Antonio Gramsci
Antonio Gramsci | |
---|---|
counter-hegemony to challenge capitalist power | |
Secretary of the Communist Party of Italy | |
In office 14 August 1924 – 8 November 1926 | |
Preceded by | Amadeo Bordiga |
Succeeded by | Palmiro Togliatti |
Member of the Chamber of Deputies | |
In office 24 May 1924 – 9 November 1926 | |
Constituency | Venice |
Personal details | |
Political party | PSI (1913–1921) PCd'I (1921–1937) |
Signature | |
Antonio Francesco Gramsci (UK: /ˈɡræmʃi/ GRAM-shee,[2] US: /ˈɡrɑːmʃi/ GRAHM-shee,[3] Italian: [anˈtɔːnjo franˈtʃesko ˈɡramʃi] ⓘ; 22 January 1891 – 27 April 1937) was an Italian Marxist philosopher, linguist, journalist, writer, and politician. He wrote on philosophy, political theory, sociology, history, and linguistics. He was a founding member and one-time leader of the Italian Communist Party. A vocal critic of Benito Mussolini and fascism, he was imprisoned in 1926 where he remained until his death in 1937.
During his imprisonment, Gramsci wrote more than 30 notebooks and 3,000 pages of history and analysis. His
Gramsci is best known for his theory of
Life
Early life
Gramsci was born in Ales, in the province of Oristano, on the island of Sardinia, the fourth of seven sons of Francesco Gramsci (1860–1937) and Giuseppina Marcias (1861–1932).[6] Francesco Gramsci was born in the small town of Gaeta, in the province of Latina, Lazio (today in the central Italian region of Lazio but at the time Gaeta was still part of Terra di Lavoro of Southern Italy), to a well-off family from the southern Italian regions of Campania and Calabria and of Arbëreshë (Italo-Albanian) descent.[7][8] Gramsci himself believed that his father's family had left Albania as recently as 1821.[9][10][11] The Albanian origin of his father's family is attested in the surname Gramsci, an Italianised form of Gramshi, that stems from the definite noun of the placename Gramsh, a small town in central-eastern Albania.[12] Gramsci's mother belonged to a Sardinian landowning family from Sorgono, in the province of Nuoro.[13] Francesco Gramsci worked as a low-level official,[7] and his financial difficulties and troubles with the police forced the family to move about through several villages in Sardinia until they finally settled in Ghilarza.[14]
In 1898, Gramsci's father was convicted of
Gramsci started secondary school in
Turin
In 1911, Gramsci won a scholarship to study at the University of Turin, sitting the exam at the same time as Palmiro Togliatti.[25] At Turin, he read literature and took a keen interest in linguistics, which he studied under Matteo Bartoli. Gramsci was in Turin as it was going through industrialization, with the Fiat and Lancia factories recruiting workers from poorer regions. Trade unions became established, and the first industrial social conflicts started to emerge.[26] Gramsci frequented socialist circles as well as associating with Sardinian emigrants on the Italian mainland. Both his earlier experiences in Sardinia and his environment on the mainland shaped his worldview. Gramsci joined the Italian Socialist Party (PSI) in late 1913, where he would later occupy a key position and observe from Turin the Russian Revolution.[27]
Although showing a talent for his studies, Gramsci had financial problems and poor health. Together with his growing political commitment, these led to him abandoning his education in early 1915, at age 24. By this time he had acquired an extensive knowledge of history and philosophy. At university, he had come into contact with the thought of
Although Gramsci later used this phrase to escape the prison censors, his relationship with this current of thought was ambiguous throughout his life.From 1914 onward, Gramsci's writings for socialist newspapers such as Il Grido del Popolo (
In April 1919, with Togliatti,
In the course of tactical debates within the party, Gramsci's group mainly stood out due to its advocacy of
Communist Party of Italy
The failure of the workers' councils to develop into a national movement convinced Gramsci that a
The Russian mission coincided with the advent of fascism in Italy, and Gramsci returned with instructions to foster, against the wishes of the PCd'I leadership, a united front of leftist parties against fascism. Such a front would ideally have had the PCd'I at its centre, through which Moscow would have controlled all the leftist forces, but others disputed this potential supremacy, as socialists had a significant, while communists seemed relatively young and too radical. Many believed that an eventual coalition led by communists would have functioned too remotely from political debate, and thus would have run the risk of isolation.
