Born into a Bulgarian family in Kilkis,[10][11] then in the Salonika vilayet of the Ottoman Empire, in his youth he was inspired by the ideals of earlier Bulgarian revolutionaries such as Vasil Levski and Hristo Botev, who envisioned the creation of a Bulgarian republic of ethnic and religious equality, as part of an imagined Balkan Federation.[12] Delchev completed his secondary education in the Bulgarian Men's High School of Thessaloniki and entered the Military School of His Princely Highness in Sofia, but he was dismissed from there, only a month before his graduation, because of his leftist political persuasions. Then he returned to Ottoman Macedonia as a Bulgarian teacher,[13] and immediately became an activist of the newly-found revolutionary movement in 1894.[14]
Although considering himself to be an inheritor of the
Bulgarian nationalism, he revised the Organization's statute, where the membership was allowed only for Bulgarians.[27] In this way he emphasized the importance of cooperation among all ethnic groups in the territories concerned in order to obtain political autonomy.[14]
Today Gotse Delchev is considered a national hero in
incorporation into Bulgaria too. However, other researchers find the identity of Delchev and other IMRO figures to be "open to different interpretations",[32] that are incompatible with the views of modern Balkan nationalisms.[33]
Biography
Early life
He was born to a large family on 4 February 1872 (23 January according to the Julian calendar) in Kılkış (Kukush), then in the Ottoman Empire (today in Greece). By the mid-19th century, Kılkış was populated predominantly with Macedonian Bulgarians[34][35][36] and became one of the centres of the Bulgarian national revival.[37][38] During the 1860s and 1870s it was under the jurisdiction of the Bulgarian Uniate Church,[39][40] but after 1884 most of its population gradually joined the Bulgarian Exarchate.[41] As a student, Delchev studied first at the Bulgarian Uniate primary school and then at the Bulgarian Exarchate junior high school.[42] He also read widely in the town's chitalishte (community cultural center), where he was impressed with revolutionary books, and was especially imbued with thoughts of the liberation of Bulgaria.[43] In 1888 his family sent him to the Bulgarian Men's High School of Thessaloniki, where he organized and led a secret revolutionary brotherhood.[44] Delchev also distributed revolutionary literature, which he acquired from the school's graduates who studied in Bulgaria. Graduation from high school was faced with few career prospects and Delchev decided to follow the path of his former schoolmate Boris Sarafov, entering the military school in Sofia in 1891. He at first encountered the newly independent Bulgaria full of idealism and dedication, but he later became disappointed with the commercialized life of the society and with the authoritarian politics of the prime minister Stefan Stambolov, accused of being a dictator.[45]
Delchev spent his leaves in the company of emigrants from
Bulgarian Social Democratic Workers Party. Through Glavinov and his comrades, he came into contact with different people, who offered a new form of social struggle. In June 1892, Delchev and the journalist Kosta Shahov, a chairman of the Young Macedonian Literary Society, met in Sofia with the bookseller from Thessaloniki, Ivan Hadzhinikolov. Hadzhinikolov disclosed at this meeting his plans to create a revolutionary organization in Ottoman Macedonia. They discussed together its basic principles and agreed fully on all scores. Delchev explained, he had no intention of remaining an officer and promised after graduating from the Military School, he would return to Macedonia to join the organization.[47] In September 1894, only a month before graduation, he was expelled because of his political activity as a member of an illegal socialist circle.[48] He was given the possibility to enter the Army again by re-applying for a commission, but he refused. Afterwards he returned to European Turkey to work there as a Bulgarian teacher, aiming to get involved in the new liberation movement. At that time, the revolutionary organization commonly known as Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO) was in its early stages of development, forming its committees around the Bulgarian Exarchate schools.[49]
Teacher and revolutionary
In
