Gia Long
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Emperor Gia Long 嘉隆帝 | |||||||||||||||||||||
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Imperial City, Huế, Việt Nam | |||||||||||||||||||||
Burial | |||||||||||||||||||||
Spouse | Empress Thừa Thiên Empress Thuận Thiên More than 100 concubines | ||||||||||||||||||||
Issue | Nguyễn Phúc Cảnh Nguyễn Phúc Đảm 13 other sons and 18 daughters | ||||||||||||||||||||
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House | Nguyễn Phúc | ||||||||||||||||||||
Father | Nguyễn Phúc Luân | ||||||||||||||||||||
Mother | Nguyễn Thị Hoàn | ||||||||||||||||||||
Religion | Ruism |
Gia Long (Vietnamese: [zaː lawŋ] (North), [jaː lawŋ] (South); 8 February 1762 – 3 February 1820), born Nguyễn Phúc Ánh (阮福暎) or Nguyễn Ánh, was the founding emperor of the Nguyễn dynasty, the last dynasty of Vietnam. His dynasty would rule the unified territories that constitute modern-day Vietnam until 1945.
A nephew of the last
Gia Long's rule was noted for its
Early years
Born in
However, Thuan lost his position as lord of southern
Nguyễn Ánh was sheltered by a Catholic priest
In late 1777, the main part of the Tây Sơn army left Saigon to go north and attack the
Nhon returned to Saigon with high honor and concentrated his efforts on improving the Nguyễn navy. In 1780, in an attempt to strengthen his political status, Nguyễn Ánh proclaimed himself Nguyễn vương (Nguyễn king or Nguyễn ruler in Vietnamese)[29][30] with the support of Nhon's Dông Sơn Army. In 1781, Nguyễn Ánh sent further forces to prop up the Cambodian regime against Siamese armies who wanted to reassert their control.[13][27] Shortly thereafter, Nguyễn Ánh had Nhon brutally murdered. The reason remains unclear, but it was postulated that he did so because Nhon's fame and military success was overshadowing him.[13][27] At the time, Nhon had much, if not dominant power, behind the scenes. According to later Nguyễn dynasty chronicles, Nhon's powers included that of deciding who would receive the death penalty, and allocating budget expenditures. Nhon also refused to allocate money for royal spending. Nhon and his men were also reported to have acted in an abrasive and disrespectful manner to Nguyễn Ánh.[8]
The Tây Sơn brothers reportedly broke out in celebration upon hearing of Nhon's execution, as Nhon was the Nguyễn officer that they feared the most. Large parts of Nhon's supporters rebelled, weakening the Nguyễn army, and within a few months, the Tây Sơn had recaptured Saigon mainly on the back of naval barrages.
In October 1782, the tide shifted again, when forces led by
Pigneau and French assistance
Deflated by his situation, Nguyễn Ánh asked Pigneau to appeal for French aid, and allowed Pigneau to take his son Nguyễn Phúc Cảnh with him as a sign of good faith.[25][31][39] This came about after Nguyễn Ánh had considered enlisting English, Dutch, Portuguese and Spanish assistance.[40] Pigneau advised against Nguyễn Ánh's original plan to seek Dutch aid from Batavia, fearing that the support of the Protestant Dutch would hinder the advancement of Catholicism.[25] Pigneau left Vietnam in December,[31] arriving in Pondicherry, India in February 1785 with Nguyễn Ánh's royal seal. Nguyễn Ánh had authorized him to make concessions to France in return for military assistance.[41] The French administration in Pondicherry, led by acting governor Coutenceau des Algrains, was conservative in outlook and resolutely opposed intervention in southern Vietnam.[41][42] To compound the already complex situation, Pigneau was denounced by Spanish Franciscans in the Vatican, and he sought to transfer his political mandate to Portuguese forces. The Portuguese had earlier offered Nguyễn Ánh 56 ships to use against the Tây Sơn.[43]
In July 1786, after more than 12 months of fruitless lobbying in Pondicherry,
Meanwhile, the Royal Court of Siam in Bangkok,
Having consolidated their hold on southern Vietnam, the Tây Sơn decided to move north to unify the country. However, the withdrawal of troops from the
Consolidation of southern Vietnam
