Gianni Agnelli

Source: Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.

Confindustria
In office
30 May 1974 – 23 July 1976
Preceded byRenato Lombardi
Succeeded byGuido Carli
Mayor of Villar Perosa
In office
6 May 1945 – 16 June 1980
Preceded byOffice established
Succeeded byAlberto Castagna
Personal details
Born(1921-03-12)12 March 1921
Industrialist

Giovanni "Gianni" Agnelli

GDP, 3.1% of its industrial workforce, and 16.5% of its industrial investment in research. He was the richest man in modern Italian history.[1]

Agnelli was regarded as having an impeccable and slightly eccentric fashion sense,[2] which has influenced both Italian and international men's fashion. Agnelli was awarded the decoration Knight Grand Cross of the Order of Merit of the Italian Republic in 1967 and the Order of Merit for Labour (Cavaliere del lavoro) in 1977.[3] Following his death in 2003, control of the firm was gradually passed to his grandson and chosen heir, John Elkann.[1]

Early life

Agnelli was born in Turin; he maintained strong ties with the village of Villar Perosa, near Turin in the Piedmont region, of which he served as mayor until 1980.[4] His father was the prominent Italian industrialist Edoardo Agnelli.[5] His maternal grandmother was American;[6] his mother was Princess Virginia Bourbon del Monte,[5] daughter of Carlo, 4th Prince of San Faustino, head of a noble family established in Perugia, who was married with the American heiress Jane Allen Campbell.[7] Agnelli was named after his grandfather Giovanni Agnelli, the founder of the Italian car manufacturer Fiat.[5] At the age of 14, his father was killed in a plane crash,[8] and he was raised by his grandfather,[9] who died on 16 December 1945, fifteen days after Agnelli's mother, Virginia, died in a car crash.[7]

Known as Gianni to differentiate from his grandfather, with whom he shared his first name, he inherited the command of Fiat and the Agnelli family assets in general in 1966, following a period in which Fiat was temporarily ruled by Vittorio Valletta while he was learning how his family's company worked.[5] Agnelli raised Fiat to become the most important company in Italy, and one of the major car-builders of Europe, amid the Italian economic miracle.[5] He was considered the king of Italian business from the 1960s to the 1980s.[10] He also developed an accessory business,[11] with minor companies, such as Fiat Velivoli, operating in the military industry.[12]

Agnelli (left) with his grandfather and Fiat founder, Giovanni Agnelli, in 1940

Agnelli was educated at Pinerolo Cavalry Academy, and studied law at the University of Turin, although he never practised law.[11] He joined a tank regiment in June 1940 when Italy entered World War II on the side of the Axis powers. He fought on the Eastern Front, being wounded twice. He also served in a Fiat-built armoured-car division during the North African campaign, for which he received the War Cross of Military Valor.[13][14][15] After the armistice of Cassibile, Agnelli became a liaison officer with the occupying American troops due to his fluency in English.[11] His grandfather, who had manufactured vehicles for the Axis powers during the war, was forced to retire from Fiat but named Valletta to be his successor. His grandfather died, leaving him head of the family but Valletta running the company. Fiat then began producing Italy's first inexpensive mass-produced car, with the Fiat 600 being a success.[5]

Prior to his marriage on 19 November 1953 to

Jackie Kennedy.[11] Although Agnelli continued to be involved with other women during his marriage, including Ekberg and the fashion designer Jackie Rogers,[17] the Agnellis remained married until his death of prostate cancer in 2003 at the age of 81.[18]

For most of his life, Agnelli was considered to be a man of exquisite taste.

