Geʽez
This article needs additional citations for verification. (September 2022) |
Geʽez | |
---|---|
ግዕዝ Gəʽ(ə)z | |
liturgical language.[3] | |
| |
Language codes | |
ISO 639-2 | gez |
ISO 639-3 | gez |
Glottolog | geez1241 |
Geʽez (/ˈɡiːɛz/[5][6] or /ɡiːˈɛz/;[7][8] ግዕዝ Gəʽ(ə)z[9][10][11][12] IPA: [ˈɡɨʕ(ɨ)z] ⓘ, and sometimes referred to in scholarly literature as Classical Ethiopic) is an ancient South Semitic language. The language originates from what is now northern Ethiopia and Eritrea.
Today, Geʽez is used as the main
Hawulti Obelisk is an ancient pre-Aksumite Obelisk located in Matara, Eritrea. The monument dates to the early Aksumite period and bears the oldest known example of the ancient Geʽez script.
Tigre and Tigrinya both have a lexical similarity of roughly 70% to Geʽez.[13] Most linguists believe that Geʽez does not constitute a common ancestor of modern Ethio-Semitic languages but became a separate language early on from another hypothetical unattested common language.[14][15][16]
Phonology
Vowels
Front | Central | Back | |
---|---|---|---|
Close | /i/ i | /ɨ/ ə | /u/ u |
Mid | /e/ e | /o/ o | |
Near-open | /æ ~ ɐ/[a] a | ||
Open | /a ~ ɑ/[b] ā |
Historically, /ɨ/ has a basic correspondence with Proto-Semitic short *i and *u, /æ ~ ɐ/ with short *a, the vowels /i, u, a/ with Proto-Semitic long *ī, *ū, *ā respectively, and /e, o/ with the Proto-Semitic diphthongs *ay and *aw.[20][21] In Geʽez there still exist many alternations between /o/ and /aw/, less so between /e/ and /aj/, e.g. ተሎኩ taloku ~ ተለውኩ talawku ("I followed").[22]
In the transcription employed by the Encyclopaedia Aethiopica, which is widely employed in academia, the contrast here represented as a/ā is represented as ä/a.
Consonants
Transliteration
Geʽez is transliterated according to the following system (see the phoneme table below for IPA values):
translit. | h | l | ḥ | m | ś | r | s | q | b | t | ḫ | n | ʼ |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Geʽez | ሀ | ለ | ሐ | መ | ሠ | ረ | ሰ | ቀ | በ | ተ | ኀ | ነ | አ |
translit. | k | w | ʽ | z | y | d | g | ṭ | p̣ | ṣ | ḍ | f | p |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Geʽez | ከ | ወ | ዐ | ዘ | የ | ደ | ገ | ጠ | ጰ | ጸ | ፀ | ፈ | ፐ |
Because Geʽez is no longer spoken in daily life by large communities, the early pronunciation of some consonants is not completely certain. Gragg writes that "[t]he consonants corresponding to the graphemes ś (Geʽez ሠ) and ḍ (Geʽez ፀ) have merged with ሰ and ጸ respectively in the phonological system represented by the traditional pronunciation—and indeed in all modern Ethiopian Semitic. ... There is, however, no evidence either in the tradition or in Ethiopian Semitic [for] what value these consonants may have had in Geʽez."[23]
A similar problem is found for the consonant transliterated ḫ. Gragg notes that it corresponds in etymology to velar or uvular fricatives in other Semitic languages, but it is pronounced exactly the same as ḥ in the traditional pronunciation. Though the use of a different letter shows that it must originally have had some other pronunciation, what that pronunciation was is not certain.[24]
The chart below lists /ɬ/ and /t͡ɬʼ/ as possible values for ś (ሠ) and ḍ (ፀ) respectively. It also lists /χ/ as a possible value for ḫ (ኀ). These values are tentative, but based on the reconstructed
Phonemes of Geʽez
The following table presents the consonants of the Geʽez language. The reconstructed phonetic value of a phoneme is given in IPA transcription, followed by its representation in the Geʽez script and scholarly transliteration.
Labial | Alveolar | Palatal | Velar | Pharyngeal | Glottal | |||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
central | lateral | plain | labialized | |||||||
Nasal | /m/ መ m | / n / ነ n
|
||||||||
Stop/ Affricate |
voiceless | /p/ ፐ p | / t / ተ t
|
/k/ ከ k | /kʷ/ ኰ kʷ | /ʔ/ አ ʼ | ||||
voiced | /b/ በ b | / d / ደ d
|
/g/ ገ g | /gʷ/ ጐ gʷ | ||||||
emphatic[a] | /pʼ/ ጰ p̣ | / t’ / ጠ ṭ
|
/t͡sʼ/ ጸ ṣ | /t͡ɬʼ/ ፀ ḍ | /k’/ ቀ q | /kʷ’/ ቈ qʷ | ||||
Fricative | voiceless | /f/ ፈ f | /s/ ሰ s | / ɬ / ሠ ś
|
/x/ ኀ ḫ | /xʷ/ ኈ ḫʷ | /ħ/ ሐ ḥ | /h/ ሀ h | ||
voiced | /z/ ዘ z | /ʕ/ ዐ ʽ | ||||||||
Approximant | / r / ረ r
|
/ l / ለ l
|
/j/ የ y | /w/ ወ w |
- ^ The emphatic consonants of Geʽez were likely realized as ejectives, as in the modern Ethiopian Semitic languages.
