Green criminology

Source: Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.

Green criminology is a branch of

corporate crimes against the environment, and environmental justice from a criminological perspective.[1]

Origins

The term "green criminology" was introduced by Michael J. Lynch in 1990, and expanded upon in Nancy Frank and Michael J. Lynch's 1992 book, Corporate Crime, Corporate Violence,[2] which examined the political economic origins of green crime and injustice, and the scope of environmental law. The term became more widely used following publication of a special issue on green criminology in the journal Theoretical Criminology edited by Piers Beirne and Nigel South in 1998.[3] Green criminology has recently started to feature in university-level curriculum and textbooks in criminology and other disciplinary fields.[4]

The study of green criminology has expanded significantly over time, and is supported by groups such as the International Green Criminology Working Group.[5] There are increasing interfaces and hybrid empirical and theoretical influences between the study of green criminology, which focuses on environmental harms and crimes, and mainstream criminology and criminal justice, with criminologists studying the 'greening' of criminal justice institutions and practices in efforts to become more environmentally sustainable and the involvement of people in prison or on probation in ecological justice initiatives.[6][7][8]

Approaches

Though green criminology was originally proposed as a political economic approach for the study of environmental harm, crime, law and justice, there are now several varieties of green criminology as noted below.[9]

Political economy, environmental justice, and the treadmill of production approach

The initial grounding of green criminology was in political economic theory and analysis. In his original 1990 article,

ecological Marxism
. Throughout the development of the political economic approach to green criminology, scholars have made significant use of scientific and ecological literatures, as well as empirical analysis, which have become characteristics of this approach and distinguish it from other varieties of green criminology.

Nonspeciesist and nonhuman animal studies

The second major variation of green criminology is the nonspeciesist argument proposed by Piers Beirne.

nonhuman animal studies are those focused on illegal wildlife trade, poaching, wildlife smuggling, animal trafficking and the international trade in endangered species.[19][20] Many of the studies green criminologists undertake in this area of research are theoretical or qualitative. Ron Clarke and several colleagues, however, have explored empirical examinations of illegal animal trade and trafficking,[21] and this has become a useful approach for examining green crimes. Clarke's approach draws on more traditional criminological theory such as rational choice theory and crime opportunity theory
, and hence is not within the mainstream of green criminological approaches. Nevertheless, Clarke's approach has drawn attention to important empirical explanations of green crimes.

Bio-piracy and eco-crimes

Similar to the political economic approach but without grounding in political economic theory, some green criminologists have explored the issue of green crime by examining how corporate behavior impacts green crimes.

genetically modified foods[25] and various forms of toxic pollution.[26]

Ecocide

Ecocide describes attempts to criminalize human activities that cause extensive damage to, destruction of or loss of ecosystems of a given territory; and which diminish the health and well-being of species within these ecosystems including humans. It involves transgressions that violate the principles of environmental justice, ecological justice and species justice. When this occurs as a result of human behaviour, advocates argue that a crime has occurred. However, this has not yet been accepted as an international crime by the United Nations.[27]

Eco-global criminology

Some of those who study environmental crime and justice prefer the use of Rob White's term, eco-global criminology.[28] In proposing this term, White suggested that it is necessary to employ a critical analysis of environmental crime as it occurs in its global context and connections.[29] Similar to Lynch's political economic approach to green criminology, White has also noted that it is desirable to refer to the political economy of environmental crime, and to social and environmental justice issues.

Green-cultural criminology

As proposed by Avi Brisman and Nigel South [30] green-cultural criminology attempts to integrate green and cultural criminology to explore the cultural meaning and significance of terms such as "environment" and "environmental crime". Green-cultural criminology goes against traditional approaches in regards to criminology, bringing attention to social harms and social consequences.[31]