Countess Margherita Agnelli de Pahlen. She is the mother of John Elkann, Lapo Elkann, and Ginevra Elkann. She has five other children from her second marriage to Count Serge de Pahlen: Maria de Pahlen, Peter de Pahlen, Anna de Pahlen, and Tatiana de Pahlen. Into the 2020s, the de Pahlens remain involved in a dispute with the Elkanns over Agnelli's inheritance.[11][28][29]

Head of Fiat

Sevel Val di Sangro
factory in 1981

Agnelli became president of Fiat in 1966. He opened factories in many places, including the

Juventus, the most renowned Italian football club,[33] of which he was a fan and the direct owner.[34][35][36]

In 1969 and 1970, Fiat was joined by

CGIL by Luciano Lama.[5] The 1980s saw increased sales for Fiat under Vittorio Ghidella, with successes such as the Fiat Uno, the Fiat Croma, and the Lancia Thema. In 1986, after a failed agreement with Ford Motor Company, Agnelli bought Alfa Romeo from the Italian state.[12] In the 1990s, as Fiat was unable to make inroads into the non-European automotive markets, Agnelli decided to form an alliance with General Motors. The agreement provided for General Motors to sell 5% of their shares in exchange for 20% of the Fiat Group's package, with the possibility after two years and within the next eight years to buy the remaining 80% of Fiat if it was sold.[12]

In 1991, Agnelli was named an

Telecom Italia.[37] In the early 2000s, Agnelli made overtures to General Motors resulting in an agreement under which General Motors progressively became involved in Fiat. The crisis of Fiat came when Agnelli was already fighting against cancer, and he could take little part in these events.[38] Agnelli also encountered a number of difficulties with Mediobanca through Cesare Romiti, who caused Agnelli anxiety. Mediobanca made a policy of constantly supervising Fiat because of their financial interests in the company, often becoming significantly involved in executive decisions and important issues. Vincenzo Maranghi, who later became the CEO of the bank, eventually developed a close friendship with Agnelli, despite previous tensions.[39] At the time of his death in 2003, Fiat was worth €3.3 billion; Agnelli's inheritance was twenty-five times bigger by 2023.[40]

Nicknamed L'Avvocato ("The Lawyer") because he had a degree in law even though he was never admitted to the Order of Lawyers, Agnelli was the most important figure in Italian economy, the symbol of capitalism throughout the second half of 20th century,

Torino 2006,[36] of which he was an instrumental promoter.[56]

Later life and death

Agnelli stepped down in 1996 but stayed on as Fiat's honorary chairman until his death.[11] Giovanni Alberto Agnelli, the son of Gianni's younger brother, Umberto Agnelli, died of a rare form of cancer in 1997 at age 33 while he was being groomed by his uncle to head the Fiat Group.[57][58][59] John Elkann, the son of Gianni and Marella's daughter, Margherita, was expected to take over Fiat after Gianni's death. Instead, Umberto became chairman, taking over from Paolo Fresco. While Fresco had diversified the Fiat Group's holdings, Umberto refocused its activities on its auto and mechanics division.[60][61] He then brought in Giuseppe Morchio to mastermind a rescue strategy for the company. Morchio was expected to continue to run the Fiat Group as it attempted to claw its way out of its latest financial crisis.[62]

Upon Umberto's death,

F2003-GA, in tribute to Agnelli.[67][68][69] Juventus and the Italian Football Federation were also in mourning over his death.[70] In 2021, to celebrate the centenary of Agnelli's birth, a special postage stamp was issued.[71][72][73]

Sports

Juventus F.C.

1940s–1990s

in the summer of 1972.

The figure of Agnelli was intimately linked to the

history of Juventus, the association football team of Turin of which he was appointed president from 1947 to 1954. His activity had an impact within the club similar to that of his father, Edoardo Agnelli, twenty years earlier, acquiring important players, such as Giampiero Boniperti, John Hansen, and Karl Aage Præst, who were decisive for the conquest of two Serie A leagues in 1950 and 1952, the first won by the club in fifteen years.[34][35] Agnelli also had an impact on the transformation at the corporate level during his management from a private club belonging to the rival car manufacturer Cisitalia, chaired by Piero Dusio, to an independent company with private capital with limited liability that achieved further successes.[74]

After his activity as president of the club, Agnelli remained linked to Juventus by carrying out various management activities as honorary president, with which he was able to maintain his influence on the club until 1994, the year in which he handed over these activities to his brother Umberto. Agnelli led Juventus to ten

UEFA Cups, and one UEFA Super Cup, for a total of 23 official trophies in 48 years, which made him one of the most important personalities in sports history.[34][35] He daily called at 6 am Boniperti, such as when he convinced him to become Juventus chairman in 1971,[75] and Juventus players to see how they were doing.[76]