Geʽez consonants in relation to Proto-Semitic
Geʽez consonants have a triple opposition between voiceless, voiced, and
Stress
There is no evidence within the script of stress rules in the ancient period, but stress patterns exist within the liturgical tradition(s). Accounts of these patterns are, however, contradictory. One early 20th-century account[26] may be broadly summarized as follows:
- primary stress only falls on the ultima (the last syllable) or the penult (the second-to-last syllable)
- in finite verbs (including the imperative), stress falls on the penult: ቀተለት qatálat ("she killed"), ንግር nə́gər ("speak!", masculine singular), with the important exception of the 2nd-person feminine plural suffix ክን -kə́n
- in nouns and adjectives (in citation form), and most adverbs, stress falls on the ultima: ንጉሥ nəgúś ("king"), ሀገር hagár ("city"), ግዕዝ Gə́ʽz ("Geʽez"), ጠቢብ ṭabíb ("wise"), ህየ həyyá ("there"); an exception among adverbs is ዝየ zə́ya ("here")
- the suffix -a, marking the construct state or the accusative case (or both), is not stressed: ንጉሠ nəgúśa, ሀገረ hagára, ግዕዘ Gə́ʽza, ጠቢበ ṭabíba
- cardinal numbers are stressed on the ultima, even in the accusative, e.g. ሠለስቱ śalastú accusative ሠለስተ śalastá ("three")
- pronouns have rather unpredictable stress, so stress is learned for each form
- enclitic particles (such as ሰ -(ə)ssá) are stressed
- various grammatical words (short prepositions, conjunctions) and short nouns in the construct state are unstressed
As one example of a discrepancy, a different late 19th-century account[27] says the masculine singular imperative is stressed on the ultima (e.g. ንግር nəgə́r, "speak!"), and that, in some patterns, words can be stressed on the third-, fourth- or even fifth-to-last syllable (e.g. በረከተ bárakata).
Due to the high predictability of stress location in most words, textbooks, dictionaries and grammars generally do not mark it. Minimal pairs do exist, however, such as yənaggərā́ ("he speaks to her", with the pronoun suffix -(h)ā́ "her") vs. yənaggə́rā ("they speak", feminine plural), both written ይነግራ.[21]
Morphology
Nouns
Geʽez distinguishes two genders, masculine and feminine, the latter of which is sometimes marked with the suffix ት -t, e.g. እኅት ʼəxt ("sister"). These are less strongly distinguished than in other Semitic languages, as many nouns not denoting humans can be used in either gender: in translated Christian texts there is even a tendency for nouns to follow the gender of the noun with a corresponding meaning in Greek.[28]
There are two numbers, singular and plural. The plural can be constructed either by suffixing ኣት -āt to a word (regardless of gender, but often ኣን -ān if it is a male human noun), or by using an
- Plural using suffix: ዓመት ʿāmat ("year") plural ዓመታት ʿāmatāt, ገዳም gadām ("wilderness, uninhabited area") plural ገዳማት gadāmāt, ሊቅ liq ("elder, chief") plural ሊቃን liqān, ጳጳስ p̣āp̣p̣ās ("(arch)bishop") plural ጳጳሳት p̣āp̣p̣āsāt.
- Internal plural: ቤት bet ("house") plural አብያት ʾabyāt, ቅርንብ qərnəb ("eyelid") plural ቀራንብት qarānəbt.
Nouns also have two cases: the nominative, which is not marked, and the accusative, which is marked with final -a. As in other Semitic languages, there are at least two "states", absolute (unmarked) and construct (marked with -a as well).