In late 1922 and early 1923, Benito Mussolini's government embarked on a campaign of repression against the opposition parties, arresting most of the PCd'I leadership, including Bordiga. At the end of 1923, Gramsci travelled from Moscow to Vienna, where he tried to revive a party torn by factional strife. In 1924, Gramsci, now recognised as head of the PCd'I, gained election as a deputy for the Veneto. He started organizing the launch of the official newspaper of the party, called L'Unità (Unity), living in Rome while his family stayed in Moscow. At its Lyon Congress in January 1926, Gramsci's theses calling for a united front to restore democracy to Italy were adopted by the party.
In 1926,
Imprisonment and death
On 9 November 1926, the Fascist government enacted a new wave of emergency laws, taking as a pretext an alleged attempt on Mussolini's life that had occurred several days earlier. The Fascist police arrested Gramsci, despite his parliamentary immunity, and brought him to the Roman prison Regina Coeli. At his trial, Gramsci's prosecutor stated: "For twenty years we must stop this brain from functioning."[38] He received an immediate sentence of five years in confinement on the island of Ustica, and the following year he received a sentence of 20 years' imprisonment in Turi, Apulia, near Bari.
Over 11 years in prison, his health deteriorated. Over this period, "his teeth fell out, his digestive system collapsed so that he could not eat solid food ... he had convulsions when he vomited blood and suffered headaches so violent that he beat his head against the walls of his cell."
Gramsci died on 27 April 1937, at the age of 46. His ashes are buried in the
Philosophical work
Gramsci was one of the most influential Marxist thinkers of the 20th century, and a particularly key thinker in the development of
- Cultural hegemony as a means of maintaining and legitimising the capitalist state
- The need for popular workers' education to encourage the development of intellectuals from the working class
- An analysis of the modern capitalist state that distinguishes between political society, which dominates directly and coercively, and civil society, where leadership is constituted through consent
- Absolute historicism
- A critique of fatalisticinterpretations of Marxism
- A critique of philosophical materialism
Hegemony
Part of a series on |
Marxism |
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Hegemony was a term previously used by Marxists such as Vladimir Lenin to denote the political leadership of the working-class in a democratic revolution.[46]: 15–17 Gramsci greatly expanded this concept, developing an acute analysis of how the ruling capitalist class — the bourgeoisie — establishes and maintains its control.[46]: 20
Classical Marxism had predicted that socialist revolution was inevitable in capitalist societies. By the early 20th century, no such revolution had occurred in the most advanced nations, and those revolutions of 1917–1923, such as in Germany or the Biennio Rosso in Italy, had failed. As capitalism seemed more entrenched than ever, Gramsci suggested that it maintained control not just through violence and political and economic coercion but also through ideology. The bourgeoisie developed a hegemonic culture, which propagated its own values and norms so that they became the common sense values of all. People in the working class and other classes identified their own good with the good of the bourgeoisie and helped to maintain the status quo rather than revolting.
To counter the notion that bourgeois values represented natural or normal values for society, the working class needed to develop a culture of its own. While Lenin held that culture was ancillary to political objectives, Gramsci saw it as fundamental to the attainment of power that cultural hegemony be achieved first. In Gramsci's view, a class cannot dominate in modern conditions by merely advancing its own narrow economic interests, and neither can it dominate purely through force and coercion.[47] Rather, it must exert intellectual and moral leadership, and make alliances and compromises with a variety of forces.[47] Gramsci calls this union of social forces a historic bloc, taking a term from Georges Sorel. This bloc forms the basis of consent to a certain social order, which produces and re-produces the hegemony of the dominant class through a nexus of institutions, social relations, and ideas.[47] In this way, Gramsci's theory emphasized the importance of the political and ideological superstructure in both maintaining and fracturing relations of the economic base.
Gramsci stated that bourgeois cultural values were tied to folklore, popular culture and religion, and therefore much of his analysis of hegemonic culture is aimed at these. He was also impressed by the influence that the Catholic Church had and the care it had taken to prevent an excessive gap from developing between the religion of the learned and that of the less educated. Gramsci saw Marxism as a marriage of the purely intellectual critique of religion found in Renaissance humanism and the elements of the Reformation that had appealed to the masses. For Gramsci, Marxism could supersede religion only if it met people's spiritual needs, and to do so people would have to think of it as an expression of their own experience.
