German occupation of Luxembourg during World War II

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The German occupation of Luxembourg in

Netherlands. Luxembourg was initially placed under a military administration, but later became a civilly administrated territory and finally was annexed directly into Germany. The Germans believed Luxembourg to be a Germanic state, and attempted to suppress what they perceived as alien French language and cultural influences. Although some Luxembourgers joined the resistance or collaborated with the Germans, both constituted a minority of the population. As German nationals, from 1942, many Luxembourgers were conscripted into the German military. Nearly 3,500 Luxembourgish Jews were murdered during the Holocaust. The liberation of the country by the Allies began in September 1944, but due to the Ardennes Offensive
it was not completed until early 1945.

Eve of the invasion

Map of Luxembourg

The outbreak of World War II on 1 September 1939 put Luxembourg's government in a delicate situation. On the one hand, the population's sympathy lay with Belgium and France; on the other hand, due to the country's policy of

Corps des Gendarmes et Volontaires
, Luxembourg did not possess an army, due to the treaty's restrictions.

After several false alarms in the spring of 1940, the probability of a military conflict between Germany and France grew. Germany stopped the export of

Luxembourgish steel industry
.

Invasion

Main article: German invasion of Luxembourg

The steel doors of the Schuster Line were ordered closed on 10 May 1940 at 03:15, following movements of German troops on the east side of the border rivers

Mosel. In the meantime, German special forces dressed as civilians and supported by Germans living in Luxembourg - the so-called Stoßtrupp Lützelburg - tried to sabotage radio broadcasting and the barricades along the German-Luxembourgish border but their attempt failed. The Royal Family was evacuated from its residence in Colmar-Berg to the Grand Ducal palace in Luxembourg City
.

The German invasion, made up of the

canton of Esch-sur-Alzette
as a consequence of the advance. 47,000 fled to France, 45,000 fled into the central and northern part of Luxembourg.

Grand Duchess Charlotte and the government of prime minister Pierre Dupong fled to France, Portugal and the United Kingdom, before finally settling in Canada for the duration of the war. Charlotte, exiled in London, became an important symbol of national unity. Her eldest son and heir, Jean, volunteered for the British Army in 1942. The only official representative left behind was Albert Wehrer [de], head of a governmental commission, as well as the 41 members of the Chamber of Deputies.

Governance

Military administration

Main article: Military Administration of Luxembourg
Heinrich Himmler visiting Luxembourg in July 1940

Early on 10 May 1940, the German diplomat Von Radowitz handed the general secretary of the Luxembourgish government a memorandum from the German government, stating that Germany had no intention of changing the territorial integrity or political independence of the Grand Duchy. The following day, a military administration for Luxembourg was set up. Luxembourgish interests were represented by a governmental commission under Albert Wehrer, which consisted of senior civil servants and had been legitimated by the Chamber of Deputies. There was a good relationship between this commission and the military authorities, as Colonel Schumacher showed a broad-minded attitude towards the country's problems and a willingness to solve these in consultation with the government commission.[3]

On 13 July 1940, the Volksdeutsche Bewegung (VdB) was founded in Luxembourg City under the leadership of Damian Kratzenberg, a German teacher at the Athénée de Luxembourg.[4] Its main goal was to push the population towards a German-friendly position by means of propaganda, and it was this organisation that used the phrase Heim ins Reich.

Several Deputies and high-ranking civil servants were of the opinion that Luxembourg could retain a measure of autonomy under the military administration, as had occurred in World War I, and attempts were made to come to some sort of arrangement with Germany. However, it was soon made clear by the authorities in Berlin that Luxembourg's fate would be very different this time. The Nazis considered the Luxembourgish people as just another Germanic ethnic group and the Grand Duchy a German territory. The military authorities were withdrawn from Luxembourg by 31 July 1940, to be replaced by a civil administration under Gustav Simon.[3]

