Politics of Saudi Arabia
Politics of Saudi Arabia سياسة المملكة العربية السعودية | |
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Specialized Criminal Court |
Member State of the Arab League |
Basic Law |
Saudi Arabia portal |
The politics of
The
The government is dominated by the vast royal family, the Al Saud, which has often been divided by internal disputes and into factions. The members of the family are the principal political actors allowed by the government. Political participation outside the royal family is limited. Saudi Arabia is one of only four countries (the other being Vatican City, Brunei and Afghanistan) that does not have a separate legislative body.
Constitution
Saudi Arabia is an
The government of Saudi Arabia is led by the monarch,
The King
The Basic Law specifies that the king must be chosen from among the sons of the first king,
The king combines legislative, executive, and judicial functions[16] and royal decrees form the basis of the country's legislation.[17] The king is also the prime minister and presides over the Council of Ministers (Majlis al-Wuzarāʾ), which comprises the first and second deputy prime ministers (usually the first and second in line to the throne respectively), 23 ministers with portfolio, and five ministers of state.[18] The king makes appointments to and dismissals from the council, which is responsible for such executive and administrative matters as foreign and domestic policy, defense, finance, health, and education, administered through numerous separate agencies.[16] There is also a 150-member Consultative Assembly, appointed by the King,[19] which can propose legislation to the King but has no legislative powers itself,[20] including no role in budget formation. The government budget itself is not fully disclosed to the public. "Fully 40%" ... is labeled 'Other sectors' (including defense, security, intelligence, direct investment of the kingdom's revenues outside the country, and how much goes directly to the royal family).[21][22]
Although in theory, the country is an
As an absolute monarchy, the personality and capabilities of the reigning monarch influence the politics and national policies of the country. King Saud (r. 1953–1964) was considered incompetent and extravagant and his reign led to an economic and political crisis that resulted in his forced abdication.[23] King Faisal (r. 1964–1975) was a "modernist" who favored economic, technological and governmental progress but was also politically and religiously conservative. He directed the country's rapid economic and bureaucratic development of the early 1970s, but also made concessions to the religious establishment, and abandoned plans to broaden political participation.[24] King Khalid (r. 1975–1982) left government largely to his Crown Prince, Fahd,[25] who succeeded him as King (r. 1982–2005). Prince Fahd was a talented administrator who initiated significant industrial development in the Kingdom. He was regarded by many as the "father of the country's modernization".[26] However, during the last 10 years of his reign, ill health prevented him from fully functioning. In the absence of a king who could provide strong central leadership, the state structure began to fragment[27] and the country stagnated.[28] King Abdullah (r. 2005–2015) was seen as a reformer[29] and introduced economic reforms (limited deregulation, encouragement of foreign investment, and privatization) and made modernizing changes to the judiciary and government ministries.[30]
Royal family
The royal family dominates the political system. The family's vast numbers allow it to hold most of the kingdom's important posts and to have an involvement and presence at all levels of government.[9] The number of princes is estimated to be anything from 7,000 upwards, with the most power and influence being wielded by the 200 or so male descendants of
The one exception to this rule was Khaled al-Tuwaijri, Secretary-General of the Court and King Abdullah's éminence grise. He was a commoner and immensely powerful, which meant he was despised by most royals, especially the Sideris, who sacked him as soon as the old king died.
Long term political and government appointments result in the creation of "power fiefdoms" for senior princes.[34] Examples include:
In the absence of national elections and political parties,
Leading figures in the royal family with differing ideological orientations included
The influence of the ulama
The significance of the ulama (the body of Islamic religious leaders and jurists) is derived from the central role of religion in Saudi society. It has been said that Islam is more than a religion, it is a way of life in Saudi Arabia, and, as a result, the influence of the ulama is pervasive.[44] Saudi Arabia is almost unique in giving the ulama a direct role in government,[45] the only other example being Iran.[46] Prior to 1971, a council of senior ulama advising the king was headed by the Grand Mufti and met informally. In that year, the council was formalized in a Council of Senior Scholars, appointed by the king and with salaries paid by the government.[47]
Not only is royal succession subject to the approval of the ulama,
By the 1970s, as a result of oil wealth and the modernization of the country initiated by King Faisal, important changes to Saudi society were under way and the power of the ulama was in decline.
The ulama have historically been led by the
Corruption
Corruption is widespread in Saudi Arabia, most prevalent in the form of nepotism, the use of middlemen, ‘wasta’, to do business as well as patronage systems.[62] The Saudi government and the royal family have often, and over many years, been accused of corruption.