Singular | Plural | |||
---|---|---|---|---|
Absolute state |
Construct state |
Absolute state |
Construct state | |
Nominative | ሊቅ liq | ሊቀ liqa | ሊቃን liqān | ሊቃነ liqāna |
Accusative | ሊቀ liqa | ሊቀ liqa | ሊቃነ liqāna | ሊቃነ liqāna |
As in
There is some morphological interaction between consonant-final nouns and a pronoun suffix (see the table of suffix pronouns below). For example, when followed by የ -ya ("my"), in both nominative and accusative the resulting form is ሊቅየ liqə́ya (i.e. the accusative is not *ሊቀየ *liqáya), but with ከ -ka ("your", masculine singular) there's a distinction between nominative ሊቅከ liqə́ka and accusative ሊቀከ liqáka, and similarly with -hu ("his") between nominative ሊቁ liqú (< *liq-ə-hu) and accusative ሊቆ liqó (< *liqa-hu).[30][31]
Internal plural
Internal plurals follow certain patterns. Triconsonantal nouns follow one of the following patterns.
Pattern | Singular | Meaning | Plural |
---|---|---|---|
ʾaCCāC | ልብስ ləbs | 'garment' | አልባስ ʾalbās |
ፈረስ faras | 'horse' | አፍራስ ʾafrās | |
ቤት bet | 'house' | አብያት ʾabyāt | |
ጾም ṣom | 'fast' | አጽዋም ʾaṣwām | |
ስም səm | 'name' | አስማት ʾasmāt | |
ʾaCCuC | ሀገር hagar | 'country' | አህጉር ʾahgur |
አድግ ʾadg | 'ass' | አእዱግ ʾaʾdug | |
ʾaCCəC(t) | በትር batr | 'rod' | አብትር ʾabtər |
ርእስ rə's | 'head' | አርእስት ʾarʾəst | |
ገብር gabr | 'servant, slave' | አግብርት ʾagbərt | |
ʾaCāCəC(t) | በግዕ bagʽ | 'sheep' | አባግዕ ’abāgəʽ |
ጋንን gānən | 'devil' | አጋንንት ’agānənt | |
CVCaC | እዝን ’əzn | 'ear' | እዘን ’əzan |
እግር ’əgr | 'foot' | እገር ’əgar | |
CVCaw | እድ ’əd | 'hand' | እደው ’ədaw |
አብ ’ab | 'father' | አበው ’abaw | |
እኍ/እኅው ’əḫʷ/’əḫəw | 'brother' | አኀው ’aḫaw |
Quadriconsonantal and some triconsonantal nouns follow the following pattern. Triconsonantal nouns that take this pattern must have at least one "long" vowel (namely /i e o u/).[32]
Pattern | Meaning | Singular | Plural |
---|---|---|---|
CaCāCəC(t) | 'virgin' | ድንግል dəngəl | ደናግል danāgəl |
'prince' | መስፍን masfən | መሳፍንት masāfənt | |
'star' | ኮከብ kokab | ከዋክብት kawākəbt | |
'window' | መስኮት maskot | መሳኩት masākut < masākəwt | |
'chicken' | ዶርሆ dorho | ደራውህ darāwəh | |
'night' | ሌሊት lelit | ለያልይ layāləy | |
'earth' | ብሔር bəḥer | በሓውርት baḥāwərt | |
'river' | ውሒዝ wəḥiz | ወሓይዝት waḥāyəzt | |
'priest' | ቀሲስ qasis | ቀሳውስት qasāwəst |
Pronominal morphology
In the independent pronouns, gender is not distinguished in the 1st person, and case is only distinguished in the 3rd person singular.
Singular | Plural | |||
---|---|---|---|---|
1st person | አነ ʼána | ንሕነ nə́ḥna | ||
2nd person | masculine | አንተ ʼánta | አንትሙ ʼantə́mu | |
feminine | አንቲ ʼánti | አንትን ʼantə́n | ||
3rd person | masculine | nominative | ውእቱ wəʼə́tu | ውእቶሙ wəʼətómu, እሙንቱ ʼəmuntú |
accusative | ውእተ wəʼə́ta | |||
feminine | nominative | ይእቲ yəʼə́ti | ውእቶን wəʼətón, እማንቱ ʼəmāntú | |
accusative | ይእተ yə’ə́ta |
Suffix pronouns attach at the end of a noun, preposition or verb. The accusative/construct -a is lost when a plural noun with a consonant-final stem has a pronoun suffix attached (generally replaced by the added -i-, as in -i-hu, "his"), thereby losing the case/state distinction,[36] but the distinction may be retained in the case of consonant-final singular nouns. Furthermore, suffix pronouns may or may not attract stress to themselves. In the following table, pronouns without a stress mark (an acute) are not stressed, and vowel-initial suffixes have also been given the base በ /b/ in the script.
