to the colons took much of the tribal land they surveyed into the public domain. In addition, some tribal leaders immediately sold communal lands for quick gains. The process of converting arable land to individual ownership was accelerated to only a few years when laws were enacted in the 1870s stipulating that no sale of land by an individual Muslim could be invalidated by the claim that it was collectively owned. The cudah and other tribal officials, appointed by the French on the basis of their loyalty to France rather than the allegiance owed them by the tribe, lost their credibility as they were drawn into the European orbit, becoming known derisively as béni-oui-oui.[111]
Napoleon III envisaged three distinct Algerias: a French colony, an Arab country, and a military camp, each with a distinct form of local government. The second decree, issued in 1865, was designed to recognize the differences in cultural background of the French and the Muslims. As French nationals, Muslims could serve on equal terms in the
Under the Third Republic (1870–1940)
When the
The loss of
Comte and colonialism in the Third Republic
This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. (April 2016) |
Kabylie insurrection
The most serious native insurrection since the time of
In the aftermath of the 1871 uprising, French authorities imposed stern measures to punish and control the entire Muslim population. France confiscated more than 5,000 km2 (1,900 sq mi) of tribal land and placed Kabylia under a
Conquest of the southwestern territories
In the 1890s, the French administration and military called for the annexation of the
An armed conflict opposed French 19th Corps' Oran and Algiers divisions to the Aït Khabbash, a faction of the Aït Ounbgui khams of the Aït Atta confederation. The conflict ended by the annexation of the Touat-Gourara-Tidikelt complex by France in 1901.[119]
In the 1930s, the Saoura valley and the region of Tindouf were in turn annexed to French Algeria at the expense of Morocco, then under French protectorate since 1912. In 1938, the French government was given further control of military affairs in French Algeria following a decree from the President giving the Minister of the Interior Albert Sarraut control over Algeria.[120]
Conquest of the Sahara
The French military expedition led by Lieutenant-Colonel Paul Flatters, was annihilated by Tuareg attack in 1881.
The French took advantage of long-standing animosity between Tuareg and Chaamba Arabs. The newly raised Compagnies Méharistes were originally recruited mainly from the Chaamba nomadic tribe. The Méhariste camel corps provided an effective means of policing the desert.
In 1902, Lieutenant Gaston-Ernest Cottenest penetrated Hoggar Mountains and defeated Ahaggar Tuareg in the battle of Tit.
During World War II (1940–45)
Colonial troops of French Algeria were sent to fight in metropolitan France during the Battle of France in 1940. After the Fall of France, the Third French Republic collapsed and was replaced by the Philippe Pétain's French State, better known as Vichy France.
On 3 July 1940, the British Royal Navy attacked the French Navy's fleet at Mers El Kébir, killing more than 1,200 men.
Under the Fourth Republic (1946–58)
[The French] had been for over a hundred years in Algeria and were determined that it was part of France, and they damn well were going to stay there. Of course, there was a very strong school of thought in the rest of Africa that they damn well weren't.
US Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, Joseph C. Satterthwaite, [121]
Many Algerians had fought as French soldiers during the Second World War. Thus Algerian Muslims felt that it was even more unjust that their votes were not equal to those of the other Algerians, especially after 1947 when the Algerian Assembly was created. This assembly was composed of 120 members. Algerian Muslims, representing about 6.85 million people, could designate 50% of the Assembly members, while 1,150,000 non-Muslim Algerians could designate the other half. Moreover, a massacre occurred in
In 1956, about 512,000 French soldiers were in Algeria. No resolution was imaginable in the short term. An overwhelming majority of French politicians were opposed to the idea of independence while independence was gaining ground in Muslim Algerians' minds.[citation needed] France was deadlocked and the Fourth Republic collapsed over this dispute.