After more than a decade of conflict, Nguyễn Ánh had finally managed to gain control of Saigon for long enough to have time to start a permanent base in the area and prepare to build up for a decisive power struggle with the Tây Sơn. The area around Saigon, known as Gia Dinh, began to be referred to as its own region, because Nguyễn Ánh's presence was becoming entrenched, distinguishing and associating the area with a political base. Nguyễn Ánh's military was able to consolidate, and a civil service was reestablished.[60] According to the historian Keith Taylor, this was the first time that the southern third of Vietnam was integrated "as a region capable of participating successfully in war and politics among Vietnamese speakers", which could "compete for ascendancy with all the other places inhabited by speakers of the Vietnamese language".[60] A Council of High Officials consisting of military and civil officials was created in 1788, as was a tax collection system. In the same year, regulations were passed to force half the male population of Gia Dinh to serve as conscripts, and two years later, a system of military colonies was implemented to bolster the Nguyễn support base across all racial groups, including ethnic Khmers and Chinese.[61]
The French officers enlisted by Pigneau helped to train Nguyễn Ánh's armed forces and introduced Western technological expertise to the war effort. The navy was trained by Jean-Marie Dayot,[49] who supervised the construction of bronze-plated naval vessels.[58] Olivier de Puymanel was responsible for training the army and the construction of fortifications.[47][49][62] He introduced European infantry training, formations and tactics while also facilitating various methods of manufacturing and using European-style artillery, thereby making cannonry and projectiles a central part of the military.[58] Pigneau and other missionaries acted as business agents for Nguyễn Ánh, purchasing munitions and other military matériel.[44] Pigneau also served as an advisor and de facto foreign minister until his death in 1799.[62][63] Upon Pigneau's death,[47] Gia Long's funeral oration described the Frenchman as "the most illustrious foreigner ever to appear at the court of Cochinchina".[64] Pigneau was buried in the presence of the crown prince, all mandarins of the court, the royal bodyguard of 12,000 men and 40,000 mourners.[64][65]
Fortifications
Following the recapture of Saigon, Nguyễn Ánh consolidated his power base and prepared the destruction of the Tây Sơn. His enemies had regularly raided the south and looted the annual rice harvests, so Nguyễn Ánh was keen to strengthen his defence. One of Nguyễn Ánh's first actions was to ask the French officers to design and supervise the construction of a modern European-style citadel in Saigon. The citadel was designed by
Agricultural reform and economic growth
With the southern region secured, Nguyễn Ánh turned his attention to agricultural reforms.[71] Due to Tây Sơn naval raids on the rice crop via inland waterways, the area suffered chronic rice shortages.[72] Although the land was extremely fertile, the region was agriculturally underexploited, having been occupied by Vietnamese settlers only relatively recently. Furthermore, agricultural activities had also been significantly curtailed during the extended warfare with the Tây Sơn. Nguyễn Ánh's agricultural reforms were based around extending to the south a traditional form of agrarian expansion, the đồn điền, which roughly translates as "military settlement" or "military holding", the emphasis being on the military origin of this form of colonization. These were first used during the 15th-century reign of Lê Thánh Tông in the southward expansion of Vietnam. The central government supplied military units with agricultural tools and grain for nourishment and planting. The soldiers were then assigned land to defend, clear and cultivate, and had to pay some of their harvest as tax. In the past, a military presence was required because the land had been seized from the conquered indigenous population. Under Nguyễn Ánh's rule, pacification was not usually needed but the basic model remained intact. Settlers were granted fallow land, given agricultural equipment, work animals, and grain. After several years, they were required to pay grain tax. The program greatly reduced the amount of idle, uncultivated land. Large surpluses of grain, taxable by the state, soon resulted.[71]