Default | With consonant-final singular nouns |
With consonant-final plural nouns | |||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
noun/prep. | verb | nominative | accusative | ||||
Singular | 1st person | -የ -ya | -ኒ -ni | -ብየ -ə́ya | -ብየ -ə́ya, -ቢየ -íya[a] | ||
2nd person | masculine | -ከ -ka | -ብከ -ə́ka | -በከ -áka | -ቢከ -íka | ||
feminine | -ኪ -ki | -ብኪ -ə́ki | -በኪ -áki | -ቢኪ -íki, -ብኪ -ə́ki[b] | |||
3rd person | masculine | ሁ -hú | -ቡ -ú | -ቦ -ó | -ቢሁ -ihú | ||
feminine | -ሃ -hā́ | -ባ -ā́ | -ቢሃ -ihā́ | ||||
Plural | 1st person | -ነ -na | -ብነ -ə́na | -በነ -ána | -ቢነ -ína | ||
2nd person | masculine | -ክሙ -kə́mu | -ብክሙ -əkə́mu | -በክሙ -akə́mu | -ቢክሙ -ikə́mu | ||
feminine | -ክን -kə́n | -ብክን -əkə́n | -በክን -akə́n | -ቢክን -ikə́n | |||
3rd person | masculine | -ሆሙ -hómu | -ቦሙ -ómu | -ቢሆሙ -ihómu | |||
feminine | -ሆን -hón | -ቦን -ón | -ቢሆን -ihón |
Verb conjugation
Person | Perfect qatal-nn |
Imperfect | |||
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Indicative -qattəl |
Jussive -qtəl | ||||
1st person | singular | qatal-ku | ʾə-qattəl | ʾə-qtəl | |
plural | qatal-na | nə-qattəl | nə-qtəl | ||
2nd person |
masculine | singular | qatal-ka | tə-qattəl | tə-qtəl |
plural | qatal-kəmmu | tə-qattəl-u | tə-qtəl-u | ||
feminine | singular | qatal-ki | tə-qattəl-i | tə-qtəl-i | |
plural | qatal-kən | tə-qattəl-ā | tə-qtəl-ā | ||
3rd person |
masculine | singular | qatal-a | yə-qattəl | yə-qtəl |
plural | qatal-u | yə-qattəl-u | yə-qtəl-u | ||
feminine | singular | qatal-at | tə-qattəl | tə-qtəl | |
plural | qatal-ā | yə-qattəl-ā | yə-qtəl-ā |
Syntax
Noun phrases
Noun phrases have the following overall order:
- (demonstratives) noun (adjective)-(relative clause)
በዛ
ba-zā
in-this:F
ሀገር
hagar
city
in this city
ንጉሥ
nəguś
king
ክቡር
kəbur
glorious
a/the glorious king
Adjectives and determiners agree with the noun in gender and number:
ዛቲ
zāti
this:FEM
ንግሥት
nəgəśt
queen
ክብርት
kəbərt
glorious:FEM
this glorious queen
እሉ
ʼəllu
these:M.PL
ነገሥት
nagaśt
kings
ክቡራን
kəburān
glorious:PL
these glorious kings
Relative clauses are introduced by a pronoun which agrees in gender and number with the preceding noun:
ብእሲ
bəʾsi
man
ዘቀተልዎ
za=qatal-əww-o
which:MASC=kill-3.M.PL-3.M.SG
ለወልዱ
la=wald-u
to=son=3.M.SG
the man whose son they killed
As in many Semitic languages, possession by a noun phrase is shown through the construct state. In Geʽez, this is formed by suffixing the construct suffix -a to the possessed noun, which is followed by the possessor, as in the following examples:[40]
ወልደ
wald-a
son-construct
ንጉሥ
nəguś
king
the son of the king
ስመ
səm-a
name-construct
መልአክ
malʼak
angel
the name of the angel
Another common way of indicating possession by a noun phrase combines the pronominal suffix on a noun with the possessor preceded by the preposition /la=/ 'to, for':[41]
ስሙ
səm-u
name-3SG
ለንጉሥ
la=nəguś
to=king
'the king's name; the name of the king'
Lambdin[42] notes that in comparison to the construct state, this kind of possession is only possible when the possessor is definite and specific. Lambdin also notes that the construct state is the unmarked form of possession in Geʽez.
Prepositional phrases
Geʽez is a prepositional language, as in the following example:[43]
ውስተ
wəsta
to
ሀገር
hagar
city
to the city
There are three special prepositions, /ba=/ 'in, with', /la=/ 'to, for', /ʼəm=/ 'from', which always appear as clitics, as in the following examples:
እምሀገር
ʼəm=hagar
from=city
from the city
በሀገር
ba=hagar
in=city
in the city
እምዲበ
’əm=diba
from=on
ደብር
dabr
mountain
down from the mountain
በዝ
ba=zə
in=this
ቤት
bet
house
in this house
These proclitic prepositions in Geʽez are similar to the Hebrew inseparable prepositions.
