Guðrøðr Óláfsson

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Not to be confused with Gofraid mac Amlaíb meic Ragnaill.

Guðrøðr Óláfsson
King of Dublin and the Isles
Expugnatio Hibernica): "Gottredum"[1]
Reign1150s–1160
Died10 November 1187
St Patrick's Isle
Burial1188
Iona
SpouseFindguala Nic Lochlainn
Issue
HouseCrovan dynasty
FatherÓláfr Guðrøðarson
MotherAffraic ingen Fergusa

Guðrøðr Óláfsson (died 10 November 1187) was a twelfth-century ruler of the kingdoms of

Fergus, Lord of Galloway. Throughout his career, Guðrøðr battled rival claimants to the throne, permanently losing about half of his realm to a rival dynasty in the process. Although dethroned for nearly a decade, Guðrøðr clawed his way back to regain control of a partitioned kingdom, and proceeded to project power into Ireland. Although originally opposed to the English invasion of Ireland, Guðrøðr adeptly recognised the English ascendancy in the Irish Sea region and aligned himself with the English. All later kings of the Crovan dynasty
descended from Guðrøðr.

In the last year of his father's reign, Guðrøðr was absent at the court of

Somairle mac Gilla Brigte, Lord of Argyll
, whose son, as a grandson of Óláfr, possessed a claim to the throne. Late in 1156, Guðrøðr and Somairle fought an inconclusive sea-battle and partitioned the kingdom of the Isles between them. Two years later Somairle struck again and forced Guðrøðr from the Isles altogether.

Guðrøðr appears to have spent his exile in the kingdoms of

Óláfr svarti
, eventually fought each other over the throne, and the resulting conflict carried on into later generations.

Background

Map of Britain and Ireland
Locations relating to Guðrøðr's life and times.

Guðrøðr was a son of

King of the Isles
in the second decade of the twelfth century.

The thirteenth- to fourteenth-century

Fergus, Lord of Galloway.[32] Several contemporary sources concerning Fergus' descendants suggest that he was married to an illegitimate daughter of Henry I, and that this woman was the mother of at least some of his offspring, including Affraic herself.[33][note 2] Although the union between Guðrøðr's parents is not dated in contemporary sources,[36] it appears to have been arranged in the 1130s or 1140s. The marital alliance forged between Óláfr and Fergus gave the Crovan dynasty valuable familial-connections with the English Crown, one of the most powerful monarchies in western Europe.[37] As for Fergus, the union bound Galloway more tightly to a neighbouring kingdom from which an invasion had been launched during the overlordsship of Magnús.[38] The alliance with Óláfr also ensured Fergus the protection of one of Britain's most formidable fleets, and further gave him a valuable ally outside the orbit of the Scottish Crown.[39]

Chronicle of Mann): "Godredus filius Olavi"[40]

Another alliance involving Óláfr was that with

Meic Somairle—the descendants of Somairle and Ragnhildr—a claim to the kingship through Ragnhildr's royal descent.[42] In the words of the chronicle, the union was "the cause of the collapse of the entire Kingdom of the Isles".[43]

Early career

Photograph of an ivory gaming piece depicting a seated king
A king gaming piece of the so-called Lewis chessmen.[44] Comprising some four sets,[45] the pieces are thought to have been crafted in Norway in the twelfth- and thirteenth centuries.[46] They were uncovered in Lewis in the early nineteenth century.[47] Some of the pieces may have arrived in the Isles as a result of Guðrøðr's return from Norway.[48]

Although the Chronicle of Mann portrays Óláfr's reign as one of tranquillity,

Ingi Haraldsson, King of Norway in 1152, where Guðrøðr rendered homage to the Norwegian king, and seemingly secured recognition of the royal inheritance of the Isles.[54] According to Robert's Chronica, the kings of the Isles owed the kings of Norway a tribute of ten gold marks upon the accession of a new Norwegian king. This statement could indicate that Guðrøðr rendered Ingi such a payment upon his visit to the Norwegian court in 1152.[55]

The following year marked a watershed in the history for the Kingdom of the Isles. For not only did David die late in May,

Gallovidians that they could find.[62] This ruthless reaction evidently reveals an attempt to uproot local factions adhering to Guðrøðr and his mother.[63] Within months of his father's assassination, Guðrøðr executed his vengeance. According to the chronicle, he journeyed from Norway to Orkney, strengthened by Norwegian military support, and was unanimously acclaimed as king by the leading Islesmen. He is then stated to have continued on to Mann where he overcame his three kin-slaying cousins, putting one to death whilst blinding the other two, and successfully secured the kingship for himself.[64] Whether Guðrøðr succeeded to the throne in 1153[65] or 1154 is uncertain.[66] The chronicle itself states that he overcame the Haraldssonar in the autumn following their coup.[64]

Fergus, Lord of Galloway as he is depicted in Leiden University Library Letterkunde 191 (Roman van Ferguut
)

Guðrøðr's reliance upon Norwegian assistance, instead of support from his maternal-grandfather, could suggest that the attack upon Galloway was more successful than the compiler of the chronicle cared to admit.

Malcolm IV, King of Scotland. The dynastic-challenges faced by Malcolm, and the ebb of Scottish influence in the Isles, may partly account for Guðrøðr's success in consolidating control of the kingdom, and may be perceptible in the seemingly more aggressive policy he pursued as king in comparison to his father.[69]

Contested kingship

kings of the Isles laid in their armed galley-fleets.[72][note 4]

Midway through the twelfth-century,

naval battles of the twelfth century.[80] According to the seventeenth-century Annals of the Four Masters, Muirchertach's maritime forces were mercenaries drawn from Galloway, Arran, Kintyre, Mann, and "the territories of Scotland".[81] This record appears to be evidence that Guðrøðr, Fergus, and perhaps Somairle, provided ships to Muirchertach's cause.[82][note 5] Although Toirrdelbach's forces obtained a narrow victory, his northern maritime power seems to have been virtually nullified by the severity of the contest,[84] and Muirchertach soon after marched on Dublin,[85] gained overlordship over the Dubliners, and effectively secured himself the high-kingship of Ireland for himself.[86]

Durham Liber vitae): "Dunegal filius Sumerledi"[87]

The defeat of forces drawn from the Isles, and Muirchertach's subsequent spread of power into Dublin, may have had severe repercussions concerning Guðrøðr's career.[88] In 1155 or 1156, the Chronicle of Mann reveals that Somairle conducted a coup against Guðrøðr, specifying that Þorfinnr Óttarsson, one of the leading men of the Isles, produced Somairle's son, Dubgall, as a replacement to Guðrøðr's rule.[89] Somairle's stratagem does not appear to have received unanimous support, however, as the chronicle specifies that the leading Islesmen were made to render pledges and surrender hostages unto him, and that one such chieftain alerted Guðrøðr of Somairle's treachery.[90]