Resen in August 1894 to preferably recruit teachers from the Bulgarian schools as committee members.[52] In the autumn of 1894 Delchev became a teacher in an Exarchate school in Štip,[53] where he met another teacher, Dame Gruev, who was also a leader of the newly established local committee of the IMRO.[54] As a result of the close friendship between the two, Delchev joined the organization immediately and gradually became one of its main leaders. After this, both he and Gruev worked together in Štip and its environs.[55] The expansion of the IMRO at the time was considerable, particularly after Gruev settled in Thessaloniki during the years 1895–1897, in the quality of a Bulgarian school inspector. Under his direction, Delchev travelled during the vacations throughout Macedonia and established and organized committees in villages and cities. Delchev also established contacts with some of the leaders of the Supreme Macedonian-Adrianople Committee (SMAC). Its official declaration was a struggle for the autonomy of Macedonia and Thrace.[56] However, as a rule, most of SMAC's leaders were officers with stronger connections with the governments, waging terrorist struggle against the Ottomans in the hope of provoking a war and thus Bulgarian annexation of both areas. In the late 1895 he arrived illegally in Bulgaria's capital and tried to get support from the SMAC's leadership from the name of the "Bulgarian Central Macedonian-Adrianopolitan Revolutionary Committee".[57] Delchev had a number of meetings with Danail Nikolaev, Yosif Kovachev, Toma Karayovov, Andrey Lyapchev and others, but he was often frustrated by their views. As a whole, Delchev had a negative attitude towards their activities. After spending the next school year (1895/1896) as a teacher in the town of Bansko, in May 1896 he was arrested by the Ottoman authorities as a person suspected of revolutionary activity and spent about a month in jail. Later Delchev participated in the Thessaloniki Congress of the IMRO in the Summer. Afterwards, Delchev gave his resignation as a teacher and, in the Autumn of 1896, he moved back to Bulgaria, where he, together with Gyorche Petrov, served as foreign representatives of the organization in Sofia.[58]
At that time the organization was largely dependent on the Bulgarian state and army assistance, that was mediated by the foreign representatives.
Revolutionary activity as part of the leadership of the Organization
In the period 1897–1902, he was a representative of the Foreign Committee of the IMRO in Sofia. Again in Sofia, negotiating with suspicious politicians and arms merchants, Delchev saw more of the unpleasant face of the Principality and became even more disillusioned with its political system. In 1897 he, along with Petrov, wrote the new organization's statute, which divided Macedonia and Adrianople areas into seven regions, each with a regional structure and secret police, following the Internal Revolutionary Organization's example. Below the regional committees were districts.[59][60]
The Central Committee was placed in Thessaloniki. In 1898 the Organization decided to create permanent acting armed bands (chetas) in every district, with Delchev as their leader.[61] Delchev ensured the functioning of the underground border crossings of the organization and the arms depots added to them, alongside the then Bulgarian-Ottoman border.
His correspondence with other IMRO members covers extensive data on supplies, transport and storage of weapons and ammunition in Macedonia. Delchev envisioned independent production of weapons and traveled in 1897 to
Rhodopes. The inclusion of the rural areas into the organizational districts contributed to the expansion of the organization and the increase in its membership, while providing the essential prerequisites for the formation of the military power of the organization, at the same time having Delchev as its military advisor (inspector) and chief of all internal revolutionary bands.[67][non-primary source needed
]
After 1897 there was a rapid growth of secret officers' brotherhoods, whose members by 1900 numbered about a thousand.
Gorna Dzhumaya
), which merely served to provoke Ottoman repressions and hampered the work of the underground network of SMARO.
The primary question regarding the timing of the uprising in Macedonia and Thrace implicated an apparent discordance not only among the SMAC and the SMARO, but also among the SMARO's leadership. At the Thessaloniki Congress of January 1903, where Delchev did not participate, an early uprising was debated and it was decided to stage one in the Spring of 1903. This led to fierce debates among the representatives at the Sofia SMARO's Conference in March 1903. By that time two strong tendencies had crystallized within the SMARO. The right-wing majority was convinced that if the Organization would unleash a general uprising, Bulgaria would be provoked to declare war on the
Delchev also launched the establishment of a secret revolutionary network, that would prepare the population for an armed uprising against the Ottoman rule.