Civil administration and annexation

Main articles:
Civil Administration Area of Luxembourg and Gau Moselland

Chef der Zivilverwaltung (CdZ; "Chief of the Civil Administration") by the Oberkommando des Heeres on 21 July 1940.[3] Luxembourg was then included into the CdZ-Gebiet Luxemburg on 29 July. While initially subordinate to the military commands in Belgium and northern France, Simon was confirmed in his appointment on 2 August by Adolf Hitler himself, indicating that he reported directly to the Führer and no one else. This granted him a wide degree of autonomy with regards to the military and civil authorities of Nazi Germany.[3]

Simon, who was also the

Third Reich. His objective was "to win Luxembourg back over to the German nation as soon as possible."[3] He was convinced that Luxembourgers only needed a level of education and enlightenment in order to voluntarily declare their loyalty to Germany.[3] He deduced this from his belief that they were, in fact, German "by blood and by descent".[3] To the Gauleiter, Luxembourgish independence was an "absurd idea," which existed only because the monarchy and government had nurtured it: if the Luxembourgers were shown evidence of their belonging to the German nation, the will to be independent must disappear.[3]

Life in occupied Luxembourg

The general public were slow to react at first, still feeling shock from the invasion of 1914–1918. Furthermore, the royal family and the government had silently fled into exile. The majority of the population kept their heads low to avoid any conflict with the authorities; others participated in acts of passive resistance.

Germanification

The administration of Simon arrived in Luxembourg fully persuaded that the "German-ness" of the Luxembourgers merely lay under a thin external layer of French influence. This in turn meant that, with a bit of determined "unraveling" by his administration, the German character of the population would essentially reveal itself.[3]

Simon had two clear goals:

  • The Nazification and Germanisation of Luxembourg, i.e., the extinction of everything that was not of German source, like French names and words of French origin or a French way of life
  • The destruction and dismemberment of the Luxembourgish state institutions, and the country's incorporation into the Third Reich

His very first series of decrees made this policy very clear:

A massive propaganda campaign was launched to influence the population, while not only dissidents and critics but also teachers, officials and leading business figures were threatened with losing their jobs unless they joined Nazi organisations, which led to much increased recruitment from all professions. A central registry documented the personal opinion regarding the Nazi regime of almost every citizen. People who were openly opposed to the regime lost their jobs or were deported, mainly to eastern Germany and in the worst cases sent to the death camps where many of them were murdered.

The occupation authorities attempted to cover Luxembourg with a net of political, social and cultural organisations, such as also existed in Germany, including the

Deutsche Arbeitsfront.[5]

Catholic Church

The

Catholic Church in Luxembourg was relatively silent during the war, and took no public stance regarding the fate of the Jews or the Nazi regime. On the one hand, the Bishop, Joseph Laurent Philippe, was bedridden due to illness, and was therefore in no state to provide active opposition. On the other hand, the Bishop did not want to further antagonise the occupiers and endanger the already precarious religious life of the Church, which was heavily restricted during wartime. Bishop Philippe did, however, refuse to meet with the Nazi leadership, and made preparations in case his post should fall vacant.[6]

The Church saw its very existence threatened as it was pushed out of public life by the anti-religious policies of the Nazis: public religious events such as the Octave celebration or the dancing procession were banned, Christian organisations were dissolved, religious education in schools was abolished, and a ban on the religious orders was put in place.[4][6]

At the same time, the diocese administration remained one of very few Luxembourgish institutions that stayed intact during the war, although this was in doubt for a while, and a deportation of the Bishop was considered by the occupation authorities.[6] Plans were made to deport him to Vichy France, though this failed due to the objections of the German ambassador in Paris and of the Sicherheitsdient headquarters in Berlin.[7]: 489 

The Bishop's primary concern was to maintain pastoral care. In order to preserve this, he was prepared to give way on individual points. Thus, he made no official protest against the measures of the

Zivilverwaltung, and tried to keep members of the clergy from "ill-considered" actions.[7]
: 489 

Many priests felt differently from the Bishop and used their influence on their congregations to strengthen their patriotic feelings, and protested against the occupation or became active in the Resistance.[7]: 489  In the course of the war, out of 446 Catholic priests in Luxembourg, 58 were arrested, 16 imprisoned in Dachau and 7 were killed there.[7]: 489  Another 18 clerics were deported to Vichy France.[7]: 489 