Refer to caption
Guðrøðr's name and title as it appears on folio 63v of AM 47 fol (Eirspennill): "Guðroðr Suðr eyia konvngr s(on) Olafs bitlings"[91]

Late in 1156, on the night of 5/6 January, Somairle and Guðrøðr finally clashed in a bloody but inconclusive sea-battle. According to the chronicle, Somairle's fleet numbered eighty ships, and when the fighting concluded, the feuding brothers-in-law divided the Kingdom of the Isles between themselves.[92][note 6] Although the precise partitioning is unrecorded and uncertain, the allotment of lands seemingly held by Somairle's descendants in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries could be evidence that he and his son gained the southernmost islands of the Hebrides, whilst Guðrøðr retained the northernmost.[95] Two years later the chronicle reveals that Somairle, with a fleet of fifty-three ships, attacked Mann and drove Guðrøðr from the kingship into exile.[96] According to the thirteenth-century Orkneyinga saga, the contemporary Orcadian warlord Sveinn Ásleifarson had connections in the Isles, and overcame Somairle in battle at some point in the twelfth century. Although this source's account of Sveinn and Somairle is clearly somewhat garbled, it could be evidence that Sveinn aided Guðrøðr in his struggle against Somairle.[97] With Guðrøðr gone, it appears that either Dubgall or Somairle became King of the Isles.[98] Although the young Dubgall may well have been the nominal monarch, the chronicle makes it clear that it was Somairle who possessed the real power.[99] Certainly, Irish sources regarded Somairle as king by the end of his career.[98] The reason why the Islesmen specifically sought Dubgall as their ruler instead of Somairle is unknown. Evidently, Somairle was somehow an unacceptable candidate,[100] and it is possible that Ragnhildr's royal ancestry lent credibility to Dubgall that Somairle lacked himself.[101]

Exile from the Isles

Refer to caption
Nineteenth-century facsimile of the charter of Kelso Abbey, witnessed by Guðrøðr whilst in exile in 1159. His name and title reads: "Godredo Rege Insularum"[102]

Contemporaneous sources reveal that, upon his expulsion, Guðrøðr attempted to garner royal support in England and Scotland. For example, the English Pipe rolls record that, in 1158, the sheriffs of Worcester and Gloucester received allowances for payments made to Guðrøðr for arms and equipment.[103] Guðrøðr may have arrived in England by way of Wales. The English Crown's recent use of naval forces off the Gwynedd coast, as well as Guðrøðr's own familial links with the king himself, may account for the Guðrøðr's attempts to secure English assistance.[104] In any case, Guðrøðr was unable to gain Henry II's help, and the latter proceeded to busy himself in Normandy.[105] Guðrøðr next appears on record in Scotland, the following year, when he witnessed a charter of Malcolm to Kelso Abbey.[106] The fact that the Scottish Crown had faced opposition from Somairle in 1153 could suggest that Malcolm was sympathetic to Guðrøðr's plight.[107] Although the latter was certainly honourably treated by the Scots, as revealed by his prominent place amongst the charter's other witnesses, he was evidently unable to secure military support against Somairle.[108]

Refer to caption
The name of Fergus as it appears on folio 35v of British Library Cotton Julius A VII: "Fergus de Galwedia"[109]

It is uncertain why Guðrøðr did not turn to his grandfather, Fergus, for aid. One possibility is that the defeat of the Gallovidian fleet in 1154 severely weakened the latter's position in Galloway. In fact, there is evidence to suggest that Galloway endured a bitter power struggle later that decade.[108][note 7] According to the twelfth- to thirteenth-century Chronicle of Holyrood, Malcolm overcame certain "confederate enemies" in Galloway in 1160.[111] Although the exact identities of these opponents are unknown, it is possible that this source documents a Scottish victory over an alliance between Somairle and Fergus.[112] Before the end of the year, Fergus retired to Holyrood Abbey,[113] and Somairle came into the king's peace.[114] Although the concordat between the Scottish Crown and Somairle may have taken place after the Malcolm's subjugation of Somairle and Fergus, an alternate possibility is that the agreement was concluded in the context of Somairle having aided the Scots in their overthrow of Fergus.[115] Somairle's deal with Scottish Crown may also have been undertaken not only in an effort to ensure that his own authority in the Isles was recognised by Malcolm, but to limit any chance of Guðrøðr receiving future royal support from the Scots.[116]

Ingi Haraldsson, King of Norway, at the Battle of Oslo in 1161.[117]

Having failed to secure substantial support in England and Scotland, Guðrøðr appears to have turned to Ingi, his nominal Norwegian overlord.

king in 1163/1164.[124] It is likely that Guðrøðr was present at Magnús Erlingsson's coronation,[121] and possible that Guðrøðr rendered homage to him as well.[125]

Return to the Isles

Meic Somairle[128] or the Crovan dynasty.[129] Guðrøðr himself was laid to rest on the island.[130]

Somairle was slain in an unsuccessful invasion of mainland Scotland in 1164.[131] The declaration in the fifteenth- to sixteenth-century Annals of Ulster, of Somairle's forces being drawn from Argyll, Kintyre, Dublin, and the Isles, reveals the climax of Somairle's authority and further confirms his usurpation of power from Guðrøðr.[132] Despite the record preserved by the Icelandic annals—that Guðrøðr regained the kingship of the Isles in 1160—it appears that Guðrøðr made his actual return to the region after Somairle's fall.[133] Although it is possible that Dubgall was able to secure power following his father's demise,[134] it is evident from the Chronicle of Mann that the kingship was seized by Guðrøðr's brother, Rǫgnvaldr, before the end of the year.[135] Almost immediately afterwards, Guðrøðr is said by the same source to have arrived on Mann, ruthlessly overpowered his brother, having him mutilated and blinded.[136] Guðrøðr thereafter regained the kingship,[137] and the realm was divided between the Crovan dynasty and the Meic Somairle,[138] in a partitioning that stemmed from Somairle's strike against Guðrøðr in 1156.[139][note 8]

Black and white illustration of an inscribed cross-shaft
The remains of a cross-shaft uncovered on Iona,[143] once thought to be associated with Guðrøðr.[144][note 9]

In an entry dated 1172, the chronicle states that Mann was invaded by a certain Ragnall mac Echmarcacha, a man who slaughtered a force of Manx coast-watchers before being slain himself in a later engagement on the island. Although the chronicle claims that Ragnall was of "royal stock",

Echmarcach mac Ragnaill, King of Dublin and the Isles.[151] Alternately, Ragnall's name could indicate that he was a member of the Meic Torcaill, a family that possessed royal power in Dublin as late as the English conquest, and evidently possessed some lands afterwards.[152][note 10]

Another possibility is that Ragnall's attack was somehow related to events in northern Ireland, where the Meic Lochlainn lost hold of the Cenél nEógan kingship to

Uí Catháin, a branch of the Uí Néill who were opponents of John de Courcy, Guðrøðr's English ally and son-in-law.[155] Although the chronicle specifically dates Ragnall's invasion to 1172, the chronological placement of the passage positions it between events dating to 1176 and 1183.[156] This could indicate that the incursion took place in the immediate aftermath of John's conquest of Ulaid in 1177. Therefore, it is conceivable that Ragnall embarked upon his invasion whilst Guðrøðr was absent from Mann assisting John in Ireland.[152]

King of Dublin

Photograph of an ivory gaming piece depicting an armed warrior on horseback
A knight gaming piece of the so-called Lewis chessmen.