Intellectuals and education
Gramsci gave much thought to the role of intellectuals in society.[48] He stated that all men are intellectuals, in that all have intellectual and rational faculties, but not all men have the social function of intellectuals.[49] He saw modern intellectuals not as talkers but as practical-minded directors and organisers who produced hegemony through ideological apparatuses such as education and the media. Furthermore, he distinguished between a traditional intelligentsia, which sees itself (in his view, wrongly) as a class apart from society, and the thinking groups that every class produces from its own ranks organically.[48] Such organic intellectuals do not simply describe social life in accordance with scientific rules but instead articulate, through the language of culture, the feelings and experiences which the masses could not express for themselves. To Gramsci, it was the duty of organic intellectuals to speak to the obscured precepts of folk wisdom, or common sense (senso comune), of their respective political spheres. These intellectuals would represent excluded social groups of a society, or what Gramsci referred to as the subaltern.[50]
In line with Gramsci's theories of cultural hegemony, he argued that capitalist power needed to be challenged by building a
The need to create a working-class culture and a counter-hegemony relates to Gramsci's call for a kind of education that could develop working-class intellectuals, whose task was not to introduce Marxist ideology into the consciousness of the proletariat as a set of foreign notions but to renovate the existing intellectual activity of the masses and make it natively critical of the status quo. His ideas about an education system for this purpose correspond with the notion of critical pedagogy and popular education as theorized and practised in later decades by Paulo Freire in Brazil, and have much in common with the thought of Frantz Fanon. For this reason, partisans of adult and popular education consider Gramsci's writings and ideas important to this day.[51]
State and civil society
Gramsci's theory of hegemony is tied to his conception of the capitalist state. Gramsci does not understand the state in the narrow sense of the government. Instead, he divides it between political society (the police, the army, legal system, etc.) — the arena of political institutions and legal constitutional control — and civil society (the family, the education system, trade unions, etc.) — commonly seen as the private or non-state sphere, which mediates between the state and the economy.[52] He stresses that the division is purely conceptual and that the two often overlap in reality.[53]
Gramsci posits that the capitalist state rules through force plus consent: political society is the realm of force and civil society is the realm of consent. He argues that under modern capitalism the bourgeoisie can maintain its economic control by allowing certain demands made by trade unions and mass political parties within civil society to be met by the political sphere. Thus, the bourgeoisie engages in passive revolution by going beyond its immediate economic interests and allowing the forms of its hegemony to change. Gramsci posits that movements such as reformism and fascism, as well as the scientific management and assembly line methods of Frederick Winslow Taylor and Henry Ford respectively, are examples of this.
Drawing from
Despite his claim that the lines between the two may be blurred, Gramsci rejects the state-worship that results from equating political society with civil society, as was done by the Jacobins and fascists. He believes the proletariat's historical task is to create a regulated society, where political society is diminished and civil society is expanded. He defines the withering away of the state as the full development of civil society's ability to regulate itself.[52]
Historicism
Like the
For the majority of Marxists, truth was truth no matter when and where it was known, and scientific knowledge, which included Marxism, accumulated historically as the advance of truth in this everyday sense. In this view, Marxism (or the Marxist theory of history and economics) did not belong to the illusory realm of the superstructure because it is a science. In contrast, Gramsci believed Marxism was true in a socially pragmatic sense: by articulating the
Critique of economism
In a pre-prison article titled "The Revolution against
The belief from the earliest years of the
His critique of economic determinism extended to that practised by the syndicalists of the Italian trade unions. He believed that many trade unionists had settled for a reformist, gradualist approach in that they had refused to struggle on the political front in addition to the economic front. For Gramsci, much as the ruling class can look beyond its own immediate economic interests to reorganise the forms of its own hegemony, so must the working class present its own interests as congruous with the universal advancement of society. While Gramsci envisioned the trade unions as one organ of a counter-hegemonic force in a capitalist society, the trade union leaders simply saw these organizations as a means to improve conditions within the existing structure. Gramsci referred to the views of these trade unionists as vulgar economism, which he equated to covert reformism and liberalism.