Under the Fifth Republic (1958–62)
In 1958,
The latter consented to independence in 1962 after a
Post-colonial relations
Relations between post-colonial Algeria and France have remained close throughout the years, although sometimes difficult. In 1962, the
On 23 February 2005, the
There were fears that the French law on colonialism would hinder confronting the dark side of French rule in Algeria because article four of the law decreed among other things that "School programmes are to recognise in particular the positive role of the French presence overseas, especially in North Africa."[124] Benjamin Stora, a leading specialist on French Algerian history of colonialism and a pied-noir himself, said "France has never taken on its colonial history. It is a big difference with the Anglo-Saxon countries, where post-colonial studies are now in all the universities. We are phenomenally behind the times."[124] In his opinion, although the historical facts were known to academics, they were not well known by the French public, and this led to a lack of honesty in France over French colonial treatment of the Algerian people.[124]
In 2017, President Emmanuel Macron described France's colonization of Algeria as a "crime against humanity ."[125][126] He also said: "It's truly barbarous and it's part of a past that we need to confront by apologizing to those against whom we committed these acts."[127] Polls following his remarks reflected a decrease in his support.[125]
In July 2020, the remains of 24 Algerian resistance fighters and leaders, who were decapitated by the French colonial forces in the 19th century and whose skulls were taken to Paris as war trophies and held in the
In January 2021, Macron stated there would be "no repentance nor apologies" for the French colonization of Algeria, colonial abuses or French involvement during the Algerian independence war.[131][132][133] Instead efforts would be devoted toward reconciliation.[131][132][133]
Algérie française
Algérie française was a slogan used about 1960 by those French people who wanted to keep
In
See also
- Le Chant des Africains
- Boufarik colonization monument
- List of French possessions and colonies
- Nationalism and resistance in Algeria
- Scramble for Africa
References
- ^ Scheiner, Virgile (14 October 1839) Le pays occupé par les Français dans le nord de l'Afrique sera, à l'avenir, désigné sous le nom d'Algérie. (in French)
- ^ Non exhaustive list of ancient and modern books named "Algérie française": (in French) 1848; 1856; 1864; 2007; and so on
- ISBN 9780903983877.
- ^ "Algeria - Colonial rule". Britannica.
- OCLC 1089839922.)
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link - ISBN 978-3-642-27881-5.
- ^ Martin, Henri (1865). Martin's history of France: the age of Louis XIV. Walker, Wise and co. p. 522. Retrieved 9 June 2012.
- ISBN 978-0231141949.
- ISBN 978-2-2903-3569-7.
- ISBN 978-0-8014-4975-8.
- ISSN 0018-246X.ended the Restoration monarchy.
Historians of Algeria and France, for their part, tend to […] [maintain] that the invasion was ultimately an attempt of the faltering Bourbon monarchy to overcome parliamentary opposition and popular unrest. The attack on Algiers had to provide much-needed martial bluster to the royal regime and help stave off defeat in the 1830 elections. Of course, this ultimately failed when the July Revolution
- ^ "Algeria, Colonial Rule". Encyclopædia Britannica. p. 39. Retrieved 2007-12-19.
- ^ Schley, Rachel Eva (2015). The Tyranny of Tolerance: France, Religion, and the Conquest of Algeria, 1830-1870 (Thesis). UCLA.
- ^ Abun-Nasr, Jamil. A history of the Maghrib in the Islamic period, p. 249
- ^ Abun-Nasr, p. 250
- ^ Benabdallah, Lina (7 Jul 2020). "On Tocqueville in Algeria and epistemic violence - Racism". Al Jazeera. Retrieved 25 Apr 2023.
- ^ Alexis de Tocqueville, Travels in Algeria, pp.47, ed. Yusuf Ritter, Tikhanov Library, 2023
- ^ "Turkey accuses France of genocide in colonial Algeria". BBC News. 2011-12-23. Retrieved 2021-03-05.
- Phnom Penh Post. Retrieved 26 September 2019.
- ISBN 9780300100983.
374.
- Guardian News & Media Limited. Retrieved 26 September 2019.
- ^ "Turkey accuses France of genocide in colonial Algeria". BBC News Online. BBC News. BBC. 23 December 2011. Retrieved 26 September 2019.
- Gallica's website. French: Toutes les populations qui n'acceptent pas nos conditions doivent être rasées. Tout doit être pris, saccagé, sans distinction d'âge ni de sexe : l'herbe ne doit plus pousser où l'armée française a mis le pied. Qui veut la fin veut les moyens, quoiqu'en disent nos philanthropes. Tous les bons militaires que j'ai l'honneur de commander sont prévenus par moi-même que s'il leur arrive de m'amener un Arabe vivant, ils recevront une volée de coups de plat de sabre... Voilà, mon brave ami, comment il faut faire la guerre aux Arabes : tuer tous les hommes jusqu'à l'âge de quinze ans, prendre toutes les femmes et les enfants, en charger les bâtiments, les envoyer aux îles Marquises ou ailleurs. En un mot, anéantir tout ce qui ne rampera pas à nos pieds comme des chiens.
- ^ Etemad, Bouda (2012). L'héritage ambigu de la colonisation.