For a brief duration of his career, Guðrøðr appears to have possessed the kingship of Dublin. The chronology of his rule is unclear, however, as surviving sources concerning this episode are somewhat contradictory.[157] According to the Chronicle of Mann, the Dubliners invited Guðrøðr to rule over them as king in the third year of his reign in the Isles.[158] If correct, such an arrangement would have almost certainly provoked Muirchertach, the Dubliners' Irish overlord.[159][note 11] In fact, the chronicle reveals that Muirchertach indeed took exception to such overtures, and marched on Dublin with a massive host before forming up at "Cortcelis". Whilst in control of Dublin, Guðrøðr and the defending Dubliners are stated to have repulsed a force of three thousand horsemen under the command of a certain Osiblen. After the latter's fall, Muirchertach and his remaining host retired from the region.[158]

The chronicle's version of events appears to be corroborated by the Annals of Ulster. Unlike the previous source, however, this one dates the episode to 1162. Specifically, Muirchertach's forces are recorded to have devastated the Ostman lands of "Magh Fitharta" before his host of horsemen were repulsed.

Diarmait Mac Murchada, King of Leinster plundered Dublin and gained dominance over the inhabitants.[164] The payment reveals that the Dubliners recognised Diarmait's overlord, Muirchertach, as their own overlord, which in turn suggests that the price for peace was Guðrøðr's removal from the kingship.[165]

Photograph of an ivory gaming piece depicting a seated queen
A queen gaming piece of the so-called Lewis chessmen.[166]

In the winter of 1176/1177, the chronicle reveals that Guðrøðr was formally married to Muirchertach's granddaughter, Findguala Nic Lochlainn, in a ceremony conducted under the auspices of the visiting

St Stephen in Celio Monte.[167][note 12] The precise date when Guðrøðr and Findguala commenced their liaison is unknown,[170] and the two could have been a couple for some time before their formal marriage.[171] It is possible that the union was originally brokered as a compromise on Muirchertach's part, as a means to placate Guðrøðr for withdrawing from Dublin.[172] The demonstrable unreliability of the chronicle's chronology, and the apparent corroboration of events by the Annals of the Four Masters and the Annals of Ulster, suggests that the Guðrøðr's adventure in Dublin date to about 1162.[157] Such a date, however, appears to contradict the fact that Guðrøðr seems to have endured Norwegian exile in 1160/1161, and apparently only returned to the Isles in 1164.[173] If the chronicle's date is indeed correct, Guðrøðr's inability to incorporate Dublin into the Kingdom of the Isles could well have contributed to his loss of status to Somairle.[174]

There may be reason to suspect that Guðrøðr's defeat to Somairle was partly enabled by an alliance between Muirchertach and Somairle.

King of Dublin could reveal that Þorfinnr himself was opposed to Muirchertach's foreign overlordship.[104] If Guðrøðr's difficulties in Dublin indeed date to a period just before Somairle's coup, the cooperation of men like Þorfinnr could be evidence that Dubgall—on account of his mother's ancestry and his father's power—was advanced as a royal candidate in an effort to counter Muirchertach's overlordship of Dublin.[179][note 13]

Opposed to the English in Ireland

Refer to caption
Nineteenth-century depiction of the seal of Richard de Clare, Earl of Pembroke.[184] The device depicts a contemporary mounted knight and footsoldier.

Later in his reign, Guðrøðr again involved himself in the affairs of Dublin.

Ascall mac Ragnaill, King of Dublin.[191]

Photograph of an ivory gaming piece depicting an armed warrior
A rook gaming piece of the so-called Lewis chessmen.[192]

According to the twelfth-century

La Geste des Engleis en Yrlande indicate that Ascall's forces consisted of heavily armoured Islesmen and Norwegians.[199] The invasion itself was an utter failure, however, and Ascall himself was captured and executed.[200] Amongst the slain appears to have been Sveinn himself.[201]

The successive deaths of Diarmait and Ascall left a power vacuum in Dublin that others sought to fill. Almost immediately after Ascall's fall, for example, Ruaidrí had the English-controlled town besieged.

Henry II, King of England, who converted it into an English royal town.[208]

Aligned with the English in Ireland

Affrica, at Carrickfergus Castle. The mannequin is looking through the window of the castle's great hall
.

According to the Chronicle of Northampton, Guðrøðr attended the coronation of Henry II's teenage son,

Affrica, and one of the most powerful incoming Englishmen, John de Courcy.[214]

In 1177, John led an invasion of Ulaid (an area roughly encompassing what is today

Donnchad mac Gilla Brigte, Earl of Carrick. Like Guðrøðr, Donnchad was a grandson of Fergus,[222] and it possible that John's marriage to Affrica accounts for Donnchad's cooperation with him.[223]

Refer to caption
The name of Guðrøðr's wife, Findguala Nic Lochlainn, as it appears on folio 40r of British Library Cotton Julius A VII: "Phingola".[224]

Although the promise of maritime military support could well have motivated John to align himself with Guðrøðr,

Cenél nEógain kingship to the rival Uí Néill dynast Áed Méith in 1177.[155] The latter certainly clashed with John before the end of the century, and the strife between the Uí Néill and Meic Lochlainn continued on for decades.[228] In any case, the unions meant that John was protected on his right flank by Guðrøðr, through whom John shared a common interest with the Meic Lochlainn, situated on his left flank.[229] John would have almost certainly attempted to use such alignments to his advantage,[227] whilst Guðrøðr may have used John's campaigning against the Ulaid as a means of settling old scores.[230] The marriage alliance between Guðrøðr and John partly exemplifies the effect that the English conquest of Ireland had upon not only Irish politics but that of the Isles as well.[231]