Economy

Luxembourg's economy was dominated by heavy industry, especially mining and the steel industry. For its raw materials, and to sell its finished products it depended on the overseas market. Economically it could only survive by adhering to a wider economic area. In the 19th century it had been part of the

German customs union. After World War I, under Allied pressure, it re-oriented itself towards the West. German capital and companies — heavily present in the steel industry until then — left the country, and Luxembourg joined the Belgium–Luxembourg Economic Union (UEBL).[8]
: 393 

In the 1920s, Germany once again became Luxembourg's second-biggest economic partner, far ahead of France or Britain. As Germany was a large buyer of its heavy industry products, and provided 90% of Luxembourg's coal needs, the smaller country was dependent on Germany and susceptible to its pressures or threats.[8]: 393f 

As soon as the country was occupied, German heavy industry declared its interest in the Luxembourgish iron/steel mills. They let their wishes be known in Berlin and staked their claims. The Vereinigte Stahlwerke requested to take over Hadir; both the Reichswerke and Hoesch AG wanted to take over ARBED.

On 15 August 1940 the German currency and customers border was extended, so that Luxembourg was brought into the German economic area and its economic union with Belgium dissolved.[8]: 399  On 29 January 1941 the Reichsmark became the only legal payment method, and the Cdz ordered all Luxembourgish curency to be handed in. The most important of the German tax laws were gradually rolled out in Luxembourg.

Resistance

Main article: Luxembourg Resistance

The Luxembourgish resistance was carried out by only a small fraction of the population. Its formation was spontaneous and slow at first. The first groups were formed from autumn 1940 to summer 1941.

national socialist tendencies. Some of the latter category also were at the same time opposed to the Soviet Union and "Bolshevism", hoping that the generals of the Wehrmacht would defeat Joseph Stalin and the Red Army, while at the same time hiding Jews and anti-Nazi clergy mixed together in their farms. The Luxembourg Resistance was joined by the Communist Party of Luxembourg only after the invasion of the USSR
in June 1941.

The activities of the Resistance were largely directed towards undermining the German monopoly on information, and providing moral support to the population, by spreading counter-propaganda by word-of-mouth, leaflets, posters and later whole newspapers. Additionally, the Resistance helped Allied POWs and shot-down pilots, "deserters" from the Wehrmacht and other endangered Luxembourgers to cross the borders into Belgium or France. The introduction of forced labour and conscription into the Wehrmacht added to the Resistance's tasks: a large number of youths who refused to serve in the German armed forces now had to be hidden around the country and kept safe and fed, or helped to escape abroad. Collections of food and money were also made to help the families of those who were arrested, deported, or fired from their jobs. An increasingly important part of the Resistance's activities was to provide military, political and economic intelligence to the Allies. While some acts of sabotage did take place, they were rare and were seen as too risky in a small country with no remote areas to which they could withdraw. For similar reasons, armed combat by the Resistance against the occupiers was rare. Finally, many of the movements made contact with the government-in-exile, the Allies, and the French and Belgian resistance movements, with about 400 men joining the armed resistance in France.[3] Additionally around 300 men from Luxembourg left their country to fight in the Ardennes section of the Witte Brigade, where they formed the so-called Red Lion Brigade.[9]

Several well-known Catholic and Communist households, and many parishes and priories, also kept a number of Jewish Luxembourgish civilians and foreign Jews hidden and safe.

Passive resistance

Luxembourgers serving in the German army as Luftwaffenhelfer
See also: 1942 Luxembourgish general strike

Non-violent passive resistance was widespread in Luxembourg during the period. From August 1940, the Spéngelskrich (the "War of Pins") took place as Luxembourgers wore patriotic pin-badges (depicting the national colours or the Grand duchess), precipitating attacks from the VdB.[10]

In October 1941, the German occupiers took a survey of Luxembourgish civilians who were asked to state their nationality, their mother tongue and their racial group, but contrary to German expectations, 95% answered "Luxembourgish" to each question.[11] The refusal to declare themselves as German citizens led to mass arrests.