By 1800, the increased agricultural productivity had allowed Nguyễn Ánh to support a sizeable army of more than 30,000 soldiers and a navy of more than 1,200 vessels. The surplus from the state granary was sold to European and Asian traders to facilitate the importation of raw materials for military purposes, in particular iron, bronze, and sulfur. The government also purchased caster sugar from local farmers and traded it for weapons from European manufacturers.[25] The food surplus allowed Nguyễn Ánh to engage in welfare initiatives that improved morale and loyalty among his subjects, thereby increasing his support base. The surplus grain was deposited in granaries built along the northward route out of Saigon, following the advance of the Nguyễn army into Tây Sơn territory. This allowed his troops to be fed from southern supplies, rather than eating from the areas that he was attempting to conquer or win over. Newly acquired regions were given tax exemptions, and surrendered Tây Sơn mandarins were appointed to equivalent positions with the same salaries in the Nguyễn administration.[25]
Nguyễn Ánh used his new
Most of the European-style vessels were built in the shipyard that Nguyễn Ánh had commissioned in Saigon. He took a deep personal interest in the naval program, directly supervising the work and spending several hours a day at the dockside. One witness noted "One principal tendency of his ambition is to naval science, as a proof of this he has been heard to say he would build ships of the line on the European plan."[73] By 1792, fifteen frigates were under construction, with a design that mixed Chinese and European specifications, equipped with 14 guns. The Vietnamese learned European naval architecture by dismantling an old European vessel into its components, so that Vietnamese shipbuilders could understand the separate facets of European shipbuilding, before reassembling it. They then applied their newfound knowledge to create replicas of the boats. Nguyễn Ánh studied naval carpentry techniques and was said to be adept at it, and learned navigational theory from the French books that Pigneau translated, particularly Denis Diderot and Jean le Rond d'Alembert's Encyclopédie. The Saigon shipyard was widely praised by European travelers.[73]
Despite his extensive reliance on French officers in matters of military technology, Nguyễn Ánh limited his inner military circle to loyal Vietnamese. The Frenchmen decried his refusal to take their tactical advice. Chaigneau reported that the Europeans continually urged Nguyễn Ánh to take the initiative and launch bold attacks against Tây Sơn installations. Nguyễn Ánh refused, preferring to proceed slowly, consolidating his gains in one area and strengthening his economic and military base, before attacking another.
Over time, Nguyễn Ánh gradually reduced the military role of his French allies on the battlefield.
Unification of Vietnam
In 1792, the middle and the most notable of the three
Nguyễn Ánh began by deploying his expanded and modernized naval fleet in raids against coastal Tây Sơn territory. His fleet left Saigon and sailed northward on an annual basis during June and July, carried by southwesterly winds. The naval offensives were reinforced by infantry campaigns. His fleet would then return south when the monsoon ended, on the back of northeasterly winds.[68] The large European wind-powered vessels gave the Nguyễn navy a commanding artillery advantage, as they had a superior range to the Tây Sơn cannons on the coast. Combined with traditional galleys and a crew that was highly regarded for its discipline, skill and bravery,[76] the European-style vessels in the Nguyễn fleet inflicted hundreds of losses against the Tây Sơn in 1792 and 1793.[76]In 1794, after a successful campaign in the Nha Trang region, Nguyễn Ánh ordered de Puymanel to build a citadel at
Heavy fighting occurred at the fortress of
Due to a Tây Sơn massacre of ethnic Chinese, the Nguyễn were subsequently supported by most ethnic Chinese against the Tây Sơn.[82] The Tây Sơn's downfall and defeat at the hands of Nguyễn Phúc Ánh was therefore due, at least in part, to the ethnic Chinese support given the Nguyễn.[83]
Rule
Gia Long's rule was noted for its strict Confucian orthodoxy.[84] Upon toppling the Tây Sơn, he repealed their reforms and reimposed classical Confucian education and civil service systems. He moved the capital from Hanoi in the north to Huế in central Vietnam to reflect the southward migration of the population over the preceding centuries. The Emperor built new fortresses and a palace in his new capital. Using French expertise, Gia Long modernized Vietnam's defensive capabilities and, in recognition of the assistance of his French friends, he permitted the activities of Catholic missionaries, something, however, which was less tolerated by his successors. Under Gia Long's rule, Vietnam strengthened its military dominance in Indochina, expelling Siam from Cambodia and turning it into a vassal state. Despite this, he was relatively isolationist in outlook towards European powers.