Ecclesiastical activities

Refer to caption
The title of the Bishop of the Isles as it appears on folio 46v of British Library Cotton Julius A VII: "Sodorensis episcopus".[232]

There is reason to regard Óláfr, like his Scottish counterpart David, as a reforming monarch.

monastery of Holm Cultram, another Cistercian house in England.[240]

Photograph of an ivory gaming piece depicting a seated bishop
A bishop gaming piece of the so-called Lewis chessmen[241][note 18]

The ecclesiastical jurisdiction within Guðrøðr's kingdom was the

Orkney and the Isles included within the prospective Scottish Archdiocese of St Andrews.[252]

Map of Britain and Ireland
Extent of the Diocese of the Isles, c.1300[253]

It may have been in the context of this ecclesiastical crisis in the Isles that Guðrøðr undertook his journey to Norway in 1152. Guðrøðr's overseas objective, therefore, may have been to secure the patronage of a Scandinavian

Archdiocese of Niðaróss—encompassed eleven dioceses in and outside mainland Norway. One such overseas diocese was that of the Isles,[262] officially incorporated within the province in November 1154.[263][note 21] Although Óláfr did not live long enough to witness the latter formality, it is evident that the remarkable overseas statecraft undertaken by Óláfr and Guðrøðr secured their kingdom's ecclesiastical and secular independence from nearby Dublin.[265] The establishment of the Norwegian archdiocese bound outlying Norse territories closer to Norwegian royal power.[266] In effect, the political reality of the Diocese of the Isles—its territorial borders and nominal subjection to far-off Norway—appears to have mirrored that of the Kingdom of the Isles.[267]

Refer to caption
The name of Gamaliel as it appears on folio 50v of British Library Cotton Julius A VII: "Gamaliel"[268]

Despite the ecclesiastical reorientation, the next Bishop of the Isles known from Manx sources was consecrated by

Roger de Pont l'Evêque, Archbishop of York. This bishop, an Englishman named Gamaliel, may have been consecrated between October 1154 and early 1155, possibly before news of the diocesesan realignment reached the Isles.[269] Although it is possible that Gamaliel was consecrated without Guðrøðr's approval, the bishop appears to have witnessed at least one of the latter's charters.[270] The fact that Gamaliel was buried in Peterborough could suggest that he was removed from his see at some point.[271]

Refer to caption
The name of Reginald as it appears on folio 50v of British Library Cotton Julius A VII: "Ragnaldus"[268]

The next known bishop was Reginald, a Norwegian who witnessed the bitter struggles between Guðrøðr and Somairle, and who seems to have died in about 1170.

Mont St Michel.[275] Robert's account of the meeting indicates that the kings of the Isles were obligated to render tribute to newly crowned kings of Norway.[276] It is possible that Reginald followed Guðrøðr into exile after the latter's defeat to Somairle.[277] Reginald's successor was Christian, an Argyllman who appears to have been appointed by Somairle or his sons.[278] The fact that Christian did not receive acknowledgement from the Archbishop of Niðaróss could be evidence that Reginald remained in Norway.[279] The apparent antipathy between Guðrøðr and Christian may be evidenced by the fact that it was Silvan, Abbot of Rievaulx—and not Christian—who conducted the marriage ceremony of Guðrøðr and Findguala during Vivian's visit in 1176/1177.[280]

Death and descendants

Photograph of stone castle
The ruins of Peel Castle and St German's Cathedral on St Patrick's Isle. The fact Guðrøðr and his son, Óláfr svarti, are recorded to have died on the islet could be evidence that it was the site of a royal residence.[281]

According to the Chronicle of Mann, Guðrøðr had four children: Affrica, Rǫgnvaldr, Ívarr, and

sister-son of Óláfr svarti.[292]

Many anecdotes about him worthy of being remembered could be told, which for brevity's sake we have omitted.

— a less-than-illuminative excerpt from the Chronicle of Mann concerning Guðrøðr.[293]

Guðrøðr died on 10 November 1187 on St Patrick's Isle.[294] The fact that Guðrøðr and his son, Óláfr svarti, are recorded to have died on this islet could indicate that it was a royal residence.[295][note 23] In any case, the following year Guðrøðr was finally laid to rest on Iona,[130] an island upon which the oldest intact building is St Oran's Chapel.[298] Certain Irish influences in this building's architecture indicate that it dates to about the mid twelfth century.[299] The chapel could well have been erected by Óláfr or Guðrøðr.[129][note 24] Certainly, their family's remarkable ecclesiastical activities during this period suggest that patronage of Iona is probable.[300]

Upon Guðrøðr's death the chronicle claims that he left instructions for his younger son, Óláfr svarti, to succeed to the kingship since he had been born "in lawful wedlock".

kingship in the Isles. For example, this episode appears to be the earliest record of a ruling member of the Crovan dynasty designating a royal successor. If so, such an arrangement may have been borne out of Guðrøðr's own bitter difficulties with rival claimants to the throne.[302] On the other hand, it is uncertain if the chronicle has preserved an accurate account of events,[303] as the Islesmen are stated to have chosen Rǫgnvaldr to rule instead, because unlike Óláfr svarti, who was only a child at the time, Rǫgnvaldr was a hardy young man fully capable to reign as king.[304] One possibility is that Guðrøðr may have intended for Rǫgnvaldr to temporarily rule as a lieutenant of sorts until Óláfr svarti was able to hold sway himself.[305] Although Rǫgnvaldr appears to have later forged an alliance with the Meic Somairle, and may have temporarily reunited the entire Kingdom of the Isles under his own leadership,[306] he was later opposed by Óláfr svarti, and the ensuing violent conflict between Guðrøðr's descendants carried on to further generations.[307]

