Greater Serbia
The term Greater Serbia or Great Serbia (
The Greater Serbian ideology includes claims to various territories aside from modern-day Serbia, including the whole of the former
Historical perspective
This section needs additional citations for verification. (June 2020) |
Following the growing nationalistic tendency in Europe from the 18th century onwards, such as the Unification of Italy, Serbia – after first gaining its principality within the Ottoman Empire in 1817 – experienced a popular desire for full unification with the Serbs of the remaining territories, mainly those living in neighbouring entities.[3]
The idea of territorial expansion of Serbia was formulated in 1844 in
After the end of the
The Serbian victory in the First World War was supposed to serve as compensation to this situation and there was an open debate between the followers of the Greater Serbia doctrine, that defended the incorporation of the parts of the defeated Austro-Hungarian Empire where Serbs lived to Serbia, opposed by the ones that supported an idea of uniting not only all the Serbian lands, but also to include other
The Serbian Royal family of
Following the
After the war, victorious Partisan leader Marshal
History
Obradović's Pan-Serbism
The first person to formulate the modern idea of Pan-Serbism was Dositej Obradović (1739–1811), a writer and thinker who dedicated his writings to the "Slavoserbian people", which he described as "the inhabitants of Serbia, Bosnia, Herzegovina, Montenegro, Dalmatia, Croatia, Syrmium, Banat, and Bačka", and who he regarded as all his "Serbian brethren, regardless of their church and religion". Other proponents of Pan-Serbism included historian Jovan Rajić and politician and lawyer Sava Tekelija, both of whom published works incorporating many of the aforementioned areas under a single umbrella name of "Serbian lands".[10] The concept of Pan-Serbism espoused by these three was not an imperialist one, based upon the notion of Serbian conquest, but a rationalist one. They all believed that rationalism would overcome the barriers of religion that separated the Slavs into Orthodox Christians, Catholics, and Muslims, uniting the peoples as one nation.
The idea of a unification and homogenization by force was propounded by Petar II Petrović-Njegoš (1813–1851).[10]
Garašanin's Načertanije
Some authors claim that the roots of the Greater Serbian ideology can be traced back to Serbian minister Ilija Garašanin's Načertanije (1844).[12] Načertanije (Начертаније) was influenced by "Conseils sur la conduite a suivre par la Serbie", a document written by Polish Prince Adam Czartoryski in 1843 and the revised version by Polish ambassador to Serbia, Franjo Zach, "Zach's Plan".[13][14]
"A plan must be constructed which does not limit Serbia to her present borders, but endeavors to absorb all the Serbian people around her."[12]
— Ilija Garašanin, Načertanije
The work claimed lands that were inhabited by Bulgarians, Macedonians, Albanians, Montenegrins, Bosnians, Hungarians and Croats as part of Greater Serbia.[12] Garašanin's plan also included methods of spreading Serbian influence in the claimed lands.[15] He proposed ways to influence Croats and Slavic Muslims, who Garašanin regarded as "Serbs of Catholic faith" and "Serbs of Islamic faith".[12] The document also emphasized the necessity of cooperation between the Balkan nations and it advocated that the Balkans should be governed by the nations from the Balkans.[16]
This plan was kept secret until 1906 and has been interpreted by some as a blueprint for Serbian national unification, with the primary concern of strengthening Serbia's position by inculcating Serbian and pro-Serbian national ideology in all surrounding peoples that are considered to be devoid of national consciousness.[13][15] Because Načertanije was a secret document until 1906, it could not have affected national consciousness at the popular level. However, some scholars suggest that from the second half of the nineteenth century to the outbreak of World War I, “leading political groups and social strata in Serbia were thoroughly imbued with the ideas in the Nacertanije and differed only in intensity of feeling and political conceptualization”.[17] Political insecurity, more so than Yugoslavism or Serbian nationalism, appeared to be the prevailing reasoning behind the idea of expanding Serbian borders.[18] The document is one of the most contested of nineteenth-century Serbian history, with rival interpretations.[19] Some scholars argue that Garašanin was an inclusive Yugoslavist, while others maintain that he was an exclusive Serbian nationalist seeking a Greater Serbia.[20]
Vuk Karadžić's Pan-Serbism
The most notable Serbian linguist of the 19th century,
There are at least 5 million people who speak the same language, but by religion they can be split into three groups ... Only the first 3 million call themselves Serbs, but the rest will not accept the name.[23]
— Vuk Karadžić, Srbi svi i svuda (Serbs All and Everywhere)
This view is not shared by Andrew Baruch Wachtel (Making a Nation, Breaking a Nation) who sees him as a partisan of South Slav unity, albeit in a limited sense, in that his linguistic definition emphasized what united South Slavs rather than the religious differences that had earlier divided them. However, one might argue that such a definition is very partisan: Karadžić himself eloquently and explicitly professed that his aim was to unite all native Shtokavian speakers whom he identified as Serbs. Therefore, Vuk Karadžić's central linguistic-political aim was the growth of the realm of Serbdom according to his ethnic-linguistic ideas and not a unity of any sort between Serbs and the other nations.