Although corruption allegations have often been limited to broad undocumented accusations,[71] specific allegations were made in 2007, when it was claimed that the British defence contractor BAE Systems had paid Prince Bandar US$2 billion in bribes relating to the Al-Yamamah arms deal.[72] Prince Bandar denied the allegations.[73] Investigations by both US and UK authorities resulted, in 2010, in plea bargain agreements with the company, by which it paid $447 million in fines but did not admit to bribery.[74] Transparency International in its annual Corruption Perceptions Index for 2010 gave Saudi Arabia a score of 4.4 (on a scale from 0 to 10 where 0 is "highly corrupt" and 10 is "very clean").[75]
During the
In 2018, Saudi Arabian journalist Jamal Khashoggi was kidnapped and killed after he criticized the Saudi government.[77]
On 6 March 2020, the
On 15 March 2020, Saudi Arabia conducted another mass-detention campaign and arrested 298 government employees out of the 674 people investigated on suspicion of corruption. The detainees included current and retired military officers, security officers under the Interior Ministry, health officials and judges. The mass-detention raised human rights concerns, where the Human Rights Watch called for the revelation of the legal and evidentiary basis for each person's detention.[79]
On 6 August 2020, former top Saudi Intelligence official
In March 2021, more than 240 people were arrested in Saudi Arabia for corruption. Employees from the ministries of interior, health, municipal and rural affairs and housing, education, and human resources and social development, customs and the postal story were arrested.[81]
Reform
Since the
In 2011, Abdullah announced that women will be able to be nominated to the Shura Council.[85]
Politics outside of the royal family
Politics in Saudi Arabia, outside the royal family, can be examined in three contexts: the extent to which the royal family allows political participation by the wider Saudi society, opposition to the regime, and Islamist terrorism.
Political participation
Outside the House of Al Saud, participation in the political process is limited to a relatively small segment of the population and takes the form of the royal family consulting with the ulama, tribal sheiks and members of important commercial families on major decisions.[16] This process is not reported by the Saudi media.[86] In theory, all males of the age of majority have a right to petition the king directly through the traditional tribal meeting known as the majlis.[87] In many ways, the approach to government differs little from the traditional system of tribal rule. Tribal identity remains strong and, outside the royal family, political influence is frequently determined by tribal affiliation, with tribal sheiks maintaining a considerable degree of influence over local and national events.[16] In recent years there have been limited steps to widen political participation, such as the establishment of the Consultative Council in the early 1990s and the National Dialogue Forum in 2003.[82]
Opposition to the royal family
The rule of the Al Saud faces political opposition from four sources:
In March 2018, the crown prince
On 24 September 2020, a group of dissidents from Saudi Arabia announced the launch of a political party in opposition to
Islamist terrorism
Arab Spring protests
Since 2011, Saudi Arabia has been affected by its own Arab Spring protests.[96] In response, King Abdullah announced on 22 February 2011 a series of benefits for citizens amounting to $36 billion, of which $10.7 billion was earmarked for housing.[97][98][99] No political reforms were announced as part of the package, though some prisoners indicted for financial crimes were pardoned.[100] On 18 March the same year, King Abdullah announced a package of $93 billion, which included 500,000 new homes to a cost of $67 billion, in addition to creating 60,000 new security jobs.[101][102]
The lack of critical thought in the education system has been cited by some as the reason why fewer protests occurred in the Kingdom.[103]
Saudi Arabia and other GCC countries also sent some policemen to Bahrain to assist police clampdown on protesters within Bahrain.
Regional government
The kingdom is divided into 13 regions or provinces (manāṭiq), which in turn are divided into numerous districts. Regional governors are appointed, usually from the royal family, and preside over one or more municipal councils, half of whose members are appointed and half elected. The governors are responsible for such functions as finance, health, education, agriculture, and municipalities. The consultative principle operates at all levels of government, including the government of villages and tribes.[16] The governors act as regional "mini-kings", sitting in majlises, hearing grievances and settling disputes.[104]
Municipal elections
In February 2005, the first elections in Saudi Arabian history were held. The elections for "virtually powerless" municipal councils were for half the seats (half of each council's seats were appointed). Women were not allowed to stand for office or to vote.[105]
In Riyadh, the number of registered voters did not exceed 18% of those eligible to vote, representing only 2% of the city's population. There was evidence of much greater interest in the Shia community of the Eastern Province.[106] Women will be allowed to vote beginning in 2012, as King Abdullah announced in the opening speech of the new term of the Shura Council.[107]
In 2005, candidates tended to be local businessmen, activists, and professionals. Although political parties were not permitted, it was possible to identify candidates as having an
In 2007, a Saudi commentator noted that the municipal councils were proving to be powerless. Nevertheless, the elections represented an important step in modernizing the regime.[106]
Although male-only municipal elections were
Political reform
In March 1992, King Fahd issued several decrees outlining the basic statutes of government and codifying royal succession for the first time. The King's political reform program also provided for the establishment of a national Consultative Council, with appointed members having advisory powers to review and give advice on issues of public interest. It also outlined a framework for councils at the provincial or emirate level.
In September 1993, King Fahd issued additional reform decrees, appointing the members of the National Consultative Council and spelling out procedures for the new council's operations. He announced reforms to the Council of Ministers, including term limitations of 4 years and regulations to prohibit conflict of interest for ministers and other high-level officials. The members of 13 provincial councils and the councils' operating regulations were also announced.