- ^ Ricoux, Dr, René (1880). La Démographie figurée de l'Algérie : étude statistique des populations européennes qui habitent l'Algérie. Paris: Librairie de l'Académie de Médecine. p. 260.
- ISBN 2-08-210440-0
- ^ Tucker, Spencer C., ed. (2013). "Abd al-Qadir". Encyclopedia of Insurgency and Counterinsurgency: A New Era of Modern ... ABC-CLIO. p. 1.
- ^ Lahmeyer, Jan (11 October 2003). "ALgeria [Djazaïria] historical demographic data of the whole country". Population statistics. Archived from the original on 18 July 2012. Retrieved 9 June 2012.
- ^ "Timeline: Algeria". World History at KMLA. 31 May 2005. Retrieved 9 June 2012.
- ISBN 978-1-137-55234-1.
Within the first three decades, the French military massacred between half a million to one million from approximately three million Algerian people.
- ISBN 978-0-300-10098-3.
In Algeria, colonization and genocidal massacres proceeded in tandem. From 1830 to 1847, its European settler population quadrupled to 104,000. Of the native Algerian population of approximately 3 million in 1830, about 500,000 to 1 million perished in the first three decades of French conquest.
- ISBN 9781498564618.
- ISBN 9781134713301.
- ^ a b c "Prise de tête Marcel Bigeard, un soldat propre ?". L'Humanité (in French). 24 June 2000. Retrieved 15 February 2007.
- ISBN 9782914968409.
- ^ a b Quoted in Marc Ferro, "The conquest of Algeria", in The black book of colonialism, Robert Laffont, p. 657.
- ^ Colonize Exterminate. On War and the Colonial State, Paris, Fayard, 2005. See also the book by the American historian Benjamin Claude Brower, A Desert named Peace. The Violence of France's Empire in the Algerian Sahara, 1844–1902, New York, Columbia University Press.
- ^ Alexis de Tocqueville, De colony in Algeria. 1847, Complexe Editions, 1988.
- ^ a b Blood and Soil: Ben Kiernan, page 365, 2008
- ^ "La conquête coloniale de l'Algérie par les Français - Rebellyon.info". rebellyon.info (in French). Retrieved 24 November 2017.
- ^ Pein, Théodore (1871). Lettres familières sur l'Algérie : un petit royaume arabe. Paris: C. Tanera. pp. 363–370.
- ^ Dzland Mourad (2013-11-30), Documentaire :Le Génocide De Laghouat 1852 Mourad AGGOUNE, archived from the original on 2021-12-12, retrieved 2017-11-23
- ^ Al Jazeera Documentary الجزيرة الوثائقية (2017-11-05), أوجاع الذاكرة – الجزائر, archived from the original on 2021-12-12, retrieved 2017-11-23
- ^ ISBN 978-0-06-085224-5.
- ^ General R. Hure, page 449 "L' Armee d' Afrique 1830–1962", Charles-Lavauzelle, Paris-Limoges 1977
- ^ "Le cas de Sétif-Kherrata-Guelma (Mai 1945) | Sciences Po Violence de masse et Résistance – Réseau de recherche". www.sciencespo.fr (in French). Retrieved 2019-08-03.
- ^ Horne, p. 27.
- OCLC 436981240.
- ISBN 978-1-59017-218-6.
- ^ Text published in Vérité Liberté n°9 May 1961.
- Hélie Denoix de Saint Marc on the INAarchive website
- ^ Henri Pouillot, mon combat contre la torture Archived 2007-10-20 at the Wayback Machine, El Watan, 1 November 2004.
- Ligue des droits de l'homme (LDH, Human Rights League), 10 January 2007. Archived 30 September 2007 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ Mohamed Harbi, La guerre d'Algérie
- ^ Benjamin Stora, La torture pendant la guerre d'Algérie
- ^ Raphaëlle Branche, La torture et l'armée pendant la guerre d'Algérie, 1954–1962, Paris, Gallimard, 2001 See also The French Army and Torture During the Algerian War (1954–1962) Archived 2007-10-20 at the Wayback Machine, Raphaëlle Branche, Université de Rennes, 18 November 2004 (in English)
- ^ David Huf, Between a Rock and a Hard Place: France and Algeria, 1954–1962
- ^ "L'accablante confession du général Aussaresses sur la torture en Algérie". Le Monde. 3 May 2001.