Critique of materialism
By virtue of his belief that human history and collective praxis determine whether any philosophical question is meaningful or not, Gramsci's views run contrary to the metaphysical materialism and copy theory of perception advanced by
Legacy
According to the American socialist magazine Jacobin, Gramsci "is one of the most cited Italian authors — certainly the most cited Italian Marxist ever — and one of the most celebrated Marxist philosophers of the twentieth century.", adding that the Prison Notebooks "allowed his unorthodox Marxism to spread worldwide."[65]
Gramsci's thought emanates from the organised
As a socialist, Gramsci's legacy has been met with a mixed reception.[46]: 6–7 Togliatti, who led the party (renamed in 1943 as the Italian Communist Party, PCI) after World War II and whose gradualist approach was a forerunner to Eurocommunism, stated that the PCI's practices during this period were congruent with Gramscian thought.[66][67] It is speculated that he would likely have been expelled from his party if his true views had been known, particularly his growing hostility towards Joseph Stalin.[41]
One issue for Gramsci related to his speaking on topics of violence and when it might be justified or not. When the socialist
Association football
Like fellow Turinese and communist
Bibliography
Collections
- Pre-Prison Writings (Cambridge University Press)
- The Prison Notebooks (three volumes) (Columbia University Press)
- Selections from the Prison Notebooks (International Publishers)
Essays
- Newspapers and the Workers (1916)
- Men or machines? (1916)
- One Year of History (1918)
See also
- Articulation (sociology)
- Liberation theology
- Praxis School
- Subaltern (postcolonialism)
- Subaltern Studies
- Unification of Italy
References
- ^ "Gramsci's Humanist Marxism". 23 June 2016.
- ^ "Gramsci, Antonio". Lexico UK English Dictionary. Oxford University Press. Archived from the original on 14 May 2021. Retrieved 6 July 2023.
- ^ "Gramsci". The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language (5th ed.). HarperCollins. Retrieved 3 May 2019.
- ^ Sassoon 1991d, p. 446.
- ^ Haralambos & Holborn 2013, pp. 597–598.
- ^ "Italy, Oristano, Oristano. Civil Status (Tribunale), 1866–1940". FamilySearch. Archived from the original on 9 November 2016.
- ^ a b "IGSN 9 – Nuove notizie sulla famiglia paterna di Gramsci". International Gramsci Society. Retrieved 15 March 2017.
- ^ "Italiani di origine albanese che si sono distinti nei secoli". Il Torinese (in Italian). 8 January 2016. Retrieved 5 May 2018.
- ISBN 978-0-88033-168-5. "I myself have no race. My father is of recent Albanian origin. The family escaped from Epirus after or during the 1821 wars <of Greek Independence> and Italianized itself rapidly." Lettere dal carcere (Letters from Prison), ed. S. Capriogloi & E Fubini (Einaudi, Turin, 1965), pp. 507–508."
- ^ "IGSN 9 – Nuove notizie sulla famiglia paterna di Gramsci". www.internationalgramscisociety.org.
- ^ "Genealogia dei Gramsci".
- ISBN 978-8877157072. "Antonio Gramsci, nato ad Ales (Oristano) nel 1891, fondatore del Partito Comunista d'ltalia nel 1921, arrestato nel 1926, morto a Roma nel 1937, portava nel proprio cognome la manifesta origine albanese della famiglia (Gramsh o Gramshi, con l'articolo determinativo finale in -i, è il nome di una cittadina dell'Albania centrale)."
- ISBN 978-0-8071-1553-4.
- ^ Hoare & Smith 1971, p. xviii.
- ^ Hoare & Smith 1971, pp. xviii–xix.
- ISBN 0520236025.
- ISBN 9781-405183123
- ^ Santangelo 2021, p. 216.
- ^ Antonio Gramsci, Dizionario di Storia Treccani. Treccani.it (8 November 1926). Retrieved on 24 April 2017.
- ^ Hoare & Smith 1971, p. xix.
- ^ Antonio Gramsci e la questione sarda, a cura di Guido Melis, Cagliari, Della Torre, 1975
- ^ "Why Antonio Gramsci Matters to Sociologists". ThoughtCo.
- ^ Hall, Stuart (June 1986). "Gramsci's relevance for the study of race and ethnicity". Journal of Communication Inquiry 10 (2), 5–27, Sage Journals
- ^ (in Italian) Gramsci e l'isola laboratorio, La Nuova Sardegna Archived 25 April 2021 at the Wayback Machine. Ricerca.gelocal.it (3 May 2004). Retrieved on 24 April 2017.