Agnelli liked footballers like

Bernardino di Betto), and [80] Ahead of the 1996 UEFA Champions League final won by Juventus against Ajax, he said: "If they are a team of Flemish painters, we will be tough Piedmontese."[81] His grandson, John Elkann, as well as his nephew, Andrea Agnelli, followed his footsteps at Juventus.[82]

1990s–2000s

In 1999, Juventus improved their own record of having won all five major

Real Madrid,[94] were lost out controversially.[95] In the words of Fulvio Bianchi, early 2000s Juventus were "stronger than all those that came after, and had €250 million in revenue, being at the top of Europe, and 100 sponsors. It took ten years to recover and return to the top Italians, not yet Europeans: now the club makes over €300 million, but in the meantime Real, Bayern, and the others have taken off."[96]

Some observers allege that Calciopoli and its aftermath were a dispute within Juventus and between the club's owners that came after the deaths of Gianni and

FIGC from international play,[105] a renounce for which then-FIFA president Sepp Blatter was thankful.[106][107]

Several observers, including former FIGC president

CONI president Gianni Petrucci said "a team that wins too much is harmful to their sport".[115]

Ferrari

Agnelli takes delivery of his Ferrari 365 P Berlinetta Speciale. It was the second of only two built by Pininfarina and Ferrari.

Upon Fiat's acquisition of Ferrari in 1969, Agnelli became associated with Formula One and Scuderia Ferrari, which achieved successes in the 1970s with Niki Lauda and Jody Scheckter.[116] About his passion for Ferrari, he said: "Not all Italians support the national team, while all Italians and fifty per cent of non-Italians support Ferrari."[81] In 1996, upon the signing of Michael Schumacher, he said: "Of course, if now they don't win with Schumacher it's their fault..."[81] In 1998, two years before Ferrari's return to dominance of the early 2000s with Schumacher, he said: "I wouldn't give up a Juve Scudetto for a Ferrari world championship."[79] Upon his death in 2003, asked whether Agnelli loved more Juventus or Ferrari, Boniperti recalled: "I think Juve. And he loved Turin very much, the city that has always been in his heart."[75] About Schumacher, he was quoted as saying that "this German is very dear to me, in the sense that he costs me dearly, but he is worth it."[117]

In an interview with

Luca di Montezemolo and Jean Todt. He loved Ferrari cars and he loved all the beautiful things in life. It's not enough to be rich to appreciate beauty. Taste cannot be bought."[118] About Agnelli's favoured Formula One drivers, Elkann said: "His favourite driver was the one who won. I think that's why he loved Michael Schumacher. Then he liked Gilles Villeneuve, his way of driving. And Ayrton Senna, who, had he not died so tragically, would have come to Ferrari the following year. He loved talent and courage and also recognised them in his opponents. He was a true sportsman."[118]

Yacht racing

Among his many passions, he was one of the promoters of Azzurra, an Italian boat entering the America's Cup. When in sea, he often spent his time on the 1967 G-Cinquanta,[119] one of his many boats.[120]

Style

Agnelli's fashion sense and style inspired and influenced menswear throughout the years in Italy and around the world. In his retirement speech, Milanese fashion designer Nino Cerruti named Agnelli as one of his biggest inspirations along with James Bond and John F. Kennedy.[121] Esquire named Agnelli as one of five best-dressed men in the history of the world.[2]

Agnelli's dress style featured a foundation of classic suits. He had a large number of bespoke

wristwatch over his cuff and was regarded as conveying sprezzatura,[122] the Italian art of making the difficult look easy.[123] Agnelli's nickname "The Rake of the Riviera" inspired the classical menswear magazine The Rake.[124]