Angista river, aiming to test the new guerrilla tactics. Following that he set out for Thessaloniki to meet with Dame Gruev after his release from prison in March 1903. Delchev met with Gruev in late April and they discussed the decision of starting the uprising. After the meeting, he left for Serres, with the intention of holding a regional congress to lay out his plans for the uprising.[76]
Death and aftermath
On 28 April, members of the
Greek Army.[85] During Balkan Wars, when Bulgaria was temporarily in control of the area, Delchev's remains were transferred to Xanthi, then in Bulgaria. After Western Thrace was ceded to Greece in 1919, the relic was brought to Plovdiv and in 1923 to Sofia, where it rested until after World War II.[86] During World War II, the area was taken by the Bulgarians again and Delchev's grave near Banitsa was restored.[87] In May 1943, on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of his death, a memorial plaque was set in Banitsa, in the presence of his sisters and other public figures.[88] Until the end of WWII Delchev was considered one of the greatest Bulgarians in the region of Macedonia.[89]
The first biographical book about Delchev was issued in 1904 by his friend and comrade in arms, the Bulgarian poet Peyo Yavorov.[90] The most detailed biography of Delchev in English was written by English historian Mercia MacDermott: Freedom or Death: The Life of Gotse Delchev.[91]
Views
The international,
Adrianople autonomous region on the one hand,[100] and on the other between it, the Principality of Bulgaria, and de facto annexed Eastern Rumelia.[101][1] Even the possibility that Bulgaria could be absorbed into a future autonomous Macedonia, rather than the reverse, was discussed.[102] Per some Bulgarian sources and his contemporaries, Delchev supported Macedonia's eventual incorporation into Bulgaria,[103][104] or its inclusion into a future Balkan Confederative Republic.[105][106] According to American historian Dennis P. Hupchick, he firmly opposed Macedonia's incorporation into Bulgaria.[107] Despite his Bulgarian loyalty, he was against any chauvinistic propaganda and nationalism.[108] For militants such as Delchev and other leftists that participated in the national movement retaining a political outlook, national liberation meant "radical political liberation through shaking off the social shackles".[109] According to him, no outside force could or would help the Organization and it ought to rely only upon itself and only upon its own will and strength. He thought that any intervention by Bulgaria would provoke intervention by the neighboring states as well, and could result in Macedonia and Thrace being torn apart. That is why the peoples of these two regions had to win their own freedom, within the frontiers of an autonomous Macedonian-Adrianople state.[110][111]
People's Republic of Macedonia, was characterized as the natural result of Delchev's aspirations for autonomous Macedonia.[118]
Initially, the Macedonian communists questioned the extent of Delchev's alleged Macedonian national consciousness.
SR Macedonia - Today over Macedonia.[123] According to Mishe Karev, a nephew of Nikola Karev, after the Tito–Stalin split in 1948, the Macedonian communist elite discussed the idea of scrapping Delchev's name from the anthem of the country and proclaiming him a Bulgarian, but this idea was declined.[124]
After realizing that the Balkan collective memory had already accepted the heroes of the Macedonian revolutionary movement as Bulgarians, Macedonian authorities exerted efforts to claim Delchev for the Macedonian national cause.
Macedonian colleague Zoran Zaev placed wreaths at the grave of Gotse Delchev on the occasion of the 114th anniversary of the Ilinden–Preobrazhenie Uprising.[139] The Macedonian side has recently been interested to negotiate about Delchev.[140] A joint commission on historical issues was also formed in 2018 to resolve controversial historical readings, including the dispute about Delchev's ethnic identity, which remains unresolved.[141][142][143] The Association of Historians in North Macedonia came out against the calls for a joint celebration of Delchev, seeing them as a threat to Macedonian national identity.[144] Macedonian historians insist that the myth of Delchev there is so significant that it is more important than all of the historical research and documents,[145] and therefore his Bulgarian self-identification should not be discussed.[146]
Today many artifacts related to Delchev's activity are stored in different museums across Bulgaria and North Macedonia.
During the time of
ethnic Macedonian revolutionary, but a leader of an anti-Serbian organization with a pro-Bulgarian orientation.[150][151]
In Greece the official appeals from the Bulgarian side to the authorities to install a memorial plaque on his place of death are not answered. The memorial plaques set periodically by Bulgarians afterwards are removed. Bulgarian tourists are restrained occasionally to visit the place.[152][153][154]
On February 4, 2023, on the 151st anniversary of the birth of the revolutionary, both the Macedonian and Bulgarian side paid their respects at the St. Spas Church in Skopje separately, while the delegation of North Macedonia declined the offer to jointly lay wreaths proposed by the Bulgarian delegation.[155] Many Bulgarian citizens who wanted to attend the event were held for hours at the border due to a malfunction of the border system.[156][157] However, problems with the admission of the Bulgarians continued even after the processing of their documents.[158] As a result, many Bulgarian citizens and journalists were prevented from crossing.[159] Three citizens were detained, fined and banned from entering the country for 3 years, due to attempting to physically assault policemen.[160][161] According to their lawyer, two of them were apparently beaten.[162][163] Bulgaria officially reacted sharply to these events.[164]
Statues of Gotse Delchev and Dame Gruev in Skopje, North Macedonia.