The membership of the Consultative Council was expanded from 60 to 90 members in July 1997, to 120 in May 2001, and to 150 members in 2005. Membership has changed significantly during each expansion of the council, as many members have not been reappointed. The role of the council is gradually expanding as it gains experience.
On 15 February 2009, in a reshuffle
In his first act as King,
See also
- Ministries of Saudi Arabia
- Committee for the Promotion of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice (Saudi Arabia)
- The Bees Army
Notes
- ^ King Faisal declared the Quran to be the constitution in 1960. In 1992, King Fahd adopted the Basic Law as a constitution-like charter for the country. The Basic Law declares that the Quran and the Sunnah are the constitution of Saudi Arabia.
- ^ Serves as an advisory body to the king with no legislative power.
- ^ Since the reign of King Faisal, the prime minister post has been held by the king.
- ^ Sources:
- Schlager, Weisblatt, Neil, Jayne; A. Faksh, Hendrickson, Mahmud, Mary (2006). "Kingdom of Saudi Arabia". World Encyclopedia of Political Systems and Parties (4th ed.). 132 West 31st Street, New York NY 10001, USA: Facts on File. p. 1171. ISBN 0-8160-5953-5.)
Saudi Arabia is not totalitarian. Travel outside the country is common, political crimes and violence are rare, people are not in constant fear of the police, and the state does not try to take over all existing organizations, such as philanthropic, religious, commercial, and industrial groups. Saudi rulers still see themselves in a parental role, much like a sheikh of a tribe who is in close touch with the concerns of his tribesmen and keeps those concerns in balance. For so long a time, a relatively benign monarchy has ruled over this populace that it has become used to being looked after in this manner. Therefore, until recently, calls for a more open, representative political system did not win wide support.
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: location (link) CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link
- Schlager, Weisblatt, Neil, Jayne; A. Faksh, Hendrickson, Mahmud, Mary (2006). "Kingdom of Saudi Arabia". World Encyclopedia of Political Systems and Parties (4th ed.). 132 West 31st Street, New York NY 10001, USA: Facts on File. p. 1171.
- Oliver Collin, L. Martin, Richard, Pamela (2013). An Introduction to World Politics. United Kingdom: Rowman & Littlefield. p. 269. ISBN 978-1-4422-1803-1.)
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link - A. Dobratz, K. Waldner, Buzzel, Betty, Lisa, Timothy (2016). "2: Role of the state". Power, Politics, and Society: An Introduction to Political Sociology. NY 10017, New York, USA: Routledge. p. 50. ISBN 9780205486298.)
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: location (link) CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link - Bernholz, Peter (2017). "1: Introduction". Totalitarianism, Terrorism and Supreme Values: History and Theory. Springer. p. 4. LCCN 2017937505.
- ^ Sources:
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- Bandow, Doug (19 May 2020). "Time to Cut Off Saudi Arabia". Cato Institute. Archived from the original on 29 March 2021. Retrieved 19 March 2022.
- Alkhaled, Sophia (27 January 2021). "Women's entrepreneurship in Saudi Arabia: Feminist solidarity and political activism in disguise?". Gender, Work & Organization. 28 (3): 950–972.
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All revenue, whether from oil, earnings on the country's $400 billion in foreign reserves, or even traffic fines, flows into the central government in Riyadh – that is, to the royal family. No accounting is given to the public of either total revenues to the Al Saud coffers or total spending by the Al Saud – on behalf of the people and behalf of the ever-expanding royal family. ... The Majlis Ash-Shura, appointed by the king to `represent` the people has no role in the budget formation. Fully 40% of the budget that is disclosed publicly is labeled `Other sectors` (including defense, security, intelligence, and direct investment of the kingdom's revenues outside the country) and is opaque to the public.
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Abdullah was already the first Saudi ruler to have presided over elections. Admittedly the voting, held in the spring of 2005, was only for local, virtually powerless municipal councils – and then for only half the seats on those; women were not allowed to stand for office or to vote. But the male electorate got the change to eat large quantities of mutton for three weeks since Saudi electioneering proved to revolve around lamb and tents ... the candidate held court, inviting voters inside [their tents] and plying them with mountains of rice and whole roasted sheep.
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The results of the voting proved the truth of what Fahd once prophesied about elections – it was usually the religious who won. Candidates with Western sympathies or any suspicion of secularism lost out heavily to hardline conservatives who were endorsed by the local religious establishment. Imams and holy men made their opinions felt through `golden lists` of religiously approved candidates, sent out to voters on their cell phones... The vote also provided statistical backing for the analysis that informed observers had long maintained – that for all their faults, and quite contrary to their stereotypical reputation, the House of Saud provided a minority force pushing for Western secular change in a Kingdom of largely retrograde caution.
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External links
- Saudi National e-Government Portal
- Saudi Arabia Government at Curlie
- Carnegie Endowment, Arab Reform Bulletin: 'Saudi Arabia'
- Saudi Arabia Corruption Profile from the Business Anti-Corruption Portal