Balkan Wars
The idea of reclaiming historic Serbian territory has been put into action several times during the 19th and 20th centuries, notably in Serbia's southward expansion in the
...for economic independence, Serbia must acquire access to the Adriatic Sea and one part of the Albanian coastline: by occupation of the territory or by acquiring economic and transportation rights to this region. This, therefore, implies occupying an ethnographically foreign territory, but one that must be occupied due to particularly important economic interests and vital needs.[25]
Serbia gained significant territorial expansion in the Balkan Wars and almost doubled its territory, with the areas populated mostly by non-Serbs (
The Royal Serbian Army captured Durazzo (Albanian: Durrës) on 29 November 1912 without any resistance.[27] Orthodox Christian metropolitan of Durrës Jakob gave a particularly warm welcome to the new authorities.[28] Due to Jakob's intervention to the Serbian authorities several Albanian guerrilla units were saved and avoided execution.[29]
However, the army of the Kingdom of Serbia retreated from Durrës in April 1913 under pressure of the naval fleet of
Black Hand
The secret military society called Unity or Death, popularly known as the
World War I and the creation of Yugoslavia
By 1914 the Greater Serbian concept was eventually replaced by the Yugoslav Pan-Slavic movement. The change in approach was meant as a means to gain support of other Slavs which neighboured Serbs who were also occupied by Austria-Hungary. The intention to create a south Slav or "Yugoslav" state was expressed in the Niš declaration by Serbian prime minister Nikola Pašić in 1914, as well as in Serbia's regent Alexander's statement in 1916. The documents showed that Serbia would pursue a policy that would integrate all territory that contained Serbs and southern Slavs (except Bulgarians), including Croats and Slovenes.[citation needed]
The Treaty of London (1915) of the allies would assign to Serbia the territories of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Srem, Bačka, Slavonia (against Italian objections) and northern Albania (to be divided with Montenegro).[citation needed]
After the First World War, Serbia achieved a maximalist nationalist aspirations with the unification of the south Slavic regions of Austria-Hungary and Montenegro, into a Serbian-dominated Kingdom of Yugoslavia.[32]
During the
World War II and Moljević's Homogenous Serbia
During
The Serbs today have a primary and basic duty – to create and organize a homogeneous Serbia which must consist of the entire ethnic territory on which the Serbs live.
Homogenous Serbia
It was a point of discussion at a Chetnik congress which was held in the village of
Role in the dissolution of Yugoslavia
This section may primarily relate to a particular aspect rather than the subject as a whole. . (June 2020) |
SANU Memorandum
The Memorandum's defenders claim that far from calling for a breakup of Yugoslavia on Greater Serbian lines, the document was in favor of Yugoslavia. Its support for Yugoslavia was however conditional on fundamental changes to end what the Memorandum argued was the discrimination against Serbia which was inbuilt into the Yugoslav constitution. The chief of these changes was abolition of the autonomy of Kosovo and Vojvodina. According to Norman Cigar, because the changes were unlikely to be accepted passively, the implementation of the Memorandum's program would only be possible by force.[45]: 24
Milošević's rise to power
With the rise to power of Milošević the Memorandum's discourse became mainstream in Serbia. According to Bennett, Milošević used a
Croatia and Slovenia denounced the demands by Milošević for a more centralized system of government in Yugoslavia and they began to demand that Yugoslavia be made a full multi-party confederal state.[47] Milošević claimed that he opposed a confederal system but also declared that should a confederal system be created, the external borders of Serbia would be an "open question", insinuating that his government would pursue creating a Greater Serbia if Yugoslavia was decentralized.[48] Milosevic stated: "These are the questions of borders, essential state questions. The borders, as you know, are always dictated by the strong, never by weak ones."[49]