Conservation criminology

Conservation criminology is complementary to green criminology. Originally proposed by an interdisciplinary group of scholars from the Department of Fisheries & Wildlife, School of Criminal Justice, and Environmental Science & Policy Program at Michigan State University, conservation criminology seeks to overcome limitations inherent to single-discipline science and provide practical guidance about on-the-ground reforms.[32][33] Conservation criminology is an interdisciplinary and applied paradigm for understanding programs and policies associated with global conservation risks. By integrating natural resources management, risk and decision science, and criminology, conservation criminology-based approaches ideally result in improved environmental resilience, biodiversity conservation, and secure human livelihoods. As an interdisciplinary science, conservation criminology requires the constant and creative combination of theories, methods, and techniques from diverse disciplines throughout the entire processes of research, practice, education, and policy. Thinking about the interdisciplinary nature of conservation criminology can be quite exciting but does require patience and understanding of the different languages, epistemologies and ontologies of the core disciplines. Conservation criminology has been extensively applied to extralegal exploitation of natural resources such as wildlife poaching in Namibia[34] and Madagascar[35] corruption in conservation,[36] e-waste,[37] and general noncompliance with conservation rules.[38] By relying on multiple disciplines, conservation criminology leapfrogs this ideal; it promotes thinking about second- and third-order consequences of risks, not just isolated trends.

Green Crime and Media

The way of seeing eco-crime through media in the form of images portrays racism.[39] Photography is very powerful tool to generate perspective and interpretation when representing the eco-crime. The blackness of the eco-crime be it in just a background or sillhoutte of the people on the site of eco-crime or the title of the images which has a racist content can be a tool to racialize the community where eco-crime happens or creating a symbol where green crime is black.[39] Reading race through an image is one of beneficial approach to see how racism pictured through an images of eco-crime.[39] Moreover, the meaning of green also deducted by media.[40] Media advertisement tend to use all the so called "go green" to sell the product eventhough the product is not really a sustainable product and not environmentally friendly.[40] This act by media to advertise their product to increase selling by sabotasing the "go green" movement is called 'greenwashing'.[40] Criminologist and media should study and create a focus on how the media portrays eco-crime to provide an equal information free from bias be it gender and race as well as eager to pay an attention towards green offender (e.g. corporations which violate environmental laws).[39][41]

Green criminological theory

It is often noted that green criminology is interdisciplinary and as a result, lacks its own unique theory or any preferred theoretical approach. Moreover, significant portions of the green criminological literature are qualitative and descriptive, and those studies have generally not proposed a unique or unifying theory. Despite this general lack of a singular theory, some of the approaches noted above indicate certain theoretical preferences. For example, as noted, the political economic approach to green criminology develops explanations of green crime, victimization and environmental justice consistent with several existing strains of political economic analysis. Beirne's approach takes an interdisciplinary view of theory with respect to various animal rights models and arguments. Clarke's rational choice models of animal poaching and trafficking build on the rational choice tradition found within the criminological literature. To date, these different theoretical approaches have not been examined as competing explanations for green crime and justice, a situation that is found with respect to orthodox or traditional criminological theories of street crime.