Conscription was particularly unpopular. On 31 August 1942, shortly after the announcement that conscription would be extended to all men born between 1920 and 1927, a strike began in the northern town of Wiltz.[4] The strike spread rapidly, paralysing the factories and industries of Luxembourg.[12] The strike was quickly repressed and its leaders arrested. 20 were summarily tried before a special tribunal (in German, a "Standgericht") and executed by firing squad at nearby Hinzert concentration camp.[4] Nevertheless, protests against conscription continued and 3,500 Luxembourgers would desert the German army after being conscripted.[13]

Collaboration

Main article: Luxembourgish collaboration with Nazi Germany

Collaboration with the Nazi occupation is an aspect less often talked about in Luxembourg. Studies have shown that collaboration was a phenomenon in all layers of society. There was, however, an over-representation of civil servants among the collaborators.[14] On average, the collaborators were younger than the general population.[14] In early September 1944, approximately 10,000 people left Luxembourg with the German civil administration: it is generally assumed that this consisted of 3,500 collaborators and their families.[14]
In 1945, 5,101 Luxembourgers, including 2,857 men and 2,244 women were in prison for political activities, constituting 1.79% of the population. Twelve collaborators were sentenced to death and were shot in Reckenthal in Luxembourg City. 249 were sentenced to forced labour, 1366 were sentenced to prison and 645 were sent to workhouses.

Repression

Faced with opposition from the general public the regime took brutal measures against any form of resistance. After the general strike of 1942, Gustav Simon proclaimed a state of emergency and introduced the German Standgerichte. Thousands were arrested and tortured. Hundreds were murdered in the concentration camps. Whole families were deported to eastern Germany and replaced by German families, mainly from South-Tyrol and Eastern Europe. The headquarters of the Gestapo, the Villa Pauly, became the symbol of this terror.[citation needed]

In August 1940, the Gestapo had established its headquarters in the Villa Pauly in Luxembourg City, with field offices in the Villa Seligmann in Esch and the Villa Conter in Diekirch.[3]

On 9 September 1942, the Gauleiter announced a "Resettlement operation for Luxembourg. From then until 1944, more than 1,410 families (4,200 individuals) were resettled to the East, the Sudetenland and Upper Silesia. Their property was stolen and they were to be educated into becoming "good Germans", being forbidden from returning to Luxembourg. From 1943, in addition to families deported for political reasons, the Germans started resettling families whose sons evaded conscription into the Wehrmacht or who had deserted from their units. Out of these resettled people, 73 died in the camps, including 9 children, mostly due to malnutrition and the lack of medical facilities.[3]

Culture and arts

After a short period of boycott, from 1941 cinemas became a place to escape and forget everyday life, in this generally dark period for the country. Alongside the increadingly tough repression of the German apparatus from 1941/42, the public's passion for cinema increased. In a time of war, occupation and repression, cinema was one of few means of distraction available to the wider public.[15]

Audiences eagerly consumed comedies, love films, high-spectacle productions and musical films. Aside from numerous reactions of disapproval in cinemas when films of explicit propaganda or the news were shown, the Luxembourg public's hostility towards Nazi German and the occupation manifested itself in other domains of social, cultural and political life (boycotting official events, the census of 10 October 1941, strike of 31 August 1942). But unlike most events organised by the occupiers (plays, concerts, public lectures), cinema was not seen as explicitly Nazi, despite most of the films being from Germany, and watching German entertainment films was not seen as expressing support for the occupiers.[15]

The Luxembourgish public were generally hostile towards films whose Nazi propaganda message was too conspicuous. Films such as Ohm Krüger, Cadets, or Sieg im Westen were intended to praise the German spirit, glorify heroic deaths, stigmatise Germany's enemies, appeal to unconditional submission to Nazi Germany and convince Luxembourgers that their destiny lay in the German fold; these films were accompanied by aggressive advertising. In spite of this, they were rejected by most Luxembourgish cinema-goers, and German propaganda cinema did not succeed in putting a stop to the Luxembourgish public's pro-American and pro-British sympathies.[15]