By this point several opposition parties in Serbia were openly calling for a Greater Serbia, rejecting the then existing boundaries of the Republics as the artificial creation of Tito's partisans. These included Šešelj's Serbian Radical Party, claiming that the recent changes had rectified most of the anti-Serb bias that the Memorandum had alleged. Milošević supported the groups calling for a Greater Serbia, insisting on the demand for "all Serbs in one state". The Socialist Party of Serbia appeared to be defenders of the Serb people in Yugoslavia. Serbian president Slobodan Milošević, who was also the leader of the Socialist Party of Serbia, repeatedly stated that all Serbs should enjoy the right to be included in Serbia.[50] Opponents and critics of Milošević claimed that "Yugoslavia could be that one state but the threat was that, should Yugoslavia break up, then Serbia under Milošević would carve out a Greater Serbia".[51]: 19
Major changes took place in Yugoslavia in 1990 when free elections brought opposition parties to power in Croatia and Slovenia.[44] In 1990, power had seeped away from the federal government to the republics and were deadlocked over the future of Yugoslavia with the Slovene and Croatian republics seeking a confederacy and Serbia a stronger federation. Gow states, "it was the behavior of Serbia that added to the Croatian and Slovene Republic's belief that no accommodation was possible with the Serbian Republic's leadership". The last straw was on 15 May 1991 when the outgoing Serb president of the collective presidency along with the Serb satellites on the presidency blocked the succession of the Croatian representative Stjepan Mesić as president. According to Gow, from this point on Yugoslavia de facto "ceased to function".[51]: 20
Virovitica–Karlovac–Karlobag line
The Virovitica–Karlovac–Karlobag line (Serbian: Вировитица–Карловац–Карлобаг линија / Virovitica–Karlovac–Karlobag linija) is a hypothetical boundary that describes the western extent of an irredentist nationalist Serbian state.[52] It defines everything east of this line, Karlobag–Ogulin–Karlovac–Virovitica, as a part of Serbia, while the west of it would be within Slovenia, and all which might remain of Croatia. Such a boundary would give the majority of the territory of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia to the Serbs.
This line was frequently referenced by Serbian politician Vojislav Šešelj.[53][54]
A greater Serbian state was supported for irredentist as well as economical reasons, as it would give Serbia a large coastline, heavy industries, agricultural farmland, natural resources and all of the crude oil (mostly found in the
In his speeches and books, Šešelj claimed that all of the population of these areas are in fact ethnic Serbs, of Orthodox, Roman Catholic or Muslim faith. However, outside of Šešelj's Serbian Radical Party, the line as such was never promoted in recent Serbian political life.
Yugoslav wars
Milošević believes he now has the historic opportunity to, once and for all, settle accounts with the Croats and do what Serbian politicians after World War I did not – rally all Serbs in one Serbian state.[50]
— Belgrade newspaper Borba, August 1991.
The
The Hague Trial Chamber found that the strategic plan of the Bosnian Serb leadership consisted of "a plan to link Serb-populated areas in BiH together, to gain control over these areas and to create a separate Bosnian Serb state, from which most non-Serbs would be permanently removed".[57] It also found that media in certain areas focused only on Serb Democratic Party policy and reports from Belgrade became more prominent, including the presentation of extremist views and promotion of the concept of a Greater Serbia, just as in other parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina the concept of a Greater Croatia was openly advocated.[58]
Vuk Drašković, leader of the Serbian Renewal Movement, called for the creation of a Greater Serbia which would include Serbia, Kosovo, Vojvodina, Macedonia and Montenegro, as well as regions within Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia with high concentrations of Serbs.[50] About 160,000 Croats were expelled from territories Serbian forces sought to control.[59]
Much of the fighting in the
Later developments
So I say: if a Greater Serbia should be held by committing crime, I would never accept it; may Greater Serbia disappear, but to hold it by crime – no. If it were necessary to hold only a small Serbia by crime, I would not accept it. May small Serbia disappear, but to hold it by crime – no. And if there is only one Serb, and if I am that last Serb, to hold on by crime – I do not accept. May we disappear, but disappear as humans, because then we will not disappear, we will be alive in the hands of the living God.