Renaming Vietnam
Gia Long decided to join the
However, Gia Long copied the Imperial Chinese system, basing it on the Chinese Confucian model and attempting to create a Vietnamese Imperial tributary system. In 1805, Gia Long used "Trung Quốc" (中國)[f], the very same word and characters used to refer to China, as a name for Vietnam.[88]
It was said "Hán di hữu hạn" (漢夷有限, "the Vietnamese and the barbarians must have clear borders"[g]) by the Gia Long Emperor (Nguyễn Phúc Ánh) when differentiating between Khmer and Vietnamese.[89] Minh Mạng implemented an acculturation integration policy directed at minority non-Vietnamese peoples.[90] Thanh nhân (清人 Qingren) was used to refer to ethnic Chinese by the Vietnamese while Vietnamese called themselves as Hán nhân (漢人 Hanren) in Vietnam during the 1800s under Nguyễn rule.[91]
Administrative structure
During the war era, Nguyễn Ánh had maintained an embryonic bureaucracy in an attempt to prove his leadership ability to the people. Due to the incessant warfare, military officers were generally the most prominent members of his inner circle.
Gia Long handled the northern and southern regions of Vietnam cautiously, not wanting them to be jarred by rapid centralization after centuries of national division.[92][94] Tonkin, with the administrative seat of its imperial military protector (quan tổng trấn) at Hanoi, had thirteen provinces (tổng trấn Bắc Thành), and in the Red River Delta, the old officials of the Le administration continued in office. In the south, Saigon was the capital of the four provinces of Cochinchina (tổng trấn Gia Định), as well as the seat of the military protector.[63][95] The citadels in the respective cities directly administered their military defense zones. This system allowed Gia Long to reward his leading supporters with highly powerful positions, giving them almost total autonomy in ordinary administrative and legal matters. This system persisted until 1831–32, when his son Minh Mạng centralized the national government.[95]
In his attempts to re-establish a stable administration after centuries of civil war, Gia Long was not regarded as being innovative, preferring the traditional administration framework.[93][96] When Gia Long unified the country, it was described by Charles Maybon as being chaotic: "The wheels of administration were warped or no longer existed; the cadres of officials were empty, the hierarchy destroyed; taxes were not being collected, lists of communal property had disappeared, proprietary titles were lost, fields abandoned; roads bridges and public granaries had not been maintained; work in the mines had ceased. The administration of justice had been interrupted, every province was a prey to pirates, and violation of law went unpunished, while even the law itself had become uncertain."[93]
Foreign military relations
During the 17th and 18th centuries, the Cambodian empire had been in decline and Vietnamese people migrated south into the
Napoleon's aims to conquer Vietnam as a base to threaten Company rule in India never materialized,[102] having been preoccupied by vast military ambitions on mainland Europe.[100] However, France remained the only European power with permanent spokesmen in Vietnam during his reign.[102]
Trade relations
Pigneau's aborted deal with France allowed Gia Long to keep his country closed to western trade.
Gia Long kept four French officers in his service after his coronation:
Domestic policies and capital works
Gia Long abolished all large landholding by princes, nobles, and high officials. He dismantled the 800-year-old practice of paying officials and rewarding or endowing nobles with a portion of the taxes from a village or a group thereof.[112] Existing highways were repaired, and new ones constructed, with the north–south road from Saigon to Lạng Sơn put under restoration.[113] He organized a postal service to operate along the highways and public storehouses were built to alleviate starvation in drought-affected years. Gia Long enacted monetary reform and implemented a more socialized agrarian policy.[113] However, the population growth far outstripped that of land clearing and cultivation.[114] There was little emphasis on innovation in agricultural technology, so the improvements in productivity were mainly derived from increasing the amount of cultivated farmland.[115]
Although the civil war was over, Gia Long decided to add to the two citadels that had been built under the supervision of French officers. Gia Long was convinced of their effectiveness and during his 18-year reign, a further 11 citadels were built throughout the country.