The tomb of Gotse Delchev in the church Sv. Spas in Skopje.
Notes
^Originally spelled in older Bulgarian orthography as Гоце Дѣлчевъ. - Гоце Дѣлчевъ. Биография. П.К. Яворовъ, 1904.
^Below is a statement that the cadet was expelled from the school on the basis of a memorandum of an officer, because of manifest poor behavior, but the school allows him to re-apply to a Commission for recovery of his status.
^"During Gotsé's lifetime, the Organization had three Statutes: the first was drawn up by Damé Gruev in 1894, the second by Gyorché Petrov, with some help from Gotsé, after the Salonika Congress in 1896, and the third by Gotsé in 1902 (this was an amended version of the second). Two of these Statutes have come down to us: one entitled 'The Statute of the Bulgarian Macedonian-Adrianople Committees' (BMARC) and the other - 'The Statute of the Secret Macedonian-Adrianople Revolutionary Organization' (SMARO). Neither, however, is dated, and it was long assumed that the Statute of the Secret Macedonian-Adrianople Revolutionary Organization was the one adopted after the Salonika Congress of 1896." For more see: Mercia MacDermott, Freedom or Death: The Life of Gotsé Delchev, p. 157.
^"Last week the remains of the great Macedonian revolutionary Gotse Delchev were sent from Sofia to Macedonia, and from now on they will rest in Skopje, the capital of the country for which he gave his life."
^"Slavic Macedonian intellectuals felt loyalty to Macedonia as a region or territory without claiming any specifically Macedonian ethnicity. The primary aim of this Macedonian regionalism was a multi-ethnic alliance against the Ottoman rule." Ethnologia Balkanica, vol. 10–11, Association for Balkan Anthropology, Bŭlgarska akademiia na naukite, Universität München, Lit Verlag, Alexander Maxwell, 2006, p. 133.
^Tchavdar Marinov, We, the Macedonians, The Paths of Macedonian Supra-Nationalism (1878–1912) in: Mishkova Diana ed., 2009, We, the People: Politics of National Peculiarity in Southeastern Europe, Central European University Press,
^Alexis Heraclides (2021). The Macedonian Question and The Macedonians. Taylor & Francis. p. 39. As Keith Brown points out, 'for leaders like Goce Delčev, Pitu Guli, Damjan Gruev, and Jane Sandanski - the four national heroes named in the anthem of the modern Republic of Macedonia - the written record of what they believed about their own identity is open to different interpretations. The views and self-perceptions of their followers and allies were even less conclusive.'
^Keith Brown uses terms like “Bulgar,” “Arnaut,” “Mijak” and “Exarchist” seeking in this way to remind the very different world of the late 19th century. For more see: The importance of ‘unlearning’ the past: Interview with Balkans expert Keith Brown. Global Voices, 28 October 2020.Archived 24 January 2023 at the Wayback Machine
^Vacalopoulos, Apostolos. Modern history of Macedonia (1830-1912), From the birth of the Greek state until the Liberation. Thessaloniki: Barbounakis, 1989, pp. 61-62
^An 1873 Ottoman study, published in 1878 as "Ethnographie des Vilayets d'Andrinople, de Monastir et de Salonique", concluded that the population of Kilkis consisted of 1,170 households, of which there were 5,235 Bulgarian inhabitants, 155 Muslims and 40 Romani people. "Македония и Одринско. Статистика на населението от 1873 г." Macedonian Scientific Institute, Sofia, 1995, pp.160-161.
^Khristov, Khristo Dechkov. The Bulgarian Nation During the National Revival Period. Institut za istoria, Izd-vo na Bŭlgarskata akademia na naukite, 1980, str. 293.
^In one five-year period, there were 57 Catholic villages in the area, whilst the Bulgarian uniate schools in the Vilayet of Thessaloniki reached 64. Gounaris, Basil C. National Claims, Conflicts and Developments in Macedonia, 1870–1912, p. 186.
^Гоце Делчев, Писма и други материали, издирил и подготвил за печат Дино Кьосев, отговорен редактор Воин Божинов (Изд. на Българската академия на науките, Институт за история, София 1967) стр. 15.