Serbian Patriarch Pavle
The
Serbian historian Sima Ćirković stated that grumblings about Greater Serbia and pointing fingers at Garašanin's Načertanije and the "Memorandum" is not helping to solve the existing problems and that it is an abuse of history.[61]
Serbian academic Čedomir Popov considers that the allegations of "Greater Serbian intentions" are often used for politically anti-Serbian interests and that they are factually incorrect. Popov stated that throughout the Serbian history there never was nor ever will be a Greater Serbia.[62]
In 2008, Aleksandar Vučić, a former member of the Serbian Radical Party, which advocated the creation of a Greater Serbia, stated that Šešelj's vision of Greater Serbian was unrealistic and that idea of Greater Serbia was unrealistic at the moment because of balance of power held by the great powers.[63]
Recent events
In 2011, there was a movement calling for the unification of Republika Srpska with Serbia. This idea is detested by Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina where it is seen as an act of breaking the Dayton Agreement, while Serbs see it as an example of self-determination.[64]
Serbian world
Ever since 2020, a new term called "Serbian world" (Serbian: Srpski svet) came to use among prominent Serbian politicians such as Aleksandar Vulin. Regional media and political commentators saw this term as a substitute for earlier "Greater Serbia".[65][66][67][68][excessive citations]
See also
- Anti-Croat sentiment
- Anti-Serb sentiment
- Far-right politics in Serbia
- Greater Albania
- Greater Bosnia
- Greater Croatia
- Proposed secession of Republika Srpska
- Serbian nationalism
- Homogenous Serbia
References
- ^ Tomasevich 1975, pp. 167–168.
- ^ Tomasevich 1975, p. 168.
- ISBN 978-1-59884-303-3.
- ISBN 978-0-67416-698-1.
- ^ "Ilija Garasanin's "Nacertanije": A Reasessment". Rastko.org.rs. Archived from the original on 2014-01-07. Retrieved 2010-08-04.
- ^ Banac 1988, p. 110.
- ^ Anzulovic 1999, p. 89.
- ISBN 978-1-57607-800-6.
..the two Balkan Wars of 1912 and 1913 , which expanded Serbian territory to the south..
- ISBN 978-1-30553-780-4.
- ^ a b Anzulovic 1999, pp. 71–73.
- ^ Thiers, Henri (1862). La Serbie: Son Passé et Son Avenir. Dramard-Baudry.
- ^ a b c d Cohen 1996, p. 3.
- ^ a b Anzulovic 1999, p. 91.
- ^ Trencsenyi & Kopecek 2007, p. 240.
- ^ a b Cohen 1996, pp. 3–4.
- ^ Deretić, Jovan (2005). Kulturna istorija Srba. Narodna knjiga. p. 257.
- ^ Manetovic 2006, p. 145.
- ^ Manetovic 2006, p. 160.
- ^ Trencsenyi & Kopecek 2007, p. 239.
- ^ Manetovic 2006, p. 137.
- ^ Banac 1992, p. 144.
- ^ Melichárek 2015, p. 59.
- ^ Danijela Nadj. "Vuk Karadzic, Serbs All and Everywhere (1849)". Hic.hr. Retrieved 2010-08-04.
- ^ a b c d e f g Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (1914). Report of the International Commission to Inquire into the Causes and Conduct of the Balkan War. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
- ^ Danijela Nadj. "Jovan Cvijić, Selected statements". Hic.hr. Retrieved 2010-08-04.
- ^ Antić 2010.
- ^ Antić (2010) "Velika luka došla je bez otpora pod vlast Kraljevine Srbije... The big port fell into hands of Kingdom of Serbia without any resistance"
- ^ Antić (2010) "Novu vlast je posebno srdačno dočekao drački pravoslavni episkop Jakov. ... New authorities were particularly worm welcomed by Orthodox metropolitan Jakov"
- S2CID 165339712
- ^ Antić (2010) "VeĆ u aprilu 1913. postalo je izvesno da je kraj "albanske operacije" blizu. Pod pritiskom flote velikih sila srpska vojska je napustila jadransko primorje. U Albaniji je, međutim, ostala još dva meseca... In April 1913 it was obvious that end of "Albanian operation" was close and army of Serbia retreated from Adriatic coast remaining in Albania for two more months."
- ^ Report of the International Commission to Inquire into the Causes and Conduct of the Balkan Wars. Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. 1914. p. 169. Retrieved 2020-08-08 – via Internet Archive.
- ISBN 9780415229470. Retrieved 2010-08-04.
- ^ "An article by Dimiter Vlahov about the persecution of the Bulgarian population in Macedonia". Newspaper Balkanska federatsia, Vienna, No.140, August 20, 1930; the original is in Bulgarian. Retrieved 2007-08-03.
- S2CID 143667209.
- ^ "By the Shar Mountain there is also terror and violence". newspaper "Makedonsko Delo", No. 58, Jan. 25, 1928, Vienna, original in Bulgarian. Retrieved 2007-08-03.
- ^ Tomasevich 2001, p. 747.