- ^ Hoare & Smith 1971, p. xx.
- ^ Hoare & Smith 1971, p. xxv.
- ^ Deiana, Gian Luigi (23 June 2017). "The Legacy of Antonio Gramsci".
- ^ Hoare & Smith 1971, p. xxi.
- ^ Hoare & Smith 1971, p. xxx.
- ^ Hoare & Smith 1971, pp. xxx–xxxi.
- ISBN 978-0-19-824570-4.
- ISBN 978-1-83976-069-3.
- ISBN 978-0-230-37992-3. Retrieved 2 March 2023.
- ^ Hoare & Smith 1971, p. xlvi.
- ^ Picture of Gramsci's wife and their two sons at the Italian-language Antonio Gramsci Website.
- ISBN 0520236025.
- ^ Vacca, Giuseppe (2012). Vita e pensieri di Antonio Gramsci. Turin: Einaudi.
- ^ Hoare & Smith 1971, p. lxxxix.
- ^ Hoare & Smith 1971, p. xcii.
- ISBN 978-1-4473-4192-5.
- ^ a b Jones 2006, p. 25.
- ^ Hoare & Smith 1971, p. xciii.
- ^ a b Hoare & Smith 1971, p. xciv.
- ^ Ebner 2011, pp. 76, 105, 144, 150Ebner says that Mussolini "stage-managed the cases of prominent anti-Fascists like Gramsci" (p. 150) but that, in fact, the regime "rarely granted freedom to leading Communist Party militants" (p. 144). Liberal critics of Mussolini's imprisonment policies likened such policies to "dying a slow death" (p. 105). On Mussolini's pretence of having a benign regime see in particular Chapter 5, "The Politics of Pardons".
- ^ Gramsci Jr., Antonio (1 December 2016). "Antonio Gramsci, Jnr, My Grandfather". New Left Review. No. 102. Retrieved 8 July 2023.
- ^ a b c Anderson, Perry (November–December 1976). "The Antinomies of Antonio Gramsci". New Left Review. I (100). New Left Review: 5–78.
- ^ a b c Sassoon 1991c, p. 230.
- ^ a b Kiernan 1991, p. 259.
- ^ Gramsci 1971, p. 9.
- ISBN 978-0-8223-6219-7.
- S2CID 143570823.
- ^ a b Sassoon 1991b, p. 83.
- ^ Gramsci 1971, p. 160.
- ^ Gramsci 1971, pp. 404–407.
- ISBN 978-0-19-824570-4.
- ^ Sassoon 1991a, p. 221.
- ^ Friedrich Engels: Anti-Duehring
- ^ Friedrich Engels: Dialectics of Nature
- ^ Lenin: Materialism and Empirio-Criticism.
- ^ Gramsci 1971, pp. 440–448.
- ^ a b Gramsci 1971, p. 445.
- ^ Gramsci 1971, pp. 444–445.
- ^ Gramsci 1971, p. 420.
- ^ Gramsci 1971, pp. 419–425.
- ^ Maccaferri, Marzia (1 November 2021). "How Antonio Gramsci's Ideas Went Global". Jacobin. Retrieved 26 July 2023.
- ISBN 978-9-0045-0334-2.
- S2CID 245586587.
- ^ Frétigné 2021, pp. 156–159.
- ^ Frétigné 2021, pp. 182–183.
- ^ Romeo, Ilaria (7 February 2018). "Tra la rivoluzione e la Juve. La passione dei leader Pci per il calcio". Striscia Rossa (in Italian). Retrieved 4 July 2023.
Affermava in proposito l'avvocato Agnelli su 'La Stampa': 'Ho mandato al giornale una foto di una partita della Juventus del 1948, dove mi trovavo accanto a Togliatti. Lui, come tutti i leader comunisti di una certa generazione e di una certa classe, era juventino. Non ho mai avuto modo di verificare se Berlinguer amasse la Juventus; ma da alcune sue reazioni, che ho avuto occasione di vedere allo stadio, mi pare che anche il suo cuore fosse bianconero' (dalla lettera aperta a Luciano Lama Agnelli risponde a Lama sulla Juve, 'La Stampa', 6 marzo 1991, p. 33).