Social policy
In order to train and recruit government officials, Gia Long revived the Confucian court examinations that had been abolished by the Tây Sơn. In 1803, he founded the National Academy (Quốc Tử Giám) at Huế. Its objective was to educate the sons of mandarins and meritorious students in Confucian classical literature.[95] In 1804, Gia Long promulgated edicts establishing similar schools in the provinces, as well as guidelines to regulate their staff and curriculum. He appointed Directors of Education (quan đốc học) to oversee the provincial education system and the selection process for the entrance examinations to the National Academy, beginning in 1802. The Directors were assisted by Subordinate and Assistant Directors (phó đốc học or trợ-giáo). Gia Long explained to his court in 1814 that the goal was to create a cadre of classically educated, politically loyal administrators:[95]
The schools are where men of talent can be found. Wanting to follow the example of the former kings, I have established schools in order that learned and talented men will arise and the state may thus employ them.[95]
In 1807, Gia Long opened the first civil service examinations held under the Nguyễn dynasty, staged at regional level.[95] From then on, the training and selection process for the imperial bureaucracy was largely centered on examinations.[95] The curriculum for the examinations consisted of the Four Books and Five Classics,[95] which focused on Chinese history leading up to the Song dynasty, while regarding other knowledge as irrelevant.[119]
Gia Long promulgated a new legal code to replace the system that had existed since the
Now that Vietnam was unified, the center of gravity of the country moved further south, following centuries of southerly migration and conquest,
Gia Long tolerated the Catholic faith of his French allies and permitted unimpeded missionary activities out of respect to his benefactors.
In August 1802, Gia Long retaliated against the captured Tây Sơn leadership who had executed his family in the 1770s. The surviving members of the family and its leading generals and their families were executed.
Family and succession
Gia Long had many wives, but the most famous consorts are Empress Thừa Thiên, Empress Thuận Thiên, and Consort Lê Ngọc Bình. In 1780, during the war against the Tây Sơn, he married
As Crown Prince Nguyen Canh had died of
See also
Notes
- ^ a b When Nguyễn Ánh became Nguyễn lord in 1780, he dated the year of his accession as the 41st year of Cảnh Hưng (景興) the era of emperor Lê Hiển Tông.[2] When he became emperor in 1802 he chose Gia Long as his new era name.
- ^ Gia Long was referred to as Ong Chiang Su[34] (Thai: องเชียงสือ RTGS: Ong Chiang Sue[35]) and Chao Anam Kok (Thai: เจ้า อนัม ก๊ก RTGS: chao anam kok,[36] lit. "lord of Annam") in Siamese royal records; Ong Chiang Su derived from the Vietnamese word Ông thượng thư ("Sir chief of staff").[34][37] After he crowned the emperor, he was referred as Phrachao Wiatnam Ya Long (Thai: พระเจ้า เวียดนามยาลอง[35][36]).
- ^ Bangkok was referred to as Vọng Các (望閣) in Vietnamese royal records.
- ^ Rama I was referred to as Chất Tri (質知, "Chakri") in Vietnamese records.[48]
- ^ Maha Sura Singhanat was referred to as Sô Si (芻癡, "Surasi") in Vietnamese records.
- ^ Literal meaning: "central state". Please note "Trung Quốc" means China or Chinese in present day.
- ^ The Chinese character 漢 refers to Han Chinese. In this context, Gia Long uses it to refer to Vietnamese as well as Gia Long adopted many aspects of Qing culture and politics.
Citations
- ^ Trần Trọng Kim 1971, p. 107
- ^ a b Đặng Việt Thủy & Đặng Thành Trung 2008, p. 278
- ^ a b Trần Đức Anh Sơn (2004). Huế Triều Nguyễn một cái nhìn. Thuận Hóa Publishing House. p. 75.