Sentences
The normal word order for declarative sentences is VSO. Objects of verbs show accusative case marked with the suffix /-a/:
ተከለ
takal-a
plant-3.M.SG
ብእሲ
bəʾsi
man
ዕፀ
ʿəḍ-a
tree-ACC
The man planted a tree
Questions with a wh-word ('who', 'what', etc.) show the question word at the beginning of the sentence:
አየ
ʾayy-a
which-ACC
ሀገረ
hagar-a
city-ACC
ሐነጹ
ḥanaṣ-u
build-3PL
Which city did they build?
Negation
The common way of negation is the prefix ኢ ʾi- which descends from ʾəy- (which is attested in Axum inscriptions), from earlier *ʾay, from
ንሕነ
nəḥna
we
ኢንክል
ʾi-nəkl
(we) cannot
ሐዊረ
ḥawira
go
we cannot go
Writing system
Geʽez is written with Ethiopic or the Geʽez abugida, a script that was originally developed specifically for this language. In languages that use it, such as Amharic and Tigrinya, the script is called Fidäl, which means script or alphabet.
Geʽez is read from left to right.
The Geʽez script has been adapted to write other languages, usually ones that are also Semitic. The most widespread use is for Amharic in Ethiopia and Tigrinya in Eritrea and Ethiopia. It is also used for Sebatbeit, Meʼen, Agew, and most other languages of Ethiopia. In Eritrea it is used for Tigre, and it is often used for Bilen, a Cushitic language. Some other languages in the Horn of Africa, such as Oromo, used to be written using Geʽez but have switched to Latin-based alphabets. It also uses four series of consonant signs for labialized velar consonants, which are variants of the non-labialized velar consonants:
Basic sign | q(a) | ḫ(a) | k(a) | g(a) |
---|---|---|---|---|
ቀ | ኀ | ከ | ገ | |
Labialized variant | qʷ(a) | ḫʷ(a) | kʷ(a) | gʷ(a) |
ቈ | ኈ | ኰ | ጐ |
History and literature
In addition to the
Traditional education was largely biblical. It began with the learning of the alphabet, or more properly, syllabary... The student's second grade comprised the memorization of the first chapter of the first Epistle General of St. John in Geez. The study of writing would probably also begin at this time, and particularly in more modern times some arithmetic might be added. In the third stage the Acts of the Apostles were studied, while certain prayers were also learnt, and writing and arithmetic continued. ... The fourth stage began with the study of the Psalms of David and was considered an important landmark in a child's education, being celebrated by the parents with a feast to which the teacher, father confessor, relatives and neighbours were invited. A boy who had reached this stage would moreover usually be able to write, and might act as a letter writer.[45]
However, works of history and chronography, ecclesiastical and civil law, philology, medicine, and letters were also written in Geʽez.[46]
Significant
Origins
The Geʽez language is classified as a
Inscriptions dating to the mid-1st millennium BCE, written in the
Early inscriptions in Geʽez from the Kingdom of Aksum (appearing varyingly in the epigraphic South Arabian script, and unvocalized or vocalized Ethiopic/Geʽez script[51]) have been dated to as early as the 4th century CE. The surviving Geʽez literature properly begins in the same century with the Christianization of the Aksum in the same century, during the reign of Ezana of Aksum.[46][51] The oldest known example of the Geʽez script, unvocalized and containing religiously pagan references, is found on the Hawulti obelisk in Matara, Eritrea.[52] There exist about a dozen long inscriptions dating to the 4th and 5th centuries, and over 200 short ones.[51]
5th to 7th centuries
The oldest surviving Geʽez manuscript is thought to be the second of the
. The Book of Enoch in particular is notable since its complete text has survived in no other language; and, for the other works listed, the Ethiopic version is highly regarded as a witness to the original text.Also to this early period dates
13th to 14th centuries
After the decline of the Aksumites, a lengthy gap follows; Some writers consider the period beginning from the 14th century an actual "Golden Age" of Geʽez literature—although by this time Geʽez was no longer a living language; in particular in the major enterprise of translating an extensive library of Coptic Arabic religious works into Ge'ez.
While there is ample evidence that it had been replaced by Amharic in the south and by Tigrinya and Tigre in the north, Geʽez remained in use as the official written language until the 19th century, its status comparable to that of Medieval Latin in Europe.
Important
- the Gadle Samaʼetat "Acts of the Martyrs"
- the Gadle Hawaryat "Acts of the Apostles"
- the Senkessar or Synaxarium, translated as "The Book of the Saints of the Ethiopian Church"
- Other Lives of Gabra Manfas Qeddus
Also at this time the Apostolic Constitutions was retranslated into Geʽez from Arabic. Another translation from this period is Zena ʼAyhud, a translation (probably from an Arabic translation) of Joseph ben Gurion's "History of the Jews" ("Sefer Josippon") written in Hebrew in the 10th century, which covers the period from the Captivity to the capture of Jerusalem by Titus.