Politics

Politically, Agnelli did not join any party and remained an independent politician; nonetheless, he was close to the Italian Republican Party (PRI), and was described as the Republican monarch of the 20th century.[125] He had amicable relations with the Italian Democratic Socialist Party (PSDI) and Italian Socialist Party (PSI) leaders Giuseppe Saragat and Sandro Pertini, respectively, as well as with Francesco Cossiga of Christian Democracy (DC) and Carlo Azeglio Ciampi.[126] Despite their political differences and conflicts like the Marcia dei quarantamila [it] in 1980, he also had relatively amicable relations with the Italian Communist Party (PCI),[41] particularly during the leadership of Enrico Berlinguer; in 2013, Giorgio Napolitano, former PCI member and then president of Italy, described it as "sincere cordiality and sympathy".[127] Several notable PCI leaders, such as Palmiro Togliatti,[128] Luciano Lama, and Berlinguer,[129] and allegedly Antonio Gramsci,[130] were supporters of Agnelli's Juventus.[131][132]

Like other family members, such as his grandfather, Agnelli sought to create a non-ideological,

Ambassador of the Italian Republic to the United States.[127] The DC was ultimately able to not only have Agnelli retire his PRI candidacy, which could have cost them about one million votes, by raising the prospect of economic retaliations for Fiat but also convinced Umberto Agnelli, his younger brother, to join the DC.[134] He turned down the invite by then president Oscar Luigi Scalfaro to become Prime Minister of Italy after Ciampi.[126]

In 1991, Agnelli was appointed

post-Communist to hold the office of a NATO country, as well as Italy's only post-Communist prime minister, his vote in favour of confidence caused a sensation. He told the press that "today in Italy a left-wing government is the only one that can make right-wing policies."[136]

Quotations

Agnelli is the author of many aphorisms and quotations.[79][137] The most notable of them are related to what he described as "the love of a lifetime", Juventus, about which he said "they are my life's companion, above all an emotion. It happens when I see those shirts enter the field. I even get excited when I read the letter J in some headline in the newspaper. Immediately I think of Juve."[81] He also said: "Juve is for me the love of a lifetime, a source of joy and pride, but also of disappointment and frustration, however strong emotions, as can give a true and infinite love story."[81]

To the shouted cheering, in response to the question "Will Juventus win or the best team win?", Agnelli replied with irony: "I'm lucky, often the two things coincide".

Cosa Nostra who became a pentito and collaborator of justice, he was quoted as saying: "He said he was obsessively a fan of Juventus? If you meet him, tell him it's the only thing he won't have to regret [a play on the word pentito, which comes from pentire, meaning in English 'to regret']."[81]