References

  1. ISSN 2055-1045
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  2. ^ Frank, Nancy and Michael J. Lynch 1992 Corporate Crime, Corporate Violence. Albany, NY: Harrow and Heston.
  3. S2CID 220321224
    .
  4. ^ White, R., & Heckenberg, D. (2014) 'Green Criminology: An Introduction to the Study of Environmental Harm' London: Routledge.
  5. ^ "Green Criminology". Green Criminology. Retrieved 2019-04-22.
  6. ^ Chapter 4 'Greening Justice' of Graham, H., & White, R. (2015) 'Innovative Justice' London: Routledge.
  7. ^ White, R., & Graham, H. (2015) 'Greening Justice: Examining the Interfaces of Criminal, Social and Ecological Justice' British Journal of Criminology [Advance Online Access]: 1-21.
  8. ^ Moran, D., & Jewkes, Y. (2014) Green' Prisons: Rethinking the ‘Sustainability’ of the Carceral Estate' Geographica Helvetica, vol 69: 345-353.
  9. ^ For a general guide to green criminology, its definition, and varieties see, South, Nigel, Avi Brisman, and Piers Beirne. (2013). A guide to a green criminology. Pp. 27-42 in N. South and A. Brisman (eds), The Routledge international handbook of green criminology. UK: Routledge.
  10. ^ Lynch, Michael J. 1990. The Greening of Criminology: A Perspective for the 1990s. The Critical Criminologist 2,3:3-4,11-12.
  11. ^ Lynch, Michael J. and Paul B. Stretesky. 1999. Clarifying the Analysis of Environmental Justice: Further Thoughts on the Critical Analysis of Environmental Justice Issues. The Critical Criminologist. 9,3: 5-8; Lynch, Michael J. and Paul B. Stretesky. 1998. Uniting Class and Race with Criticism Through the Study of Environmental Justice. The Critical Criminologist. Fall: 1, 4-7.
  12. ^ Stretesky, Paul B., and Michael J. Lynch. 2002. Environmental Hazards and School Segregation in Hillsborough, 1987-1999. The Sociological Quarterly. 43,4: 553-573; Stretesky, Paul B., and Michael J . Lynch. 1999. Environmental Justice and the Prediction of Distance to Accidental Chemical Releases in Hillsborough County, Florida. Social Science Quarterly. 80,4:830-846; Stretesky, Paul B., and Michael J. Lynch. 1998. Corporate Environmental Violence and Racism. Crime, Law and Social Change 30, 2: 163-184; Lynch, Michael J., Paul B. Stretesky and Ronald G. Burns. (2004). Determinants of Environmental Law Violation Fines Against Oil Refineries: Race, Ethnicity, Income and Aggregation Effects. Society and Natural Resources. 17, 4:333-347; Lynch, Michael J., Paul B. Stretesky, and Ronald G. Burns. 2004. Slippery Business: Race, Class and Legal Determinants of Penalties Against Petroleum Refineries. Journal of Black Studies. 34,3: 421-440.
  13. ^ Stretesky, Paul B., and Michael J. Lynch. 2011. Coal Strip Mining, Mountain Top Removal and the Distribution of Environmental Violations Across the United States, 2002-2008. Landscape Research 36,2: 209-230; Stretesky, Paul B., and Michael J. Lynch. 2009. A Cross-National Study of the Association Between Per Capita Carbon Dioxide Emissions and Exports to the United States. Social Science Research 38:239-250.
  14. ^ Lynch, Michael J., and Paul B. Stretesky. (2013). The Distribution of Water-Monitoring Organizations Across States: Implications for Community Policing. Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies and Management 36,1: 6-26; Lynch, Michael J., and Paul B. Stretesky. (2012). Native Americans, Social and Environmental Justice: Implications for Criminology. Social Justice 38, 3: 34-54; Stretesky, Paul, Sheila Huss and Michael J. Lynch. 2012. “Density Dependence and Specialized Environmental Justice Organizations, 1970-2008.” The Social Science Journal 49,3: 343-51; Stretesky, Paul B., Shelia Huss, Michael J. Lynch, Sammy Zahran and Bob Childs. 2011. The Founding of Environmental Justice Organizations Across US Counties During the 1990s and 2000s: Civil Rights and Environmental Movement Cross Effects. Social Problems 58,3: 330-360; Stretesky, Paul B., Tara O’Connor Shelley, & Matthew S. Crow. 2010. Do conservation organizations influence the social production of natural resource violations? Organization and Environment, 23 (4): 398–416.