Apart from theological works, the earliest contemporary Royal Chronicles of Ethiopia are date to the reign of Amda Seyon I (1314–44). With the appearance of the "Victory Songs" of Amda Seyon, this period also marks the beginning of Amharic literature.
The 14th century
15th to 16th centuries
The early 15th century Fekkare Iyasus "The Explication of Jesus" contains a prophecy of a king called Tewodros, which rose to importance in 19th century Ethiopia as
Literature flourished especially during the reign of Emperor Zara Yaqob. Written by the Emperor himself were Matsʼhafe Berhan ("The Book of Light") and Matshafe Milad ("The Book of Nativity"). Numerous homilies were written in this period, notably Retuʼa Haimanot ("True Orthodoxy") ascribed to John Chrysostom. Also of monumental importance was the appearance of the Geʽez translation of the Fetha Negest ("Laws of the Kings"), thought to have been around 1450, and ascribed to one Petros Abda Sayd — that was later to function as the supreme Law for Ethiopia, until it was replaced by a modern Constitution in 1931.
By the beginning of the 16th century, the Islamic invasions put an end to the flourishing of Ethiopian literature. A letter of Abba ʼ
Current usage in Eritrea, Ethiopia and Israel
Geʽez is the liturgical language of Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo, Eritrean Orthodox Tewahedo, Ethiopian Catholic and Eritrean Catholic Christians and the Beta Israel (Falasha Jews), and is used in prayer and in scheduled public celebrations.
The
Sample
The first sentence of the Book of Enoch:
ቃለ
Qāla
፡
በረከት
barakat
፡
ዘሄኖክ
za-Henok
፡
ዘከመ
zakama
፡
ባረከ
bāraka
፡
ኅሩያነ
ḫəruyāna
፡
ወጻድቃነ
waṣādəqāna
፡
እለ
ʾəlla
፡
ሀለዉ
hallawu
፡
ይኩኑ
yəkunu
፡
በዕለተ
baʿəlata
፡
ምንዳቤ
məndābe
፡
ለአሰስሎ
laʾasassəlo
፡
ኵሉ
kʷəllu
፡
እኩያን
ʾəkuyān
፡
ወረሲዓን
warasiʿān
።
"Word of blessing of
See also
References
- ^ Gragg 1997b, p. 242: "Ge‘ez disappeared as a spoken language probably some time before the tenth century CE."
- ^ De Lacy O'Leary, 2000 Comparative grammar of the Semitic languages. Routledge. p. 23.
- ^ a b Chain 1909: "No longer in popular use, Geʽez has always remained the language of the Church".
- ^ "They read the Bible in Geez" (Leaders and Religion of the Beth Israel); "after each passage, recited in Geez, the translation is read in Kailina" (Festivals). [PER], publication date 1901–1906.
- ^ Laurie Bauer, 2007, The Linguistics Student's Handbook, Edinburgh
- ^ "Geez". Oxford English Dictionary (Online ed.). Oxford University Press. (Subscription or participating institution membership required.)
- ^ "Geez". Merriam-Webster.com Dictionary.
- ^ "Geez". Dictionary.com Unabridged (Online). n.d.
- ^ Lambdin 1978, p. 400: Ge‘z
- ^ Leslau 1989, p. 209: gəʽəz
- ^ Leslau 1987, p. 175: gəʿz
- ^ Cohen 1921, p. 217: il vaut mieux préciser en éthiopien classique ou employer le nom indigène ; celui-ci est ግእዝ፡, c’est-à-dire en prononciation restituée gə‘əz ou gə‘z, et gəəz dans la prononciation abyssine actuelle (it is worth it to be precise using Classical Ethiopic or the indigenous name, which is ግእዝ፡, that is (in reconstructed pronunciation) gə‘əz or gə‘z, and gəəz [i.e. IPA [ˈgɨʔɨz] with a glottal stop] in today's Abyssinian pronunciation)
- ^ Thompson, E. D. 1976. Languages of Northern Eritrea. In Bender, M. Lionel (ed.), The Non-Semitic Languages of Ethiopia, 597–603. East Lansing, Michigan: African Studies Center, Michigan State University.
- ISBN 978-0-8108-7505-0.
- ISBN 978-3-406-47596-2.
- ^ Amsalu Aklilu, Kuraz Publishing Agency, ጥሩ የአማርኛ ድርሰት እንዴት ያለ ነው! p. 42
- ^ Gragg 1997a, p. 177: "/ä/ is low central front, higher and more forward than /a/, secondarily perhaps also shorter; approximates IPA [æ]."
- ^ Lambdin 1978, p. 3: "a [æ, ä]"
- ^ Lambdin 1978, p. 3: "ā [a, ɑ]"
- ^ Gragg 1997a, pp. 177–178.
- ^ a b Gragg 1997b, p. 246.