Ancestry

Notes

  1. patronyms in English secondary sources: Godfrey mac Aulay,[19] Godhfhraidh mac Amhlaoibh,[3] Godred Olafsson,[20] Godred Óláfsson,[21] Gofhraidh mac Amhlaíbh,[6] Gofraid Mac Amlaíb,[22] Gofraid mac Amlaíb,[23] Gofraidh mac Amhlaoibh,[24] Guðrøð Óláfsson,[12] Guðrǫðr Óláfsson,[13] Guðröðr Óláfsson,[25] Guðrøðr Óláfsson,[26] and Guðrøðr Ólafsson.[27] Guðrøðr has also been accorded an epithet: Godred the Black.[28]
  2. Robert de Torigni, Abbot of Mont Saint-Michel.[34] Henry II's mother was Matilda, daughter of Henry I.[35] The Chronica notes that Guðrøðr and Henry II were related by blood through Matilda, stating in Latin: "Est enim prædictus rex consanguineus regis Anglorum ex parte Matildis imperatricis matris suæ" ("For the aforesaid king is the cousin of the English king on the side of Matilda the empress, his mother").[34]
  3. ^ According to the chronicle, Haraldr had been castrated by at some point in the late 1090s. If correct, it would seem that the Haraldssonar were at least in their fifties when they confronted their uncle,[60] a man who must have been at least in his late fifties.[61]
  4. ^ The inscription of the vessel may date to about the time of the Crovan dynasty, possibly from about the eleventh- to the thirteenth century.[71] The vessel appears to be similar to those that appear on seals borne by members of the dynasty.[73] Members of the dynasty known to have borne seals include: Guðrøðr himself,[74] (Guðrøðr's son) Rǫgnvaldr,[75] and (Óláfr svarti's son) Haraldr.[76] Evidence of Guðrøðr's seal stems from his 1154 charter of confirmation to Furness, which states: "in order that this licence... may be firmly observed in my kingdom, I have strengthened it by the authority of my seal affixed to the present charter".[77] No seal used by a member of the dynasty survives today.[78]
  5. Gall Gaidheil of Arran, Kintyre, Mann, and the territory of Scotland.[83]
  6. ^ The chronicle dates the battle to the year 1156. Since the start of a new year in the Julian calendar is 25 March, the year of the battle in the Gregorian calendar is 1157.[93] Whatever the year, the weather conditions must have been particularly good to permit a naval battle at this time of season.[94]
  7. ^ The next secular witness listed after Guðrøðr is Fergus' son, Uhtred. Whether the latter was there in defiance of his father—or as a representative of him—is unknown. It is possible that discussion regarding Guðrøðr's plight was one of the factors in Uhtred's attestation.[110]
  8. ^ At one point, after noting this 1156 segmentation, the chronicle laments the "downfall" of the Kingdom of the Isles from the time Somairle's sons "took possession of it".[140] One possibility is that this statement is evidence that members of the Meic Somairle held a share of the kingdom before their father's demise.[141] It could even be evidence that it was not Somairle who had possessed the partition, but his sons.[142]
  9. ^ The stone is carved in a Scandinavian style.[145] It is similar to other Manx[146] and Anglo-Scandinavian sculpted stones.[147] It may date to the tenth- or eleventh century.[148]
  10. ^ Ascall was a member of the Meic Torcaill.[153] If Ragnall was indeed a member of this family, his name could indicate that he was a son of Echmarcach Mac Torcaill,[152] a man who—along with his brother Aralt—witnessed a charter of Diarmait between 1162 and 1166.[154]
  11. ^ Following Muirchertach's defeat of Toirrdelbach in 1154, and the former's march on Dublin, the Annals of the Four Masters reports that the Dubliners rendered Muirchertach the kingship and gave him one thousand, two hundred cattle.[160]
  12. Niall Mac Lochlainn, King of Cenél nEógain.[168] The fact that the chronicle describes her as Muirchertach's granddaughter without mentioning her father could indicate that the union was envisioned as a bond with her grandfather and not her father.[169]
  13. Ottar mac meic Ottair, King of Dublin, an Islesmen who had attained the kingship of Dublin in 1142.[182] This act may well have represented a threat to the authority of Guðrøðr's father, and the prospects of Guðrøðr himself.[183] Certainly, the kin-slaying Haraldssonar who slew Óláfr a decade after Ottar's accession were raised in Dublin. Enmity between Þorfinnr and Guðrøðr, therefore, could have been a continuation of hostilities between their respective families.[181]
  14. ^ Orkney is located in a chain of islands known as the Northern Isles. In Old Norse, these islands were known as Norðreyjar, as opposed to the Isles (the Hebrides and Mann) which were known as Suðreyjar ("Southern Islands").[195]
  15. ^ According to the Chronicle of Mann, Óláfr svarti was three years old at the time of his parents' marriage in 1176/1177. As such, one possibility is that the liaison between Guðrøðr and Findguala commenced at about the time of siege.[204]
  16. ^ The marriage is dated to 1180 by the unreliable eighteenth-century Dublin Annals of Inisfallen.[218] Much of the information presented by this source appears to be derived from Expugnatio Hibernica, and it is possible that this is the origin of the marriage-date as well.[219]
  17. foster-brother". This record appears to indicate that, although the two men were not related by blood, they had been nursed by the same mother.[237]
  18. ^ The pictured piece depicts a seated bishop, holding a crozier with two hands, and wearing a chasuble as an outer garment. The simple horned mitre worn by this particular piece may be evidence that it dates to the mid twelfth century, when horns began to be positioned on the front and back, as opposed to the sides of the headdress.[242]
  19. ^ The diocese is generally called Sodorensis in mediaeval sources.[244] This Latin term is derived from the Old Norse Suðreyjar,[245] and therefore means "of the Southern Isles", in reference to Mann and the Hebrides as opposed to the Northern Isles.[246]
  20. Haraldr gilli, King of Norway and Bjaðǫk, a woman who seems to have borne a Gaelic name. Eysteinn was eventually recognised as Haraldr gilli's son, and it is conceivable that Eysteinn and Bjaðǫk had powerful relatives who backed their claims. In regard to Guðrøðr, it is possible that his cooperation with Ingi was undertaken in the context of avoiding having to deal with Eysteinn and his seemingly Irish or Hebridean kin.[261]
  21. ^ Today Niðaróss is known as Trondheim.[264] Of the eleven dioceses, five were centred in Norway and six in colonies overseas (two in Iceland, one in Orkney, one in the Faroe Islands, one in Greenland, and one in the Isles).[262]
  22. ^ The fact the poem also describes Rǫgnvaldr as a descendant of "Lochlann of the ships", Conn, and Cormac,—all apparent members of the Uí Néill—could indicate that Guðrøðr's apparent marriage to Sadb represents an earlier alliance with Muirchertach.[169]
  23. ^ It is possible that seat of Manx royal power was located at Peel Castle before the seat moved to Castle Rushen in the thirteenth century.[296] The earliest evidence of ecclesiastical structures on the islet date to the tenth- and eleventh centuries.[297]
  24. ^ Other potential candidates include Somairle and his son, Ragnall.[128]