^Brooks, Julian Allan. December 2005. "'Shoot the Teacher!' Education and the Roots of the Macedonian Struggle". Thesis (M.A.) – Department of History – Simon Fraser University, pp. 133–134.
^In a letter to Nikola Maleshevski dated 5 January 1899, written on the occasion of certain disagreements among members of the organization Delchev wrote: Kolyo, I have received all your letters hitherto sent by you and through you. May the splits and splinterings not frighten us. It is really a pity, but what can we do, since we are Bulgarians and all suffer from one common disease! If this disease did not exist in our ancestors, from whom it is also an inheritance in us, they would not have fallen under the ugly scepter of the Turkish sultans. Our duty, of course, is not to give in to that disease, but can we make others do the same?" Chakalova, N. (ed.) The Unity of the Bulgarian language in the past and today, Publishing House of the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, 1980, p. 53.; For more see: Гоце Делчев, Писма и други материали, издирил и подготвил за печат Дино Кьосев, отговорен редактор Воин Божинов; Изд. на Българската академия на науките, Институт за история, София 1967, стр. 183-186.Archived 21 May 2018 at the Wayback Machine
^MacDermott, Mercia. For freedom and perfection: the Life of Yané Sandansky. Journeyman, London, 1988. p. 44.Archived 6 October 2008 at the Wayback Machine
from the original on 16 April 2023. Retrieved 20 November 2011.
^"Спомени на Гьорчо Петров", поредица Материяли за историята на македонското освободително движение, книга VIII, София, 1927, глава VII, (in English: "Memoirs of Gyorcho Petrov", series Materials about history of the Macedonian revolutionary movement, book VIII, Sofia, 1927, chapter VII).
^Любомир Панайотов, Христо Христов, Гоце Делчев: спомени, документи, материали, Институт за история (Българска академия на науките) 1978, стр. 104-105.
^Пейо Яворов, "Събрани съчинения", Том втори, "Гоце Делчев", Издателство "Български писател", София, 1977, стр. 39. (in Bulgarian) In English: Peyo Yavorov, "Complete Works", Volume 2, biography Delchev, Publishing house "Bulgarian writer", Sofia, 1977, p. 39.
^Modern history abstracts, 1450–1914, Volume 48, Issue 1–, American Bibliographical Center, Eric H. Boehm, ABC-Clio, 1997, p. 657.
: "We inform you, that on April, 22 (May, 5), in the village of Banitsa one of the leaders of the Bulgarian Committees, with name Delchev, was killed". Tashev, Spas., Some Authentic Turkish Documents About Macedonia, International Institute for Macedonia, Sofia, 1998.
^Александар Стоjaновски - "Турски документи за убиството на Гоце Делчев", Скопjе, 1992 година, стр. 38.
^On the plate was this inscription: "In memory of fallen chetniks in the village of Banica on 4 May 1903 for the unification of Macedonia to the mother-country Bulgaria and to the eternal memory of the generations: Gotse Delchev from Kilkis, apostle and leader, Dimitar Gushtanov from Krushovo, Stefan Duhov from the village of Tarlis, Stoyan Zahariev from the village of Banica, Dimitar Palyankov from the village of Gorno Brodi. Their covenant was Freedom or Death." For more: Васил Станчев (2003) Четвъртата версия за убийството на Гоце Делчев, Дружество "Гоце Делчев", Стара Загора, стр. 9.
^Пейо Яворов, "Събрани съчинения", Том втори, "Гоце Делчев", Издателство "Български писател", София, 1977, стр. 13. (in Bulgarian) In English: Peyo Yavorov, "Complete Works", Volume 2, biography Delchev, Publishing house "Bulgarian writer", Sofia, 1977, p. 13. [1]Archived 15 October 2007 at the Wayback Machine
^Дино Кьосев, Гоце Делчев: Писма и други материали (Dino Kyosev, Gotse Delchev: Letters and other materials), Изд. на Българската академия на науките, Институт за история (Published by the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, Institute of History), София (Sofia) 1967, p. 31.
^"As a result of the (Salonica) Congress in 1896 a new Statute and Rules, providing for a very centralized form of organization were drawn up by Gyorché Petrov and Gotsé Delchev. The Statute and Rules were probably largely Gyorche's work, based on guidelines agreed by the Congress. He attempted to draw members of the Supreme Macedonian Committee into the task of drafting the Statute by approaching (Andrey) Lyapchev and (Dimitar) Rizov. When, however, Lyapchev produced a first article which would have made the Organization a branch of the Supreme Committee, Gyorché gave up in despair and wrote the Statute himself, with Gotsé's assistance." For more see: Mercia MacDermott, Freedom or Death: The Life of Gotsé Delchev, p. 144.