- ^ Lambdin 1978, p. 2.
- ^ Gragg 1997b, p. 244.
- ^ Gragg 1997b, p. 245.
- .
- ^ Mittwoch 1926, as used by Tropper 2021, § 3.5, and largely identical to Lambdin 1978, pp. 5, 29, 36, 40, 57, 97
- ^ Dillmann 1899, as cited by Tropper 2021, § 3.5.2 in footnotes 45–46
- ^ Lambdin 1978, p. 26.
- ^ Lambdin 1978, p. 21.
- ^ Tropper 2021, § 4.1.2.2.
- ^ Lambdin 1978, p. 40.
- ^ a b c Gragg 1997b, p. 248.
- ^ a b Gragg 2008, p. 440.
- ^ Tropper 2021, § 4.1.1.
- ^ Lambdin 1978, p. 29.
- ^ Lambdin 1978, p. 41: "Plural noun. All plural nouns have a suffix -i- added to the stem before the pronominal suffixes. [...] There are no distinct accusative forms."
- ^ Tropper 2021, § 4.1.2.
- ^ Lambdin 1978, pp. 40–41.
- ^ a b Tropper 2021, § 4.1.2.1.
- ^ Lambdin 1978, p. 23.
- ^ Lambdin 1978, p. 44.
- ^ Lambdin 1978, p. 45.
- ^ Lambdin 1978, p. 16.
- ^ Gragg 1997b, p. 257.
- ^ Pankhurst 1968, pp. 666f; cf. the EOTC's own account at its official website. "Church Teachings". Retrieved from the Internet Archive on March 12, 2014.
- ^ a b "Ethiopic Language in the International Standard Bible Encyclopedia". International Standard Bible Encyclopedia Online.
- JSTOR 25639482.
- ^ a b Gragg 2008, p. 428.
- ^ Stuart 1991, p. 57.
- ^ Weninger, Stefan, "Geʽez" in Encyclopaedia Aethiopica: D-Ha, p.732.
- ^ a b c Gragg 2008, p. 430.
- ^ Edward Ullendorff, "The Obelisk of Matara", Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, No. 1/2 (April, 1951), pp. 26–32
- ^ A conservator at work on the Garima Gospels (2010-07-14). ""Discovery of earliest illustrated manuscript," Martin Bailey, June 2010". Theartnewspaper.com. Retrieved 2012-07-11.
- ^ "The Arts Newspaper June 2010 – Abuna Garima Gospels". Ethiopianheritagefund.org. Archived from the original on 2012-05-01. Retrieved 2012-07-11.
- ^ Budge 1928, pp. 566f..
- ^ Budge 1928, p. 574.
- ^ Pankhurst 2003.
- ISBN 978-0-521-52662-3), p. 119
- ISBN 978-0-8146-6161-1), p. 13
- ISBN 978-1-59333-391-1), p. 533
- ISBN 978-1-85065-393-6), p. 127
- ISBN 978-90-04-11695-5), p. 158
- ^ David H. Shinn, Thomas P. Ofcansky (editors), Historical Dictionary of Ethiopia (Scarecrow Press 2013), p. 93
- ISBN 978-3-447-05175-0), p. 171
Bibliography
External history
- ISBN 978-1-315-76272-2. (republished 1970)
- Chain, M. (1909). "Ethiopia". The Catholic Encyclopedia. Vol. V. New York: Robert Appleton Company. Archived from the original on 2007-02-06.
- Stuart, Munro-Hay (1991). Aksum: An African Civilization of Late Antiquity (PDF). Edinburgh: University Press. ISBN 978-0-7486-0106-6.
- Pankhurst, Richard K. P. (1968). An Economic History of Ethiopia, 1800–1935. Addis Ababa: Haile Selassie I University Press.
- Pankhurst, Richard K. P. (2003-11-14). "Abba 'Enbaqom, Imam Ahmad Ibn Ibrahim, and the "Conquest of Abyssinia"". Addis Tribune. Archived from the original on 2007-12-09. Retrieved 2022-12-19.
- Perruchon, J. D.; Gottheil, Richard (1901–1906). "Falashas". The Jewish Encyclopedia. Archived from the original on 2018-08-14.
Phonology and grammar
- Chaîne, Marius, Grammaire éthiopienne. Beyrouth (Beirut): Imprimerie catholique 1907, 1938 (Nouvelle édition). (electronic version at the Internet Archive)
- Gallica digital library of the Bibliothèque nationale de France, PDF)
- Dillmann, August (1899). Grammatik der äthiopischen Sprache (2nd ed.). Leipzig: B. Tauchnitz.
- ISBN 978-1-59244-145-7 (2003 reprint). (Published in German: ¹1857, ²1899). (Online version at the Internet Archive)
- Gragg, Gene (1997a). "Ge'ez Phonology". In Kaye, Alan (ed.). Phonologies of Asia and Africa. Vol. 1. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns. pp. 169–186. ISBN 1-57506-017-5.