Citations

  1. ^ Dimock (1867) p. 265; Royal MS 13 B VIII (n.d.).
  2. ^ Coira (2012); Stephenson (2008); Barrow (2006); Boardman (2006); Brown (2004); Bartlett (1999); McDonald (1997); McDonald (1995).
  3. ^ a b Coira (2012).
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  5. ^ Rubin (2014).
  6. ^ a b McLeod (2002).
  7. ^ Ní Mhaonaigh (2018); Veach (2014); McDonald (2007a); Woolf (2005); Woolf (2004); Duffy (2004b); Woolf (2001); Duffy (1999); Thornton (1996); Duffy (1995); Duffy (1993); Duffy (1992); Duffy (1991).
  8. ^ Duffy (2007); McDonald (2007a).
  9. ^ McDonald (2007a); Purcell (2003–2004).
  10. ^ Flanagan (1977).
  11. ^ Macdonald; McQuillan; Young (n.d.).
  12. ^ a b Williams, DGE (1997).
  13. ^ a b Sigurðsson; Bolton (2014).
  14. ^ Beuermann (2014); Williams, G (2007).
  15. ^ Ekrem; Mortensen; Fisher (2006).
  16. ^ Duffy (2005a).
  17. ^ Veach (2018); Caldwell (2016); McDonald (2016); Rubin (2014); Veach (2014); Downham (2013); MacDonald (2013); Oram (2013); McDonald (2012); Oram (2011); Beuermann (2010); Beuermann (2009); Beuermann (2008); McDonald (2008); Duffy (2007); McDonald (2007a); McDonald (2007b); Woolf (2007); Duffy (2006); Macniven (2006); Power (2005); Salvucci (2005); Duffy (2004b); Thornton (1996); Gade (1994).
  18. ^ Duffy (2004b); Macdonald; McQuillan; Young (n.d.).
  19. ^ Boardman (2006).
  20. ^ McDonald (2019); Crawford, BE (2014); Sigurðsson; Bolton (2014); Abrams (2007); Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005); Hudson (2005); McNamee (2005); Woolf (2003); Beuermann (2002); Jennings, AP (2001); Oram (2000).
  21. ^ Oram (2000).
  22. ^ Duffy (1995).
  23. ^ Ní Mhaonaigh (2018); Veach (2014); Woolf (2005); Duffy (1993); Duffy (1992).
  24. ^ Duffy (2007); Ó Mainnín (1999).
  25. ^ Beuermann (2014).
  26. ^ Caldwell (2016); McDonald (2016); Rubin (2014); Veach (2014); Downham (2013); Oram (2013); McDonald (2012); Beuermann (2010); McDonald (2008); Duffy (2007); McDonald (2007a); McDonald (2007b); Woolf (2007); Duffy (2004b); Gade (1994); Macdonald; McQuillan; Young (n.d.).
  27. ^ Oram (2011); Macniven (2006).
  28. ^ Kostick (2013).
  29. ^ McDonald (2019) p. ix tab. 1; Oram (2011) pp. xv tab. 4, xvi tab. 5; McDonald (2007b) p. 27 tab. 1; Williams, G (2007) p. 141 ill. 14; Power (2005) p. 34 tab.; Brown (2004) p. 77 tab. 4.1; Sellar (2000) p. 192 tab. i; McDonald (1997) p. 259 tab.; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 200 tab. ii; Anderson (1922) p. 467 n. 2 tab.
  30. ^ McDonald (2019) p. ix tab. 1; Oram (2011) pp. xv tab. 4, xvi tab. 5; McDonald (2007b) p. 27 tab. 1; Williams, G (2007) p. 141 ill. 14; Sellar (2000) p. 192 tab. i.
  31. ^ a b McDonald (2007b) p. 27 tab. 1.
  32. ^ McDonald (2016) p. 342; Wadden (2014) pp. 31–32; McDonald (2012) p. 157; McDonald (2007b) pp. 66, 75, 154; Anderson (1922) p. 137; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 60–61.
  33. ^ Oram (1988) pp. 71–72, 79.
  34. ^ a b Oram (2000) p. 60; Oram (1993) p. 116; Oram (1988) pp. 72, 79; Anderson (1908) p. 245; Lawrie (1910) p. 115 § 6; Howlett (1889) pp. 228–229.
  35. ^ Oram (2011) p. xiii tab. 2.
  36. ^ Oram (1988) p. 79.
  37. ^ Oram (1993) p. 116; Oram (1988) p. 79.
  38. ^ Oram (1993) p. 116; Oram (1988) p. 80.
  39. ^ Oram (1988) p. 80.
  40. ^ Munch; Goss (1874) p. 62; Cotton MS Julius A VII (n.d.).
  41. ^ Oram (2011) pp. 86–89.
  42. ^ Beuermann (2012) p. 5; Beuermann (2010) p. 102; Williams, G (2007) p. 145; Woolf (2005); Brown (2004) p. 70; Rixson (2001) p. 85.
  43. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. viii, 59, 62–63, 93; Wadden (2014) p. 32; McDonald (2007b) pp. 67, 116; McDonald (1997) p. 60; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 197; Anderson (1922) p. 137; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 60–61.
  44. ^ Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) pp. 156 fig. 1b, 163 fig. 8e.
  45. ^ Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) p. 198.
  46. ^ McDonald (2012) pp. 168–169, 182 n. 175; Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) pp. 165, 197.
  47. ^ Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) pp. 155, 168–173.
  48. ^ McDonald (2012) p. 182 n. 175; Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) p. 178.
  49. ^ Beuermann (2014) p. 85; Oram (2011) p. 113; Oram (2000) p. 73; Anderson (1922) p. 137; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 60–61.
  50. ^ Oram (2000) p. 73.
  51. ^ Oram (2011) p. 113; Oram (2000) p. 73.
  52. ^ Beuermann (2014) p. 93 n. 43; Oram (2011) p. 113.
  53. ^ Oram (2011) p. 113; Beuermann (2002) pp. 421–422; Oram (2000) p. 73.
  54. ^ Rubin (2014) ch. 4 ¶ 18; Downham (2013) p. 172; McDonald (2012) p. 162; Oram (2011) p. 113; Beuermann (2010) pp. 106–107; Ekrem; Mortensen; Fisher (2006) p. 165; Hudson (2005) p. 198; Power (2005) p. 22; Beuermann (2002) p. 419, 419 n. 2; Jennings, AP (2001); Oram (2000) p. 73; Anderson (1922) p. 225; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 62–63.
  55. ^ Crawford, BE (2014) pp. 70–72; Hudson (2005) p. 198; Johnsen (1969) p. 20; Anderson (1908) p. 245; Lawrie (1910) p. 115 § 6; Howlett (1889) pp. 228–229.
  56. ^ Oram (2011) p. 108.
  57. ^ Oram (2011) p. 113; McDonald (2007b) p. 67; Duffy (2004b).