^In a conversation in 1900, with Lozengrad comrades, he was asked whether, in the event of a rising, the Organization should count on help from the Bulgarian Principality, and whether it would not be wiser at the outset to proclaim the union of Macedonia and Thrace with the Principality. Gotse replied: "We have to work courageously, organizing and arming ourselves well enough to take the burden of the struggle upon our own shoulders, without counting on outside help. External intervention is not desirable from the point of view of our cause. Our aim, our ideal is autonomy for Macedonia and the Adrianople region, and we must also bring into the struggle the other peoples who live in these two provinces as well... We, the Bulgarians of Macedonia and Adrianople, must not lose sight of the fact that there are other nationalities and states who are vitally interested in the solution of this questions". Приноси към историята на въстаническото движение в Одринско (1895–1903), т. IV, Бургас – 1941.
^From recognition to repudiation: Bulgarian attitudes on the Macedonian question, articles, speeches, documents. Vanǵa Čašule, Kultura, 1972, p. 96.
^The historiography of Yugoslavia, 1965-1976, Savez društava istoričara Jugoslavije, Dragoslav Janković, The Association of Yugoslav Historical Societies, 1976, pp. 307–310.
^Yugoslav — Bulgarian Relations from 1955 to 1980 by Evangelos Kofos from J. Koliopoulos and J. Hassiotis (editors), Modern and Contemporary Macedonia: History, Economy, Society, Culture, vol. 2, (Athens-Thessaloniki, 1992), pp. 277–280.
^Martin Dimitrov and Sinisa Jakov Marusic Long-Dead Hero's Memory Tests Bulgarian-North Macedonian Reconciliation.
BIRN 25 June 2019.Archived 27 June 2019 at the Wayback Machine
^Член на историческата комисия от Северна Македония: Единственото сигурно е че ще се умре, но не и дали ще се намери решение за Гоце Делчев до октомври. Август 2019, Агенция "Фокус". Archived 2 August 2019 at the Wayback Machine
Пандев, К. "Устави и правилници на ВМОРО преди Илинденско-Преображенското въстание", Исторически преглед, 1969, кн. I, стр. 68–80. (in Bulgarian)
Пандев, К. "Устави и правилници на ВМОРО преди Илинденско-Преображенското въстание", Извeстия на Института за история, т. 21, 1970, стр. 250–257. (in Bulgarian)
Битоски, Крсте, сп. "Македонско Време", Скопје – март 1997, quoting: Quoting: Public Record Office – Foreign Office 78/4951 Turkey (Bulgaria), From Elliot, 1898, Устав на ТМОРО. S. 1. published in Документи за борбата на македонскиот народ за самостојност и за национална држава, Скопје, Универзитет "Кирил и Методиј": Факултет за филозофско-историски науки, 1981, pp 331 – 333. (in Macedonian)
Hugh Pouton Who Are the Macedonians?, C. Hurst & Co, 2000. p. 53.
Fikret Adanir, Die Makedonische Frage: ihre entestehung und etwicklung bis 1908., Wiessbaden 1979, p. 112.
Duncan Perry The Politics of Terror: The Macedonian Liberation Movements, 1893–1903 , Durham, Duke University Press, 1988. pp. 40–41, 210 n. 10.
Friedman, V. (1997) "One Grammar, Three Lexicons: Ideological Overtones and Underpinnings of the Balkan Sprachbund" in CLS 33 Papers from the 33rd Regional Meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society. (Chicago : Chicago Linguistic Society)
Димитър П. Евтимов, Делото на Гоце Делчев, Варна, изд. на варненското Македонско културно-просветно дружество "Гоце Делчев", 1937. (in Bulgarian)
Пейо Яворов, "Събрани съчинения", Том втори, "Гоце Делчев", Издателство "Български писател", София, 1977. In English: Peyo Yavorov, "Complete Works", Volume 2, biography "Delchev", Publishing house "Bulgarian writer", Sofia, 1977.(in Bulgarian)
MacDermott, Mercia. (1978) Freedom or Death: The Life of Gotse Delchev Journeyman Press, London and West Nyack.