- Gragg, Gene (1997b). "Ge'ez (Ethiopic)". In Hetzron, Robert (ed.). The Semitic Languages. London & New York: Routledge. pp. 242–260. ISBN 0-415-05767-1.
- Gragg, Gene (2008). "Ge'ez". In Woodard, Roger (ed.). The Cambridge Encyclopedia of the World's Ancient Languages. Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, São Paulo: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-56256-0.
- Kidanä Wäld Kəfle, Maṣḥafa sawāsəw wagəss wamazgaba ḳālāt ḥaddis ("A new grammar and dictionary"), Dire Dawa: Artistik Matämiya Bet 1955/6 (E.C. 1948).
- ISBN 978-0-89130-263-6.
- Mercer, Samuel Alfred Browne, "Ethiopic grammar: with chrestomathy and glossary" 1920 (Online version at the Internet Archive)
- Mittwoch, Eugen (1926). Die traditionelle Aussprache des äthiopischen. Abessinische Studien. Vol. 1. Berlin & Leipzig: Walter de Gruyter & Co.
- Praetorius, Franz, Äthiopische Grammatik, Karlsruhe: Reuther 1886.
- Prochazka, Stephan, Altäthiopische Studiengrammatik, Orbis Biblicus Et Orientalis – Subsidia Linguistica (OBO SL) 2, Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht Verlag 2005. ISBN 978-3-525-26409-6.
- Tropper, Josef, Altäthiopisch: Grammatik der Geʽez mit Übungstexten und Glossar, Elementa Linguarum Orientis (ELO) 2, Münster: Ugarit-Verlag 2002. ISBN 978-3-934628-29-8
- Tropper, Josef (2021). Classical Ethiopic: A Grammar of Gǝˁǝz. Translated by Hasselbach-Andee, Rebecca. University Park: The Pennsylvania State University Press. ISBN 978-1-57506-841-1.
- Weninger, Stefan, Geʽez grammar, Munich: LINCOM Europa, ISBN 978-3-89586-604-3(2nd revised edition, 1999).
- Weninger, Stefan, Das Verbalsystem des Altäthiopischen: Eine Untersuchung seiner Verwendung und Funktion unter Berücksichtigung des Interferenzproblems, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz 2001. ISBN 978-3-447-04484-4.
- Zerezghi Haile, Learn Basic Geez Grammar (2015) for Tigrinya readers available at: https://uwontario.academia.edu/WedGdmhra
Literature
- Adera, Taddesse, Ali Jimale Ahmed (eds.), Silence Is Not Golden: A Critical Anthology of Ethiopian Literature, Red Sea Press (1995), ISBN 978-0-932415-47-9.
- Bonk, Jon, Annotated and Classified Bibliography of English Literature Pertaining to the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, Atla Bibliography Series, Scarecrow Pr (1984), ISBN 978-0-8108-1710-4.
- Charles, Robert Henry, The Ethiopic version of the book of Enoch. Oxford 1906. (Online version at the Internet Archive)
- Dillmann, August, Chrestomathia Aethiopica. Leipzig 1866. (Online version at the Internet Archive)
- Dillmann, August, Octateuchus Aethiopicus. Leipzig 1853. (The first eight books of the Bible in Geʽez. Online version)
- Dillmann, August, Anthologia Aethiopica, Herausgegeben und mit einem Nachwort versehen von Ernst Hammerschmidt. Hildesheim: Olms Verlag 1988, ISBN 978-3-487-07943-1.
- The Royal Chronicles of Baeda Maryam – French translation and edition of the Geʽez text Paris 1893 (electronic versionin Gallica digital library of the Bibliothèque nationale de France)
- Ethiopic recension of the Chronicle of John of Nikiû – Paris 1883 (electronic version) in Gallica
Dictionaries
- Dillmann, August, Lexicon linguæ Æthiopicæ cum indice Latino, Lipsiae 1865. (Online version at the Internet Archive; digitized and searchable at the Beta Maṣāḥəft project)
- ISBN 978-3-447-02592-8.
- ISBN 978-3-447-02873-8.
External links
- Fonts for Geʽez script:
- Noto Sans Ethiopic – (multiple weights and widths)
- Noto Serif Ethiopic – (multiple weights and widths)
- Abyssinica SIL (Character set support Archived 2021-12-01 at the Wayback Machine)
- J. M. Harden, An Introduction to Ethiopic Christian Literature (1926)
- Researcher identifies second-oldest Ethiopian manuscript in existence in HMML's archives Archived 2019-03-11 at the Wayback Machine (13 July 2010)
- Library of Ethiopian Texts