- ISBN 978-0714656250.
- ISBN 978-0-19726-380-8.
- ISBN 0-8147-5561-5.
- ISBN 0-521-77401-2.
- ISBN 0-14-023377-6.
- ^ Danijela Nadj. "Stevan Moljevic, Homogeneous Serbia (1941)". Hic.hr. Retrieved 2010-08-04.
- ^ Pinson 1996, pp. 143–144.
- ^ ISBN 1-85065-232-5.
- ISBN 0-89096-638-9.
- ^ Ramet 2006, pp. 351.
- ^ Ramet 2006, pp. 355.
- ^ Ramet 2006, pp. 359.
- ^ "Carving Out a Greater Serbia". Stephen Engelberg. nytimes. 1 September 1991. Retrieved 8 February 2021.
- ^ a b c d Bassiouni, Cherif (28 December 1994). "Final Report of the Commission of Experts Established Pursuant to Security Council Resolution 780". United Nations. Archived from the original on 4 May 2012. Retrieved 10 May 2010.
- ^ ISBN 1-85065-208-2.
- ^ "Granice (srpske)". Biografija :: Pojmovnik (in Serbian). Vojislav Šešelj official website. April 1992. Retrieved 2012-12-21.
Srpske granice dopiru do Karlobaga, Ogulina, Karlovca, Virovitice.
- ^ "Case information sheet" (PDF). (IT-03-67) Vojislav Šešelj trial. ICTY. Retrieved 2012-12-21.
He defined the so-called Karlobag-Ogulin-Karlovac-Virovitica line as the western border of this new Serbian state which he referred to as "Greater Serbia" and which included Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia and considerable parts of Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina.
- ISSN 1332-4454. Archived from the original on 2014-04-07. Retrieved 2012-12-21.
8. "The Virovitica-Karlovac-Karlobag line" – the amputation line which was intended to come into being by the imposed Yugoslav king Alexander after the assassination of Croatian national tribune Stjepan Radić in 1928. The remains of thus amputated Croatia "would be seen from the Zagreb Cathedral's tower". That line is also mentioned in Četniks' plans during WW2 (Moljević, Dražža Mihajlović), the line mentioned by Serb radical politicians (Šešelj) and by the JNA military strategists as the western border of "Greater Serbia".
Alt URL - ^ "Converting the Army". Vreme New Digest Agency (in Serbian). No. 3. 1991-10-14. Retrieved 2012-12-21.
The projected future frontiers of the "Great Serbia" are derived from the recent Army offensives and extrapolated from the public statements of Serbian politicians known to be "the mouthpiece of Milosevic". [...] The line Karlovac–Virovitica incidentally covers the only oilfields in Yugoslavia. The entire Slavonia represents probably the best agricultural soil in Europe.
- ^ Decision of the ICTY Appeals Chamber; 18 April 2002; Reasons for the Decision on Prosecution Interlocutory Appeal from Refusal to Order Joinder; Paragraph 8
- ^ "Prosecutor v. Radoslav Brđanin – Judgement" (PDF). United Nations International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. 2007-04-03. Retrieved 2009-11-03.
- ^ "Prosecutor v. Duško Tadić – Judgement" (PDF). United Nations International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. 1997-07-14. Retrieved 2009-11-03.
- ^ a b Smydo, Joe (2004-08-29). "Atrocities in Yugoslavia unraveled much later". Post-gazette.com. Retrieved 2010-08-04.
- ^ "Interview with Patriarch Pavle (Serbian)". Dverisrpske.com. Retrieved 2010-08-04.
- ^ Ćirković, Sima (2020). Živeti sa istorijom. Belgrade: Helsinški odbor za ljudska prava u Srbiji. p. 236.
- ^ Mojović, Dragan (2007). "Velike Srbije nikada nije bilo". NIN: 82, 83.
- ^ "Vučić sad nije za veliku Srbiju". Blic Online. Retrieved 30 August 2011.
- ^ Carpenter, Ted Galen (February 2011). "Time to Reconsider Partition For Bosnia". European Affairs. European Institute. Archived from the original on 2013-05-14. Retrieved 2012-10-25.
- ^ "Jutarnji list - 'Srpski svet': Nova Vučićeva sintagma za nikad prežaljeni plan stvaranja Velike Srbije?". www.jutarnji.hr (in Croatian). 2020-09-26. Retrieved 2021-06-14.
- ^ Agić, Jasmin. "Vulinov 'srpski svet': Pola Bosne i cijela Crna Gora". balkans.aljazeera.net (in Bosnian). Retrieved 2021-06-14.