  58. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 65, 74; Beuermann (2014) p. 85; Downham (2013) p. 171, 171 n. 84; Duffy (2006) p. 65; Sellar (2000) p. 191; Williams, DGE (1997) p. 259; Duffy (1993) pp. 41–42, 42 n. 59; Duffy (1991) p. 60; Oram (1988) pp. 80–81; Anderson (1922) p. 225; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 62–65.
  59. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 74; McDonald (2007b) p. 92.
  60. ^ Beuermann (2002) p. 423.
  61. ^ Beuermann (2002) p. 423 n. 26.
  62. ^ Clancy (2008) p. 36; Davey, P (2002) p. 95; Duffy (1993) p. 42; Oram (1988) p. 81; Anderson (1922) pp. 225–226; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 64–65.
  63. ^ a b Oram (1988) p. 81.
  64. ^ a b McDonald (2019) p. 65; Crawford, BE (2014) p. 74; Downham (2013) p. 171; McDonald (2012) p. 162; Oram (2011) p. 113; Abrams (2007) p. 182; McDonald (2007a) p. 66; McDonald (2007b) pp. 67, 85; Duffy (2006) p. 65; Oram (2000) pp. 69–70; Williams, DGE (1997) p. 259; Gade (1994) p. 199; Duffy (1993) p. 42; Oram (1988) p. 81; Anderson (1922) p. 226; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 64–67.
  65. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 27 tab. 1, 58, 67, 85.
  66. ^ McDonald (2007a) p. 51; Duffy (2007) p. 3; Thornton (1996) p. 95; Duffy (1993) p. 42; Duffy (1992) p. 126.
  67. ^ Oram (1988) pp. 81, 85–86; Powicke (1978) pp. 45–46.
  68. ^ Oram (2011) pp. 81–82, 113.
  69. ^ Oram (2011) p. 113.
  70. ^ McDonald (2007a) p. 59; McDonald (2007b) pp. 128–129 pl. 1; Rixson (1982) pp. 114–115 pl. 1; Cubbon (1952) p. 70 fig. 24; Kermode (1915–1916) p. 57 fig. 9.
  71. ^ a b McDonald (2012) p. 151; McDonald (2007a) pp. 58–59; McDonald (2007b) pp. 54–55, 128–129 pl. 1; Wilson, DM (1973) p. 15.
  72. ^ McDonald (2016) p. 337; McDonald (2012) p. 151; McDonald (2007b) pp. 120, 128–129 pl. 1.
  73. ^ McDonald (2007a) pp. 58–60; McDonald (2007b) pp. 54–55; Wilson, DM (1973) p. 15, 15 n. 43.
  74. ^ McDonald (2016) p. 343; McDonald (2007b) p. 204.
  75. ^ McDonald (2016) pp. 341, 343–344; McDonald (2007b) pp. 56, 79, 204–205, 216, 221; McDonald (1995) p. 131; Rixson (1982) p. 127.
  76. ^ McDonald (2016) pp. 341, 343; McDonald (2007a) pp. 59–60; McDonald (2007b) pp. 55–56, 128–129 pl. 2, 162, 204–205; McDonald (1995) p. 131; Rixson (1982) pp. 127–128, 146.
  77. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 204; Brownbill (1919) pp. 710–711 § 4; Oliver (1861) pp. 13–14; Document 1/14/1 (n.d.).
  78. ^ McDonald (2016) p. 344.
  79. ^ Duffy (2007) p. 2; O'Byrne (2005a); O'Byrne (2005c); Pollock (2005) p. 14; Duffy (2004c).
  80. ^ Wadden (2014) pp. 29–31; Oram (2011) pp. 113, 120; McDonald (2008) p. 134; Duffy (2007) p. 2; McDonald (2007a) p. 71; O'Byrne (2005a); O'Byrne (2005b); O'Byrne (2005c); Duffy (2004c); Griffin (2002) pp. 41–42; Oram (2000) p. 73; Duffy (1993) pp. 42–43; Duffy (1992) pp. 124–125.
  81. ^ Wadden (2014) pp. 18, 29–30, 30 n. 78; Annals of the Four Masters (2013a) § 1154.11; Annals of the Four Masters (2013b) § 1154.11; Oram (2011) pp. 113, 120; Clancy (2008) p. 34; McDonald (2008) p. 134; Butter (2007) p. 141, 141 n. 121; Duffy (2007) p. 2; McDonald (2007a) p. 71; Pollock (2005) p. 14; Oram (2000) p. 73; Simms (2000) p. 12; Duffy (1992) pp. 124–125.
  82. ^ Wadden (2014) pp. 30–31; Oram (2011) pp. 113, 120; McDonald (2008) p. 134; Duffy (2007) p. 2; McDonald (2007a) p. 71; McDonald (2007b) p. 118.
  83. ^ Clancy (2008) p. 34.
  84. ^ Griffin (2002) p. 42.
  85. ^ Wadden (2014) p. 34; O'Byrne (2005a); Duffy (2004c); Griffin (2002) p. 42.
  86. ^ French (2015) p. 23; Duffy (2004c).
  87. ^ Stevenson (1841) p. 4; Cotton MS Domitian A VII (n.d.).
  88. ^ Oram (2011) pp. 113–114, 120.
  89. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 47; Wadden (2014) p. 32; Downham (2013) p. 172; Woolf (2013) pp. 3–4; Oram (2011) p. 120; Williams, G (2007) pp. 143, 145–146; Woolf (2007) p. 80; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) pp. 243–244; Woolf (2004) p. 104; Rixson (2001) p. 85; Oram (2000) pp. 74, 76; McDonald (1997) pp. 52, 54–58; Williams, DGE (1997) pp. 259–260, 260 n. 114; Duffy (1993) pp. 40–41; McDonald; McLean (1992) pp. 8–9, 12; Scott (1988) p. 40; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 196; Anderson (1922) p. 231; Lawrie (1910) p. 20 § 13; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 68–69.
  90. ^ McDonald (1997) p. 58; McDonald; McLean (1992) p. 9; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 196; Anderson (1922) p. 231; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 68–69.
  91. ^ Jónsson (1916) p. 222 ch. 11; AM 47 Fol (n.d.).
  92. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 32, 74; Caldwell (2016) p. 354; McDonald (2012) pp. 153, 161; Oram (2011) p. 120; McDonald (2007a) pp. 57, 64; McDonald (2007b) p. 92; Barrow (2006) pp. 143–144; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 244; Woolf (2004) p. 104; Oram (2000) p. 76; McDonald (1997) pp. 52, 56; Duffy (1993) p. 43; McDonald; McLean (1992) p. 9; Scott (1988) p. 40; Rixson (1982) pp. 86–87; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 196; Anderson (1922) pp. 231–232; Lawrie (1910) p. 20 § 13; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 68–69.
  93. ^ Oram (2000) p. 85 n. 127.
  94. ^ McDonald (1997) p. 56 n. 48.
  95. ^ McDonald (1997) p. 56.