Yet at the same time, the public's majority anti-German attitude did not prevent it from becoming infatuated with a certain number of film productions that were fiercely conservative, if not explicitly Nazi. In Luxembourg, even among the fiercest opponents of the occupation, some were characterised by ideological convictions that were aggressively conservative, in some cases reactionary and authoritarian. This may explain the (relative) success of films such as the antisemitic Jud Süß, or Die goldene Stadt, a melodrama with racist undertones celebrating Germanic virtues and imbued with the "blood and soul" ideology.[15]

The Holocaust

Main article: The Holocaust in Luxembourg

Before the invasion, 3,900 Jews lived in Luxembourg, many of them refugees from Germany and Austria.[3] On the night of 10 May 1940, about 1,600 of them left the country.[3] After Simon introduced the Nuremberg Laws, life became unbearable for the Jewish population. Their shops, possessions and money were confiscated and all Jewish employees were fired. They were not allowed inside public buildings or to keep pets. Up until 15 October 1941, a further 1,500 Jews left the country on the orders of the authorities.[3] The Gestapo accompanied them to France and Spain but, since they were rejected there, they went on an endless odyssey.

On 23 August 1941, a

Auschwitz.[3][17]

On 17 June 1943, Gustav Simon announced Luxembourg to be Judenfrei. From the 683 deported, only 43 survived.

Liberation

Civilians in Wiltz flying the flag of Luxembourg during the town's liberation by U.S. forces

Luxembourg was liberated by Allied forces in September 1944, specifically U.S. Army Combat Command A (CCA),

V3
), but the Germans did not retake the city.

Casualties and damage

In total, 5,700 Luxembourgish citizens died during World War II, which corresponds to 2% of the population of 1940, the highest such loss in Western Europe.[3] Additionally, 18,658 buildings were destroyed or heavily damaged, counting for 1/3 of all buildings in Luxembourg (affecting 39% the population).[19] These numbers put into perspective how high the losses of Luxembourg actually were during World War II. (Most of the damages occurred during the Battle of the Bulge.)

Legacy

The government-in-exile in 1941 declared all measures by the German occupiers to be null and void, which it re-affirmed in 1944. However, it also stated that "[n]ot all is bad in the German system, we would do well to conserve some of the institutions that they have introduced."[18] Hence, when the exiled government returned, it retained certain German regulations and dispositions in the areas of employment law, tax law and social legislation.[18]

After the war the organisation "Ons Jongen" ("Our Boys") was formed to represent Luxembourgish conscripts into the Wehrmacht. The 10,000 affected young men and their families constituted a significant force in a country of around 300,000 inhabitants; they lobbied both the Luxembourgish government and the Federal Republic of Germany; later, they were represented by the "Federation of Victims of Nazism Forcibly Conscripted". Apart from lobbying, the organisation also undertook commemorative work. It almost certainly contributed to slowing the normalisation of Germano-Luxembourgish relations.[20]

The Centre for Documentation and Research on the Resistance and the Centre for Documentation and Research on forced Conscription were founded in 2002 and 2005, respectively, to conduct research on the period of German occupation. They are funded by the government.

The German occupation period features in the following drama films: Déi zwéi vum Bierg (1985),

Der neunte Tag
(2004), Réfractaire (2009), and Emil (2010); it is also the subject of the 2004 documentary Heim ins Reich.