  15. ^ Long, Michael A., Paul B. Stretesky, Michael J. Lynch and Emily Fenwick. 2012. Crime in the Coal Industry: Implications for Green Criminology and Treadmill of Production Theory. Organization & Environment 25,3: 299-316; Lynch, Michael J., Michael A. Long, Kimberly L. Barrett and Paul B. Stretesky. (2013). Is it a Crime to Produce Ecological Disorganization? Why Green Criminology and Political Economy Matter in the Analysis of Global Ecological Harms. British Journal of Criminology 55, 3; 997-1016; Stretesky, Paul B., Michael A. Long and Michael J. Lynch. (2013a). The Treadmill of Crime: Political Economy and Green Criminology. UK: Routledge; Stretesky, Paul B., Michael A. Long and Michael J. Lynch. (2013b) Does environmental enforcement slow the treadmill of production? The relationship between large monetary penalties, ecological disorganization and toxic releases within offending corporations. Journal of Crime and Justice 36, 2: 235-249.
  16. ^ Beirne, Piers. 1999. For a nonspeciesist criminology: Animal abuse as an object of study. Criminology 37, 1: 117-148.
  17. ^ Beirne, Piers. 2009. Confronting animal abuse: Law, criminology, and human-animal relationships. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.
  18. ^ For examples see the special issue of Crime, Law and Social Change Beirne has edited (volume 55, number 5); Cazaux, Geertrui. 1999. Beauty and the beast: Animal abuse from a non-speciesist criminological perspective. Crime, Law and Social Change 31, 2 : 105-125.
  19. .
  20. ^ Wyatt, Tanya. Green criminology & wildlife trafficking: The illegal fur and falcon trades in Russia Far East. LAP Lambert Academic Publishing, 2012; Wyatt, Tanya. 2009. Exploring the organization of Russia Far East's illegal wildlife trade: two case studies of the illegal fur and illegal falcon trades. Global Crime 10, 1-2: 144-154.
  21. ^ Lemieux, Andrew M., and Ronald V. Clarke. 2009. The international ban on ivory sales and its effects on elephant poaching in Africa. British Journal of Criminology 49, 4: 451-471; Clarke, Ronald V., and A. Rolf. 2013. Poaching, habitat loss and the decline of neotropical parrots: a comparative spatial analysis. Journal of Experimental Criminology 9, 3: 333-353; Pires, Stephen, and Ronald V. Clarke. 2012. Are parrots CRAVED? An analysis of parrot poaching in Mexico. Journal of research in crime and delinquency 49, 1: 122-146; Pires, Stephen F., and Ronald V. Clarke. 2011. Sequential foraging, itinerant fences and parrot poaching in Bolivia. British Journal of Criminology 51, 2: 314-335.
  22. ^ Ruggiero, Vincenzo, and Nigel South. 2013. Green criminology and crimes of the economy: theory, research and praxis. Critical Criminology 21, 3: 359-373.
  23. ^ South, Nigel. 2007. The ‘corporate colonisation of nature’: Bio-prospecting, bio-piracy and the development of green criminology. Pp. 230-247 in P. Beirne and N. South’s (ed), Issues in green criminology. Devon, UK: Willan.
  24. ^ Walters, Reece. 2006. Crime, bio-agriculture and the exploitation of hunger. British Journal of Criminology 46, 1: 26-45.
  25. ^ Walters, Reece. 2007. Food crime, regulation and the biotech harvest. European Journal of Criminology 4, 2: 217-235.
  26. ^ Walters, Reece. 2010. Toxic atmospheres air pollution, trade and the politics of regulation. Critical Criminology 18, 4: 307-323.
  27. ^ White & Heckenberg. Green Criminology: An Introduction to the Study of Environmental Harm, Routledge, 2014, pp 45-59.
  28. ^ White, Rob. 2011. Transnational environmental crime: Toward an eco-global criminology. UK: Routledge; Ellefsen, Rune, Guri Larsen, and Ragnhild Sollund (eds). 2012. Eco-global Crimes: Contemporary Problems and Future Challenges. UK: Ashgate Publishing, Ltd.
  29. ^ White, Rob. 2009. Researching Transnational Environmental Harm: Toward an Eco‐Global Criminology. International journal of comparative and applied criminal justice 33, 2: 229-248.
  30. ^ Brisman, Avi, and Nigel South. 2013. A green-cultural criminology: An exploratory outline. Crime, Media, Culture 9, 2: 115-135.
  31. ^ Nigel, South (2013). Routledge International Handbook of Green Criminology. Routledge. p. 349.
  32. ^ Gibbs, Carole, Meredith L. Gore, Edmund F. McGarrell, and Louie Rivers. 2010. Introducing conservation criminology towards interdisciplinary scholarship on environmental crimes and risks. British Journal of Criminology 50, 1: 124-144.
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  34. ^ Gore, Meredith L; Ratsimbazafy, Jonah; Rajaonson, Andry; Lewis, Amanda; Kahler, Jessica S (2016-07-12). "Public perceptions of poaching risks in a biodiversity hotspot: Implications for wildlife trafficking interventions". ResearchGate. 2016 (21).
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  41. OCLC 994552088.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) CS1 maint: others (link
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