- ^ "Guerre d'Algérie: le général Bigeard et la pratique de la torture". Le Monde. 4 July 2000. Archived from the original on 19 February 2010.
- ^ Torture Bigeard: " La presse en parle trop " Archived June 24, 2005, at the Wayback Machine, L'Humanité, May 12, 2000 (in French)
- ^ La torture pendant la guerre d'Algérie / 1954 – 1962 40 ans après, l'exigence de vérité Archived 2007-02-09 at the Wayback Machine, AIDH
- Archive-It
- ^ "France admits systematic torture during Algeria war for first time". The Guardian. 13 September 2018.
- ^ Genin, Aaron (2019-04-30). "FRANCE RESETS AFRICAN RELATIONS: A POTENTIAL LESSON FOR PRESIDENT TRUMP". The California Review. Retrieved 2019-05-01.
- from the original on 2022-01-11. Retrieved 2019-05-01.
- OCLC 46401992.
- ISBN 0-670-61964-7
- ^ John Gunther, pages 122–123 "Inside Africa", published Hamish Hamilton Ltd London 1955
- ISBN 0-670-61964-7
- ^ John Gunther, page 123 "Inside Africa", published Hamish Hamilton Ltd. London 1955
- ISBN 0-670-61964-7
- ^ John Gunther, page 125 "Inside Africa", published Hamish Hamilton Ltd. London 1955
- ISBN 0-670-61964-7
- ^ David Scott Bell. Presidential Power in Fifth Republic France, Berg Publishers, 2000, p. 36.
- ^ "Algeria ... was a society of nine million or so 'Muslim' Algerians who were dominated by the million settlers of diverse origins (but fiercely French) who maintained a quasi-apartheid regime." David Scott Bell. Presidential Power in Fifth Republic France, Berg Publishers, 2000, p. 36.
- ^ Weil 2005, p. 96.
- ^ a b c d Blévis 2012, p. 213.
- ^ a b Sahia-Cherchari 2004, pp. 745–746.
- ^ a b Sahia-Cherchari 2004, p. 747.
- ^ Weil 2005, p. 97.
- ^ a b c d Murray Steele, 'Algeria: Government and Administration, 1830–1914', Encyclopedia of African History, ed. by Kevin Shillington, 3 vols (New York: Fitzroy Dearborn, 2005), I pp. 50–52 (at p. 51).
- ^ a b Allan Christelow, 'Algeria: Muslim Population, 1871–1954', Encyclopedia of African History, ed. by Kevin Shillington, 3 vols (New York: Fitzroy Dearborn, 2005), I pp. 52–53 (p. 52).
- ^ Blévis 2012, pp. 213–214.
- ^ Debra Kelly. Autobiography and Independence: Selfhood and Creativity in North African Postcolonial Writing in French, Liverpool University Press, 2005, p. 43.
- ^ Weil 2002, p. 227.
- ^ Blévis 2003, p. 28.
- .
- ^ a b Debra Kelly, Autobiography and Independence: Selfhood and Creativity in North African Postcolonial Writing in French, Liverpool University Press, 2005, p. 43.
- ^ Répertoire du droit administratif. Tome 1 / Par Léon Béquet,... ; avec le concours de M. Paul Dupré.
- ^ "Recueil général des lois et des arrêts : en matière civile, criminelle, commerciale et de droit public... / par J.-B. Sirey". Gallica. February 28, 1882.
- ^ Collot 1987, p. 291.
- ^ a b Thénault 2012, p. 205.
- ^ a b c d e Sahia-Cherchari 2004, p. 761.
- ^ Weil 2002, p. 230.
- ^ Weil 2002, pp. 230–231.
- ^ Weil 2002, p. 231
- ^ a b c Weil 2005, p. 98.
- ^ Gallissot 2009, p. 7.
- ^ Blévis 2012, pp. 215–216.
- ^ Patrick Weil, How to Be French: Nationality in the Making since 1789, Duke University Press 2008 p.253.
- ISBN 978-0-230-24369-9.
- ^ Gallissot 2009, p. 10.
- ISBN 0-520-22534-1.
As a settler colony with an internal system of apartheid, administered under the fiction that it was part of metropolitan France, and endowed with a powerful colonial lobby that virtually determined the course of French politics with respect to its internal affairs, it experienced insurrection in 1954 on the part of its Muslim population.
- ^ a b c d "Exchange of letters and declarations adopted on 19 March 1962 at the close of the Evian talks, constituting an agreement. Paris and Rocher Noir, 3 July 1962 known as Évian Accords" (PDF).