Several street names in the capital city are named after World War II events in Luxembourg, or pay tribute to Allied military or political leaders in the war, especially those that had a hand in the liberation of Luxembourg:

  • Allée des Résistants et des Déportés
  • Avenue Charles-de-Gaulle
  • Avenue du Dix-Septembre
  • Boulevard d'Avranches
  • Boulevard Franklin-D.-Roosevelt[21]
  • Boulevard Général-George-S.-Patton
  • Rue de la Grève
  • Place des Martyrs
  • Rue du Plébiscite[22]
  • Rue General-Major-Lunsford-E.-Oliver
  • Rue George-C.-Marshall

See also

Footnotes

  1. ^ "German Occupation of Luxembourg in World War II (May 10, 1940)". 13 June 2013.
  2. ^ Horne, Alistair, To Lose a Battle, p. 258-264
  3. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u Dostert, Paul. "Luxemburg unter deutscher Besatzung 1940-45: Die Bevölkerung eines kleinen Landes zwischen Kollaboration und Widerstand". Zug der Erinnerung (in German).
  4. ^ a b c d e f g "Heim ins Reich: La 2e guerre mondiale au Luxembourg - quelques points de repère". Centre national de l'audiovisuel. Archived from the original on 10 June 2007.
  5. ^ Majerus, Benoît (2002). "Kollaboration in Luxemburg: die falsche Frage?". ... et wor alles net esou einfach. Fragen an die Geschichte Luxemburgs im Zweiten Weltkrieg. Ein Lesebuch zur Ausstellung (PDF). Publications scientifiques du Musée d’Histoire de la Ville de Luxembourg. Vol. X. Luxembourg. pp. 126–140.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  6. ^ a b c Hellinghausen, Georges. "Joseph Philippe (1935-1956)". Église Catholique à Luxembourg / Katholische Kirche in Luxemburg.
  7. ^ a b c d e Dostert, Paul (1 July 2014). "Die christlichen Kirchen in Luxemburg während des Zweiten Weltkrieges". Hémecht (in German). 66 (3/4): 487ff.
  8. ^ a b c Krier, Emile (1 July 1987). "Die Luxemburger Wirtschaft im Zweiten Weltkrieg". Hémecht (in German). 39 (3): 393ff.
  9. ^ Geschichte Luxemburgs im Zweiten Weltkrieg, Paul Weber 1946 p. 121
  10. ISBN 978-1-61149-398-6
    .
  11. ISBN 978-2-87999-212-9. Archived from the original
    (PDF) on 3 March 2016. Retrieved 7 May 2014.
  12. ^ "Commémoration à l'occasion du 60e anniversaire de la grève générale du 31 août 1942". Government.lu. 31 August 2002. Archived from the original on 12 May 2013. Retrieved 11 May 2013.
  13. ^ "Luxembourg Volunteers in the German Wehrmacht in WWII". Feldgrau. Retrieved 11 May 2013.
  14. ^ a b c Majerus, Benoît (2002), "...et wor alles net esou einfach - Questions sur le Luxembourg et la Deuxième Guerre mondiale", Kollaboration in Luxemburg: die falsche Frage?, vol. X, Luxembourg: Musée d'Histoire de la Ville de Luxembourg, pp. 126–140
  15. ^ a b c d Lesch, Paul (2002). "Les Luxembourgeois et le cinéma allemand au cours de l'Occupation" (PDF). Ons Stad (in French) (71): 33.
  16. ^ Schoentgen, Marc (October 1997). "Juden in Luxemburg 1940-1945" (PDF). Forum (179): 17–19.
  17. ^ Clesse, René (2002). "Shoah in Luxemburg" (PDF). Ons Stad (71).
  18. ^ a b c d Krier, Émile (1997). "Luxemburg am Ende der Besatzungszeit und der Neuanfang". In Düwell, Kurt; Matheus, Michael (eds.). Kriegsende und Neubeginn: Westdeutschland und Luxemburg zwischen 1944 und 1947 (PDF). Geschichtliche Landeskunde. Vol. 46. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner.
  19. ^ Michel Pauly, Geschichte Luxemburgs p. 102
  20. ISBN 2-218-03855-2
    .
  21. ^ Henri, Beck; Baltzer, Bruno (1998). "Was bedeuten die Straßennamen der Stadt?" (PDF). Ons Stad. 57: 32.
  22. ^ Beck, Henri; Baltzer, Bruno (1993). "Was bedeuten die Straßennamen der Stadt?" (PDF). Ons Stad. 42: 29.

Further reading

External links