- ^ Đặng Việt Thủy & Đặng Thành Trung 2008, p. 277
- ^ Phan Khoang (2001). Việt sử xứ Đàng Trong (in Vietnamese). Hanoi: Văn Học Publishing House. pp. 187–188.
- ^ Kim, p. 335.
- ^ Phan Thuận An (2005). Quần thể di tích Huế (in Vietnamese). Tre Publishing House. p. 112.
- ^ a b c d e Choi 2004, p. 26
- ^ a b Choi 2004, p. 25
- ^ Choi 2004, pp. 25–26
- ^ Hall 1981, p. 426
- ^ a b Hall 1981, p. 423
- ^ a b c d e f g Cady, p. 282.
- ^ a b Buttinger 1958, p. 266
- ^ Choi 2004, pp. 24–25
- ^ a b Thụy Khuê 2017, pp. 140–142
- ^ a b c d Mantienne 2003, p. 520
- ^ a b c d McLeod, p. 7.
- ^ a b Karnow, p. 75.
- ^ Tạ Chí Đại Trường 1973, p. 91
- ISBN 978-1-4772-6516-1.
- ^ McLeod 1991, p. 9
- ^ Buttinger 1958, p. 234
- ^ a b c d e f McLeod, p. 9.
- ^ Buttinger 1958, p. 233
- ^ a b c d e Hall 1981, p. 427
- ^ a b c d Buttinger 1958, p. 236
- ^ Dutton, p. 45.
- ^ Kim, p. 342.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i Hall 1981, p. 428
- ^ Choi 2004, pp. 26–27
- ^ Kim, p. 323.
- ^ a b c Tương quan Xiêm – Việt cuối thế kỷ 18 Archived 3 December 2018 at the Wayback Machine p. 60
- ^ a b ทิพากรวงศมหาโกษาธิบดี (ขำ บุนนาค), เจ้าพระยา. พระราชพงศาวดารกรุงรัตนโกสินทร์ รัชกาลที่ 3. กรุงเทพฯ : ไทยควอลิตี้บุ๊คส์ (2006), 2560, หน้า 168
- ^ a b เจ้าพระยาทิพากรวงศ์ (ขำ บุนนาค). "95. เจ้าอนัมก๊กได้เมืองญวนและตั้งตัวเป็นพระเจ้ากรุงเวียตนามยาลอง". พระราชพงศาวดารกรุงรัตนโกสินทร์ รัชกาลที่ 1.
- ^ a b c Tương quan Xiêm – Việt cuối thế kỉ XVIII
- ^ a b c Cady, p. 283.
- ^ a b c d e f g Karnow, p. 76.
- ^ Buttinger 1958, pp. 236, 266
- ^ a b Buttinger 1958, p. 236
- ^ a b c d e f g Hall 1981, p. 429
- ^ a b Buttinger 1958, p. 237
- ^ a b c d McLeod, p. 10.
- ^ a b c d Buttinger 1958, p. 238
- ^ a b c Buttinger 1958, p. 239
- ^ a b c d e f g Karnow, p. 77.
- ^ Trần Trọng Kim 1971, p. 108
- ^ a b c d e f g h Hall 1981, p. 430
- ^ Quốc sử quán triều Nguyễn 2007, p. 202
- ^ Tạ Chí Đại Trường 1973, pp. 180–181
- ^ a b c Trần Trọng Kim 1971, pp. 146–147
- ^ Dutton, p. 47.
- ^ เจ้าพระยาทิพากรวงศ์ (ขำ บุนนาค). "43. องเชียงสือหนีจากกรุงเทพฯ". พระราชพงศาวดารกรุงรัตนโกสินทร์ รัชกาลที่ 1.
- ^ a b Choi 2004, p. 27
- ^ Hall 1981, pp. 429–430
- ^ Buttinger 1958, pp. 239–240
- ^ a b c d e f g h McLeod, p. 11.
- ^ a b Mantienne 2003, p. 521
- ^ a b Choi 2004, p. 21
- ^ Choi 2004, pp. 21–22
- ^ a b c Cady, p. 284.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j Hall 1981, p. 431
- ^ a b c Buttinger 1958, p. 267
- ^ a b c d e Karnow, p. 78.