Honours

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  83. ^ Cambiaghi, Emilio; Dent, Arthur (15 April 2010). Il processo illecito (PDF) (1st ed.). Stampa Indipendente. pp. 9–10. Retrieved 24 January 2023 – via Ju29ro. The Juventus defence, among other things, objects that a sum of several Articles 1 (unfair and dishonest sporting conduct) cannot lead to an indictment for Article 6 (sporting offence), using for example the metaphor that so many defamations do not carry a murder conviction: an unimpeachable objection. ... Hence the grotesque concept of 'standings altered without any match-fixing'. The 'Calciopoli' rulings state that there is no match-fixing. That the league under investigation, 2004–2005, is to be considered regular. However, the Juventus management has achieved effective standings advantages for Juventus FC even without altering the individual matches. In practice, Juventus was convicted of murder, with no one dead, no evidence, no accomplices, no murder weapon. Only for the presence of a hypothetical motive.
  84. ^ Garganese, Carlo (17 June 2011). "Revealed: The Calciopoli evidence that shows Luciano Moggi is the victim of a witch-hunt". Goal.com. Retrieved 23 May 2022.
  85. ^ Ingram, Sam (20 December 2021). "Calciopoli Scandal: Referee Designators As Desired Pawns". ZicoBall. Retrieved 24 January 2023. FIGC's actions in relegating Juventus and handing the title to Inter Milan were somewhat peculiar. Of course, Moggi and Juventus deserved punishment; that is not up for dispute. However, the severity of the ruling and the new location for the Scudetto was unprecedented and arguably should never have happened. The final ruling in the Calciopoli years later judged that Juventus had never breached Article 6. As a result, the Serie A champions should never have encountered a shock 1–1 draw away to Rimini in the season's curtain-raiser. Nor should they have trounced Piacenza 4–0 in Turin or handed a 5–1 thrashing away to Arezzo in Tuscany. The findings stated that some club officials had violated Article 6, but none had originated from Juventus. FIGC created a structured article violation with their decision-making. This means that instead of finding an Article 6 breach, several Article 1 violations were pieced together to create evidence damning to warrant relegation from Italy's top flight. Article 1 violations in Italian football usually command fines, bans, or points deductions, but certainly not relegation.
  86. ^ Beha, Oliviero (7 February 2012). "Il 'caso Moggi' e le colpe della stampa: non fa inchieste, (di)pende dai verbali, non sa leggere le sentenze". Tiscali (in Italian). Archived from the original on 12 March 2012. Retrieved 24 January 2023. ... the motivations in 558 pages are summarized as follows. 1) Leagues not altered (therefore leagues unjustly taken away from Juve...), matches not fixed, referees not corrupted, investigations conducted incorrectly by the investigators of the Public Prosecutor's Office (interceptions of the Carabinieri which were even manipulated in the confrontation in the Chamber). 2) The SIM cards, the foreign telephone cards that Moggi has distributed to some referees and designators, would be proof of the attempt to alter and condition the system, even without the effective demonstration of the rigged result. 3) Moggi's attitude, like a real 'telephone' boss, is invasive even when he tries to influence the [Italian Football Federation] and the national team, see the phone calls with Carraro and Lippi. 4) That these phone calls and this 'mafia' or 'sub-mafia' promiscuity aimed at 'creating criminal associations' turned out to be common practice in the environment as is evident, does not acquit Moggi and C.: and therefore here is the sentence. ... Finally point 1), the so-called positive part of the motivations, that is, in fact everything is regular. And then the scandal of 'Scommettopoli' [the Italian football scandal of 2011] in which it's coming out that the 2010–2011 league [won by Milan] as a whole with tricks is to be considered really and decidedly irregular? The Chief Prosecutor of Cremona, Di Martino, says so for now, while sports justice takes its time as always, but I fear that many will soon repeat it, unless everything is silenced. With all due respect to those who want the truth and think that Moggi has objectively become the 'scapegoat'. Does the framework of information that does not investigate, analyse, compare, and take sides out of ignorance or bias seem slightly clearer to you?
  87. ^ Rossini, Claudio (5 March 2014). "Calciopoli e la verità di comodo". Blasting News (in Italian). Retrieved 24 January 2023. Juventus have been acquitted, the offending leagues (2004/2005 and 2005/2006) have been declared regular, and the reasons for the conviction of Luciano Moggi are vague; mostly, they condemn his position, that he was in a position to commit a crime. In short, be careful to enter a shop without surveillance because even if you don't steal, you would have had the opportunity. And go on to explain to your friends that you're honest people after the morbid and pro-sales campaign of the newspapers. ... a club has been acquitted, and no one has heard of it, and whoever has heard of it, they don't accept it. The verdict of 2006, made in a hurry, was acceptable, that of Naples was not. The problem then lies not so much in vulgar journalism as in readers who accept the truths that are convenient. Juventus was, rightly or wrongly, the best justification for the failures of others, and it was in popular sentiment, as evidenced by the new controversies concerning 'The System.' But how? Wasn't the rotten erased? The referees since 2006 make mistakes in good faith, the word of Massimo Moratti (the only 'honest'). ... it isn't a question of tifo, but of a critical spirit, of the desire to deepen and not be satisfied with the headlines (as did Oliviero Beha, a well-known Viola [Fiorentina] fan, who, however, drew conclusions outside the chorus because, despite enjoying it as a tifoso, he suffered as a journalist. He wasn't satisfied and went into depth. He was one of the few).