- ^ ISBN 978-0801449758.
- ISBN 978-0-19-280350-4.
- ISSN 1265-1354.
- ^ Between 1882 and 1911, over 100,000 Spaniards moved to Algeria in search of a better life. During 1882 to 1887, it was the country that received a greater number of Spanish migrants [1]. However, a short-term migration also took place during harvesting seasons [2]. By 1915, while the total number of Spaniards in Algeria was still high, other countries in the New World had overtaken Algeria as the preferred destination.[3]
- ISBN 0-253-21782-2
- ISBN 0-670-61964-7
- ISBN 0-670-61964-7
- S2CID 159891511.
- ^ Page 164, Vol. 13, Encyclopædia Britannica, Macropaedia, 15th Edition
- ^ Benjamin, Roger. (2003) Renoir and Algeria. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003, p. 25.
- ^ R. Hure, page 155, L'Armee d'Afrique 1830–1962, Charles-Lavauzelle 1977
- JSTOR 216479
- ISBN 978-0-669-83865-7.
- ISBN 978-2-6000-4495-0.
- ^ Claude Lefébure, Ayt Khebbach, impasse sud-est. L'involution d'une tribu marocaine exclue du Sahara, in: Revue de l'Occident musulman et de la Méditerranée, N°41–42, 1986. Désert et montagne au Maghreb. pp. 136–157: "les Divisions d'Oran et d'Alger du 19e Corps d'armée n'ont pu conquérir le Touat et le Gourara qu'au prix de durs combats menés contre les semi-nomades d'obédience marocaine qui, depuis plus d'un siècle, imposaient leur protection aux oasiens."
- ^ "Unified Control Of French Defence". The Times of London. London, England. January 22, 1938.
- ^ Moss, William W. (March 2, 1971). "Joseph C. Satterthwaite, recorded interview" (PDF). www.jfklibrary.org. John F. Kennedy Library Oral History Program. Retrieved 2020-06-27.
- ^ Horne, Alistair, A Savage War of Peace, p. 27
- ^ Charles de Gaulle (1958-06-06). "Discours de Mostaganem, 6 juin 1958". Fondation Charles de Gaulle. Archived from the original on 2009-11-14. Retrieved 2010-01-02.
- ^ a b c Schofield, Hugh (16 May 2005). "Colonial abuses haunt France". BBC News Online. Retrieved 9 June 2012.
- ^ a b "Emmanuel Macron loses lead in French election polls after remarks on colonial Algeria and gay marriage spark outrage". The Daily Telegraph. 18 February 2017. Archived from the original on 2022-01-11. Retrieved 25 April 2017.
- ^ Genin, Aaron (30 April 2019). "FRANCE RESETS AFRICAN RELATIONS: A POTENTIAL LESSON FOR PRESIDENT TRUMP". The California Review. Retrieved 1 May 2019.
- ^ "French presidential hopeful Macron calls colonization a 'crime against humanity". France 24. 16 February 2017. Retrieved 26 April 2017.
- ^ "Algeria buries repatriated skulls of resistance fighters as it marks independence from France". France 24. 5 July 2020.
- ^ "Skulls of Algerian resistance fighters to French occupation return to homeland". Algérie Presse Service. 7 Jun 2020. Retrieved 7 Jul 2020.
- ^ "Algerian fighters' skulls buried in Martyrs' Square at El-Alia Cemetery". Algérie Presse Service. 7 Jun 2020. Retrieved 7 Jul 2020.
- ^ a b "'No repentance nor apologies' for colonial abuses in Algeria, says Macron". France 24. 20 January 2021. Retrieved 30 January 2021.
- ^ a b "Macron rules out official apology for colonial abuses in Algeria". Al Jazeera. 20 January 2021. Retrieved 30 January 2021.
- ^ a b "Macron Rules Out Apology For Colonial Abuses In Algeria". Barron's. 20 January 2021. Retrieved 30 January 2021.
- ^ Mouloud Feraoun (1962) Journal, 1955–1962, Éditions du Seuil, Paris
Further reading
- Original text: Library of Congress Country Study of Algeria
- Aussaresses, Paul. The Battle of the Casbah: Terrorism and Counter-Terrorism in Algeria, 1955–1957. (New York: Enigma Books, 2010) ISBN 978-1-929631-30-8.