- ^ Martinović, Iva (10 May 2021). "Svi 'srpski svetovi' Aleksandra Vulina". Radio Slobodna Evropa (in Serbo-Croatian). Retrieved 2021-06-14.
- ^ "La Grande Serbie et tous les mondes serbes d'Aleksandar Vulin". Le Courrier des Balkans (in French). Retrieved 2021-06-14.
Literature
- Antić, Čedomir (January 2, 2010). "Kratko slavlje u Draču" [Short celebration in Durres]. Večernje Novosti(in Serbian). Retrieved August 5, 2011.
- Anzulovic, Branimir (1999). Heavenly Serbia: From Myth to Genocide. New York University Press. ISBN 0-8147-0671-1.
- JSTOR 20025437.
- ISBN 978-1-5017-0193-1.
- ISBN 9788634302370.
- Cohen, Philip J. (1996). Serbia's Secret War: Propaganda and the Deceit of History. Texas A&M University Press. ISBN 978-0-89096-760-7.
- Manetovic, Edislav (2006). "Ilija Garasanin: Nacertanije and Nationalism". The Historical Review/La Revue Historique. 3: 137–173. doi:10.12681/hr.201.
- Popov, Čedomir (2007). Velika Srbija: stvarnost i mit. Izd. Knjižarnica Zorana Stojanovića. ISBN 978-86-7543-123-7.
- Melichárek, Maroš (2015). "The role of Vuk. S. Karadžić in the history of Serbian nationalism". Serbian Studies Research. 6 (1): 55–74.
- Pinson, Mark, ed. (1996). The Muslims of Bosnia-Herzegovina: Their Historic Development from the Middle Ages to the Dissolution of Yugoslavia. Harvard Middle Eastern Monographs. Vol. XXVIII. Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-932885-12-8. Retrieved 2 October 2013.
- Ramet, Sabrina P. (2006). The Three Yugoslavias: State-Building and Legitimation, 1918–2005. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press. ISBN 978-0-253-34656-8.
- Tomasevich, Jozo (1975). War and Revolution in Yugoslavia, 1941–1945: The Chetniks. Stanford: Stanford University Press. ISBN 978-0-8047-0857-9.
- Tomasevich, Jozo (2001). War and Revolution in Yugoslavia: 1941–1945. Stanford University Press. ISBN 9780804779241.
- Trencsenyi, Balazs; Kopecek, Michal (2007). National Romanticism: The Formation of National Movements: Discourses of Collective Identity in Central and Southeast Europe 1770–1945, volume II. Budapest: Central European University Press. ISBN 978-9-637-32660-8.
- Sinisa Malesevic (11 January 2013). Ideology, Legitimacy and the New State: Yugoslavia, Serbia and Croatia. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-136-34176-2.
- Charles Jelavich (1983). Serbian textbooks: toward greater Serbia or Yugoslavia.
- Svetozar Marković (1872), Serbija na istoku (Serbia in the East), Novi Sad
External links
From Project Rastko website:
- Ilija Garasanin's "Nacertanije": A Reasessment, including full translation of the document to English language
- Full Memorandum SANU (73 pages) Archived 2007-09-27 at the Wayback Machine (in Serbian)
- Memorandum of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts – Answers to Criticism
From Croatian Information Centre website:
- "Greater Serbia – from Ideology to Aggression" Archived 2011-07-09 at the Wayback Machine, book of excerpts of influential Serbians supporting the idea
- Henri Pozzi:Black Hand Over Europe Archived 2011-06-29 at the Wayback Machine
- Memorandum of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts Archived 2011-06-29 at the Wayback Machine
- Stevan Moljević:Homogenous Serbia Archived 2012-02-05 at the Wayback Machine
- An end to the myth of "Greater Serbia"? A rebuttal by a grandson of the man who coined the term Archived 2011-06-29 at the Wayback Machine
International sources
- The policy creating greater Serbia (UN report)
- Greater Serbia in modern times: Paul Garde's opinion
- Bosnia: a single country or an apple of discord? Archived 2015-09-23 at the Wayback Machine, Bosnian Institute, 12 May 2006
- Serbian-Greek Confederation as proposed by Slobodan Milošević and Karadžić
- The End of Greater Serbia By Nicholas Wood-The New York Times
- Globalizing the Holocaust: A Jewish 'useable past' in Serbian Nationalism – David MacDonald, University of Otago Archived 2022-01-09 at the Wayback Machine