[In this regard, [Gianni] Agnelli stated in "La Stampa": "I sent the newspaper a photo of a Juventus match in 1948, where I was next to Togliatti. He, like all communist leaders of a certain generation and a certain class, was a Juventus fan. I've never had the opportunity to verify if Berlinguer loved Juventus, but from some of his reactions, which I had the opportunity to see at the stadium, it seems to me that his heart was Black and White too" (from the open letter to Luciano Lama, Agnelli replies to Lama on Juve, "La Stampa", 6 March 1991, p. 33).] - ^ Coccia, Pasquale (25 September 2021). "I comunisti scendono in campo". Il manifesto (in Italian). Retrieved 4 July 2023.
- ^ Mainente, Andrea (3 August 2022). "La Juventus comunista". Rivista Contrasti (in Italian). Retrieved 4 July 2023.
- ^ Magno, Michele (25 September 2021). "Gramsci e Togliatti, la rivoluzione e la Juventus". Start Magazine (in Italian). Retrieved 4 July 2023.
'E tu pretendi di fare la rivoluzione senza conoscere i risultati della Juve?.' Come a dire, senza conoscere gli umori del popolo a cui chiedi di insorgere? Il capo del Partito comunista, tifoso della 'Vecchia Signora', rimproverava così al suo vice di misconoscere l'importanza di un fenomeno di massa come il calcio, eletto dal fascismo a sport nazionale, in grado di influenzare mentalità e costumi dei ceti popolari. Un punto, questo, che aveva catturato l'attenzione di Antonio Gramsci già all'alba Novecento. Lo testimonia 'Il foot-ball e lo scopone', un celebre articolo pubblicato il 16 agosto 1918 sull'Avanti!.
["And you expect us to make the revolution without knowing the results of Juve?" As to say, without knowing the moods of the people, how do you ask [the people] to rise up? The head of the Communist Party, a fan of the "Old Lady", thus reproached his deputy for disregarding the importance of a mass phenomenon such as football, elected by fascism as a national sport, capable of influencing the mentality and customs of the working class. A point which had already captured the attention of Antonio Gramsci at the dawn of the twentieth century. Witness "Football and Scopone", a famous article published on 16 August 1918 on Avanti!]
Cited sources
- Althusser, Louis (1971), Lenin and Philosophy, London: Monthly Review Press, ISBN 978-1583670392.
- Anderson, Perry (November–December 1976). "The Antinomies of Antonio Gramsci". New Left Review. I (100). New Left Review: 5–78.
- Ebner, Michael (2011). Ordinary Violence in Mussolini's Italy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 76, 105, 144, 150.
- Frétigné, Jean-Yves (2021). To Live is To Resist: The Life of Antonio Gramsci. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. pp. 156–159, 182–183.
- Gramsci, Antonio (1971). Selections from the Prison Notebooks. International Publishers. ISBN 0-7178-0397-X.
- Haralambos, Michael; Holborn, Martin (2013), Sociology Themes and Perspectives (8th ed.), New York: ISBN 978-0-00-749882-6
- Hoare, Quintin; Smith, Geoffrey Nowell (1971), Introduction, Selections from the Prison Notebooks, by Gramsci, Antonio, Hoare, Quentin; Smith, Geoffrey Nowell (eds.), New York: International Publishers, pp. xvii–xcvi, ISBN 0-7178-0397-X
- Jones, Steven (2006), Antonio Gramsci, Routledge Critical Thinkers, Routledge, ISBN 0-415-31947-1.
- ISBN 0-631-16481-2.
- ISBN 978-0-393-32943-8.
- Sassoon, Anne Showstack (1991a). "Antonio Gramsci". In ISBN 0-631-16481-2.
- Sassoon, Anne Showstack (1991b). "Civil Society". In ISBN 0-631-16481-2.
- Sassoon, Anne Showstack (1991c). "Hegemony". In ISBN 0-631-16481-2.
- Santangelo, Federico (2021). "Between Ceasarism and Cosmopolitanism: Julius Ceasar as an Historical Problem in Gramsci". In Zucchetti, Emilio; Cimino, Anna Maria (eds.). Antonio Gramsci and the Ancient World. Taylor & Francis. pp. 201–221. ISBN 978-0429510359.
- Sassoon, Anne Showstack (1991d), "Prison Notebooks", in ISBN 0-631-16481-2
Further reading
- Adamson, Walter L. (2014). Hegemony and Revolution: Antonio Gramsci's Political and Cultural Theory. Brattleboro, VT: Echo Point Books & Media. ISBN 9781626549098.