- Bennoune, Mahfoud. The Making of Contemporary Algeria, 1830–1987 (Cambridge University Press, 2002)
- Gallois, William. A History of Violence in the Early Algerian Colony (2013), On French violence 1830–47 online review
- Horne, Alistair. (1977). A Savage War of Peace: Algeria, 1954-1962. Viking Press.
- McDougall, James. (2017). A History of Algeria. Cambridge University Press.
- McDougall, James. (2006). History and the culture of nationalism in Algeria. Cambridge University Press.
- Roberts, Sophie B. Sophie B. Roberts. Citizenship and Antisemitism in French Colonial Algeria, 1870–1962. (Cambridge Cambridge University Press, 2017) ISBN 978-1-107-18815-0.
- Roberts, Stephen H. History Of French Colonial Policy 1870–1925 (2 vol 1929) vol 2 pp 175–268 online
- Sessions, Jennifer E. (2015). By Sword and Plow: France and the Conquest of Algeria. Cornell University Press. ISBN 9780801454462.; Cultural History
- Stora, Benjamin, Jane Marie Todd, and William B. Quandt. Algeria, 1830–2000: A short history (Cornell University Press, 2004)
- Vandervort, Bruce. "French conquest of Algeria (1830–1847)." in The Encyclopedia of War (2012).
In French
- (in French) Patrick Weil, Le statut des musulmans en Algérie coloniale, Une nationalité française dénaturée, European University Institute, Florence (on the legal statuses of Muslim populations in Algeria)
- (in French) ISBN 2-213-62316-3 ( Table of contents)
- (in French) Charles-Robert Ageron, Histoire de l'Algérie contemporaine, 1871–1954, 1979 (a ground-breaking work on the historiography of French colonialism)
- (in French) Nicolas Schaub, Représenter l'Algérie. Images et conquête au XIXe siècle, CTHS-INHA, 2015, "L'Art & l'Essai" (vol. 15)
- Cointet, Michèle (1995). De Gaulle et l'Algérie française, 1958–1962. Paris: Perrin. OCLC 34406158.
- (in French) Laure Blévis, La citoyenneté française au miroir de la colonisation : étude des demandes de naturalisation des « sujets français » en Algérie coloniale, Genèses, volume=4, numéro=53, year 2003, pages 25–47, [4]
- (in French) Laure Blévis, L'invention de l'« indigène », Français non citoyen, auteurs:Abderrahmane Bouchène, Jean-Pierre Peyroulou, Ouanassa Siari Tengour et Sylvie Thénault, Histoire de l'Algérie à la période coloniale, 1830–1962, Éditions La Découverte et Éditions Barzakh, year 2012, chapter=200, passage=212–218, ISBN 9782707173263, id=Blévis, 2012a
- (in French) Patrick Weil, Qu'est-ce qu'un Français, Histoire de la nationalité française depuis la Révolution, Paris, Grasset, year 2002, 403 pages, ISBN 2-246-60571-7, bnf=38818954d
- (in French) Patrick Weil, La justice en Algérie, Le statut des musulmans en Algérie coloniale. Une nationalité française dénaturée, 1830–1962, Histoire de la justice, La Documentation française, year 2005, chapter 95, passage 95–109,
- (in French) Mohamed Sahia Cherchari, Indigènes et citoyens ou l'impossible universalisation du suffrage, Revue française de droit constitutionnel, volume=4, numéro=60, year 2004 |pages 741–770, [5]
- (in French) René Gallissot, Les effets paradoxaux de la catégorie « d'origine indigène », 25–26 octobre 2009, [6], 4e colloque international sur la Révolution algérienne : « Évolution historique de l'Image de l'Algérien dans le discours colonial » — Université du 20 août 1955 de Skikda
- (in French) Claude Collot, Les institutions de l'Algérie durant la période coloniale (1830–1962), Éditions du CNRS et Office des publications universitaires, year 1987, passage 291,ISBN 2222039576
- (in French) Sylvie Thénault, Histoire de l'Algérie à la période coloniale, 1830–1962, Le "code de l'indigénat", Abderrahmane Bouchène, Jean-Pierre Peyroulou, Ouanassa Siari Tengour et Sylvie Thénault, Éditions La Découverte et Éditions Barzakh, year 2012, chapter page 200, pages 200–206,ISBN 9782707173263,
External links
- Media related to French Algeria at Wikimedia Commons
- 1940~1962 Newsreel archives about French Algeria (from French National Audiovisiual Institute INA)
- Benjamin Stora on French Colonialism and Algeria Today! (from French Communist Party's newspaper L'Humanité)