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  97. ^ Cambiaghi, Emilio; Dent, Arthur (15 April 2010). Il processo illecito (PDF) (1st ed.). Stampa Indipendente. pp. 48–49. Retrieved 26 February 2023 – via Ju29ro. [p. 48] Corrado De Biase, the head of the investigations office at the time of the [1980s] betting scandal from 1980, ... about Juventus and the work of Zaccone, its lawyer: 'I can't know why the Juventus owners has moved in a certain way, but I would say, 99%, that the affair was skilfully managed by the leaders of the Turin club, starting with the request from Zaccone, who left everyone stunned. Zaccone isn't incompetent, as many believe, but he was only an actor in this story.' ... The point that makes me think that Zaccone acted on input from the owners is another, namely the way in which the top management of Juventus moved, with that fake appeal to the TAR. How, I wonder, you dismiss the directors, practically pleading guilty, then you watch inert and impassive a media and judicial destruction against your club and then you're threatening to resort to the TAR? It's the concept of closing the barn when the oxen have fled, if you think about it. ... [p. 50] I, on my own, can only reiterate the concept already expressed: a penalty of 8/10 points, a fine, and a ban of Moggi and Giraudo for 10/12 months, this was the appropriate penalty in my opinion. Any parallel with the story of 1980 is unthinkable: here there're no traces of offence, nor of money or checks. The environmental offence isn't a crime covered by any code, unless we're talking about air pollution.'
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  101. ^ Coccia, Pasquale (18 January 2020). "Il contado tifa per la zebra". Il manifesto (in Italian). Retrieved 26 February 2023. De Luna: We consulted the company financial statements, and noted the escalation of the emoluments that Moggi, Giraudo, and Bettega received. We don't have certain elements to be able to say that at that moment there was an attempt to take over Juventus, but those figures are impressive. Furthermore, there are some anomalies of the Agnellis which leave the door open to this type of hypothesis. The Calciopoli investigation was born out of a Turin investigation by the prosecutor Guariniello on the Juventus doping case, [in which] the interceptions of Moggi's conversations with the referees emerge. Guariniello sends the files to the boss Maddalena, and notes that there are no crimes from a criminal point of view, but perhaps from a sporting point of view. Maddalena keeps the files for three months, then sends them to the [Italian] Football Federation. This period lasts a little over a year. Do you really [want to believe] that Juve didn't know what was going on? I have the impression that the Agnelli family took advantage of this opportunity to stop an attempt to take over the Moggi-Giraudo-Bettega company.
  102. ^ "L'avvocato Zaccone: 'Tifo Toro, ma ho difeso la Juve in Calciopoli. Mi hanno pagato bene...'". La Repubblica (in Italian). 19 September 2020. Retrieved 26 February 2023 – via TuttoMercatoWeb.com.
  103. ^ "Calciopoli, anche il legale bianconero è possibilista: 'Se ci sono novità e la Juve me lo chiede, riapriamo il processo'". Goal.com. 6 April 2010. Retrieved 26 February 2023.
  104. ^ Cambiaghi, Emilio; Dent, Arthur (15 April 2010). Il processo illecito (PDF) (1st ed.). Stampa Indipendente. pp. 48–49. Retrieved 26 February 2023 – via Ju29ro. '... [p. 48] First you let yourself be massacred without lifting a finger, you have the title disassigned, you have the calendars drawn up for the European championships and cups, and then you threaten to go to the TAR, trumpeting everything in the newspapers? It looks much like a political move to appease the wrath of the fans, I think. If Zaccone, who is a man of value and experience, would have had the mandate to avoid the disaster he would have moved in a different way, in the sense that he would have pointed out these 'anomalies' in the time between the trial and the announcement of the verdicts. That, in fact, was the right moment to threaten to appeal to the TAR, when the sentences had not yet been written, but had to be done in camera caritatis, asking for a meeting with [p. 49] Ruperto, Sandulli, and Palazzi, and not in front of the journalists of La Gazzetta dello Sport. ... Please note that I'm not discussing the high strategy of the forensic art, but the basic principles, the ABC of the profession, the things that are taught to the boys who come to the studio to do a traineeship: if you, the defence attorney, think you have weapons to play, you ask for a meeting with the judge and the public prosecution, in the period between the trial and the verdict, and point out that, if the response is judged too severe, you will use them. And here there were weapons in industrial quantities. Then, in the face of a fait accompli, who takes the responsibility of stopping a machine that grinds billions of euros, so as to be the sixth industry in the country?'
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1974–1976
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