- ^ a b Mantienne 2003, p. 522
- ^ Mantienne 2003, p. 524
- ^ a b c d Mantienne 2003, p. 525
- ^ Mantienne 2003, p. 527
- ^ Choi 2004, p. 22
- ^ a b McLeod, p. 8.
- ^ a b c d e Mantienne 2003, p. 530
- ^ a b Mantienne 2003, p. 531
- ^ Choi 2004, pp. 22–23
- ^ Choi 2004, p. 23
- ^ a b c d Mantienne 2003, p. 532
- ^ Tarling, p. 245.
- University of Hawaii Press, 2005, 78-9).
- ^ Buttinger 1958, p. 241
- ^ Buttinger 1958, p. 270
- ^ McLeod, pp. 11–12.
- ^ Choi 2004, p. 35
- ^ Choi 2004, p. 74
- ^ a b Buttinger 1958, p. 240
- ^ a b Woodside, p. 120.
- ^ Trần Trọng Kim, Việt Nam sử lược, /Quyển II, Cận kim thời đại, Chương I
- ISBN 978-0-7391-7230-8.
- ^ Woodside, p. 18.
- ^ Choi 2004, p. 34
- ^ Choi 2004, p. 136
- ^ Choi 2004, p. 137
- ^ a b c d e f McLeod, p. 15.
- ^ a b c d e Hall 1981, p. 432
- ^ McLeod, p. 3.
- ^ a b c d e f g h McLeod, p. 16.
- ^ Buttinger 1958, p. 278
- ^ a b Cady, p. 266.
- ^ Hall 1981, pp. 432–433
- ^ a b c Hall 1981, p. 433
- ^ a b c d e f Hall 1981, p. 434
- ^ Buttinger 1958, p. 305
- ^ a b c d Buttinger 1958, p. 272
- ^ Buttinger 1958, pp. 270–271
- ^ Buttinger 1958, p. 271
- ^ Buttinger 1958, pp. 271–273
- ^ a b Buttinger 1958, p. 307
- ^ Buttinger 1958, p. 308
- ^ a b Buttinger 1958, p. 309
- ^ a b c d e f g Cady, p. 408.
- ^ a b c Buttinger 1958, p. 268
- ^ Hall 1981, p. 435
- ^ Buttinger 1958, p. 279
- ^ a b Buttinger 1958, p. 312
- ^ Buttinger 1958, p. 280
- ^ Buttinger 1958, pp. 281–282
- ^ Mantienne 2003, p. 526
- ^ Mantienne 2003, p. 528
- ^ Buttinger 1958, pp. 281, 316
- ^ a b c d McLeod, p. 17.
- ^ Buttinger 1958, p. 314
- ^ McLeod, p. 18.
- ^ La Boda 1994, p. 364
- ^ Woodside, pp. 126–130.
- ^ Buttinger 1958, pp. 241–311
- ^ Cady, p. 409.
- ^ Buttinger 1958, pp. 310–262
- ^ Buttinger 1958, p. 310
- ^ Buttinger 1958, pp. 235–266
- ^ Buttinger 1958, p. 265
- ^ a b Tôn Thất Bình (1997). Kể chuyện chín Chúa mười ba Vua triều Nguyễn (in Vietnamese). Da Nang: Đà Nẵng Publishing House. pp. 45–47.
- ^ Thi Long (1998). Nhà Nguyễn chín Chúa mười ba Vua (in Vietnamese). Da Nang: Đà Nẵng Publishing House. p. 85.
- ^ Buttinger 1958, p. 269
- ^ Duiker, p. 60
- ^ Kim, p. 416.
References
- OCLC 1004787980.
- Cady, John F. (1964). Southeast Asia: Its Historical Development. New York: McGraw Hill.
- Choi, Byung Wook (2004). Southern Vietnam Under the Reign of Minh Mạng (1820–1841): Central Policies and Local Response. SEAP Publications. OCLC 1004787980.
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