- Anderson, Perry (November–December 1976). "The Antinomies of Antonio Gramsci". New Left Review. I (100). New Left Review: 5–78.
- Aqueci, Francesco (September–December 2018). "Il Gramsci di un nuovo inizio" (PDF). Rivista Internazionale di Studi Culturali, Linguistici e Letterari (in Italian) (Quaderno 12, Supplemento al n. 19): 223.
- ISBN 978-0-89608-226-7.
- ISBN 978-0-631-18082-1.
- Dainotto, Roberto M.; Jameson, Fredric, eds. (28 August 2020). Gramsci in the World. Duke University Press. ISBN 978-1-4780-0849-1.
- Davidson, Alastair (2018). Antonio Gramsci: Towards an Intellectual Biography. Haymarket Books. ISBN 9781608468256.
- Femia, Joseph V. (1981). Gramsci's Political Thought: Hegemony, Consciousness, and the Revolutionary Process. Clarendon Press. ISBN 0-19-827251-0.
- Fonseca, Marco (2016). Gramsci's Critique of Civil Society. Towards a New Concept of Hegemony. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-13-848649-2.
- Gramsci, Antonio (1971). Selections from the Prison Notebooks. International Publishers. ISBN 978-0-7178-0397-2.
- Greaves, Nigel (2009). Gramsci's Marxism: Reclaiming a Philosophy of History and Politics. Troubador Publishing. ISBN 978-1-84876-127-8.
- Harman, Chris (9 April 2007). "Gramsci, the Prison Notebooks and Philosophy". International Socialism.
- ISSN 0264-0856.)
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: CS1 maint: date and year (link - ISBN 978-0-520-05742-5.
- ISBN 978-0-670-12942-3.
- ISBN 978-0-19-285109-3.
- Hall, Stuart (June 1986). "Gramsci's relevance for the study of race and ethnicity". S2CID 53782.
- Maitan, Livio (1978). Il marxismo rivoluzionario di Antonio Gramsci. Milano: Nuove edizioni internazionali.
- McNally, Mark (11 August 2015). Antonio Gramsci. Springer. ISBN 978-1-137-33418-3.
- Onnis, Omar; Mureddu, Manuelle (2019). Illustres. Vita, morte e miracoli di quaranta personalità sarde (in Italian). Sestu: Domus de Janas. OCLC 1124656644.
- Pastore, Gerardo (2011). Antonio Gramsci: Questione sociale e questione sociologica. Gerardo Pastore. ISBN 978-88-7467-059-8.
- Santucci, Antonio A. (2010). Antonio Gramsci. Monthly Review Press. ISBN 978-1-58367-210-5.
- Thomas, Peter D. (2009). The Gramscian Moment: Philosophy, Hegemony and Marxism. BRILL. ISBN 978-90-04-16771-1.
External links
- Monumento casa natale di Antonio Gramsci, Ales, Sardinia (in Italian)
- Il dibattito recente su Gramsci. Tra "ortodossia" e revisionismo at Nitalenium Edizioni (in Italian)
Institutes
- The International Gramsci Society
- Fondazione Instituto Gramsci
- Associazione Casa Natale Antonio Gramsci
- Antonio Gramsci, 1891–1937 (in Italian)
Texts by Gramsci
- Gramsci's writings at the Marxists Internet Archive Library
- journal.telospress.com Gramsci: "Notes on Language" – Telos
Articles on Gramsci
- Articles on Gramsci at journal.telospress.com
- Trudell, Megan; et al.: "Gramsci's revolutionary legacy", International Socialism 2007, issue 117
- Martin, James: Antonio Gramsci, Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. 13 January 2023.
- Robaina, Roberto: "Gramsci and revolution: a necessary clarification", International Socialism
- Jakopovich, Dan: "Revolution and the Party in Gramsci's Thought: A Modern Application"
- Gramsci's contribution to the field of adult and popular education – www.infed.org
- "The life and work of Antonio Gramsci" – www.theory.org.uk (Archived)
- Hedges, Chris: "Antonio Gramsci and the Battle Against Fascism" – Truthdig. 4 June 2017
- Jessop, Bob: Lectures on Gramsci (Four sessions with audio).