  96. ^ McDonald (2012) pp. 153, 161; Oram (2011) p. 121; McDonald (2007a) pp. 57, 64; McDonald (2007b) pp. 92, 113, 121 n. 86; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 244; Woolf (2004) p. 104; Oram (2000) p. 76; McDonald (1997) p. 56; Duffy (1993) p. 43; McDonald; McLean (1992) p. 9; Rixson (1982) pp. 86–87, 151; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 196; Anderson (1922) p. 239; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 68–69.
  97. ^ McDonald (2012) pp. 159–161.
  98. ^ a b McDonald (1997) p. 57.
  99. ^ Oram (2011) p. 121.
  100. ^ McDonald (1997) p. 57; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 196.
  101. ^ Oram (2000) p. 76; McDonald (1997) p. 57.
  102. ^ Liber S. Marie de Calchou (1846) pp. III–VII; Diplomatarium Norvegicum (n.d.) vol. 19 § 38; Document 1/5/24 (n.d.).
  103. ^ McDonald (2016) p. 341; Oram (2011) p. 12; Stephenson (2008) p. 12; McDonald (2007b) p. 113; Oram (2000) p. 76; Johnsen (1969) p. 22; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 196 n. 5; Anderson (1922) p. 246 n. 4; Bain (1881) p. 9 §§ 56, 60; Hunter (1844) pp. 155, 168; Diplomatarium Norvegicum (n.d.) vol. 19 § 35.
  104. ^ a b Oram (2000) p. 76.
  105. ^ Oram (2011) p. 121; Oram (2000) pp. 76–77.
  106. ^ Taylor (2016) p. 250; Oram (2011) p. 121; Beuermann (2008); McDonald (2007a) p. 57; McDonald (2007b) p. 113; Power (2005) p. 24; Oram (2000) p. 77; Barrow (1995) pp. 11–12; McDonald; McLean (1992) p. 12 n. 5; Johnsen (1969) p. 22; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 196 n. 5; Liber S. Marie de Calchou (1846) pp. III–VII; Diplomatarium Norvegicum (n.d.) vol. 19 § 38; Document 1/5/24 (n.d.).
  107. ^ Beuermann (2009); Beuermann (2008); McDonald (2007b) p. 113.
  108. ^ a b Oram (2011) pp. 121–122.
  109. ^ Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 60–61; Cotton MS Julius A VII (n.d.).
  110. ^ Oram (2000) pp. 79–80.
  111. ^ Oram (2011) pp. 118–122; Oram (2000) p. 80; Anderson; Anderson (1938) pp. 136–137, 136 n. 1, 189; Anderson (1922) p. 245.
  112. ^ Oram (2011) pp. 118–122.
  113. ^ Oram (2011) pp. 118–119; Oram (2000) p. 80.
  114. ^ MacInnes (2019) p. 135; MacDonald (2013) p. 30 n. 51; Woolf (2013) p. 5; Oram (2011) pp. 118–119; Beuermann (2008); McDonald (2007b) p. 113; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 245; Oram (2000) p. 81; Barrow (1994).
  115. ^ Woolf (2013) p. 5.
  116. ^ Woolf (2013) pp. 5–6; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 245.
  117. ^ Storm (1899) p. 629.
  118. ^ Oram (2011) p. 121; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) pp. 244–245; Oram (2000) p. 77; Williams, DGE (1997) p. 111.
  119. ^ a b c Finlay; Faulkes (2015) pp. 228–229 ch. 17; McDonald (2012) p. 162; Hollander (2011) p. 784 ch. 17; Beuermann (2010) p. 112, 112 n. 43; McDonald (2007b) p. 113; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 245; Power (2005) p. 24; Salvucci (2005) p. 182; Beuermann (2002) pp. 420–421 n. 8; Oram (2000) p. 77; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 196 n. 5; Anderson (1922) pp. 248–249; Jónsson (1911) pp. 609–610 ch. 17; Storm (1899) pp. 629–630 ch. 17; Unger (1868) pp. 772–773 ch. 17; Laing (1844) pp. 293–294 ch. 17.
  120. ^ Storm (1977) pp. 116 § iv, 322 § viii, 475 § x; Johnsen (1969) p. 22; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 196 n. 5; Anderson (1922) p. 246; Vigfusson (1878) p. 360; Flateyjarbok (1868) p. 516.
  121. ^ a b Beuermann (2010) p. 112.
  122. ^ Antonsson; Crumplin; Conti (2007) p. 202.
  123. ^ Ghosh (2011) p. 206.
  124. ^ Ghosh (2011) p. 206; Beuermann (2010) p. 112.
  125. ^ Beuermann (2002) p. 421 n. 10.
  126. ^ McDonald (2012) p. 156; Power (2005) p. 28; McDonald (1997) p. 246; Ritchie (1997) p. 101.
  127. ^ McDonald (2012) p. 156; Power (2005) p. 28; McDonald (1997) p. 246; Ritchie (1997) pp. 100–101; Argyll: An Inventory of the Monuments (1982) pp. 245 § 12, 249–250 § 12.
  128. ^ a b McDonald (2012) p. 156; Bridgland (2004) p. 89; McDonald (1997) pp. 62, 246; Ritchie (1997) pp. 100–101; Argyll: An Inventory of the Monuments (1982) p. 250 § 12.
  129. ^ a b McDonald (2012) p. 156; Power (2013) p. 66; Power (2005) p. 28.
  130. ^ a b McDonald (2016) p. 343; Beuermann (2014) p. 91; Power (2013) p. 66; McDonald (2012) pp. 153, 155; McDonald (2007b) p. 70, 201; Power (2005) p. 28; Duffy (2004b).
  131. ^ Jennings, A (2017) p. 121; Oram (2011) p. 128; McDonald (2007a) p. 57; McDonald (2007b) pp. 54, 67–68, 85, 111–113; Sellar (2004); Sellar (2000) p. 189; Duffy (1999) p. 356; McDonald (1997) pp. 61–62; Williams, DGE (1997) p. 150; Duffy (1993) p. 31; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 197.
  132. ^ The Annals of Ulster (2012) § 1164.4; Oram (2011) p. 128; The Annals of Ulster (2008) § 1164.4; Oram (2000) p. 76; Duffy (1999) p. 356; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 197; Anderson (1922) pp. 253–254.
  133. ^ Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 196 n. 5.
  134. ^ Oram (2011) p. 128.
  135. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 46, 48; Oram (2011) pp. 128–129; McDonald (2007b) pp. 67–68, 85; Anderson (1922) pp. 258–259; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 74–75.
  136. ^ Oram (2011) pp. 128–129; McDonald (2007a) p. 57; McDonald (2007b) pp. 67–68, 85; Williams, DGE (1997) p. 150; Anderson (1922) pp. 258–259; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 74–75.
  137. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 85; Duffy (2004b).
  138. ^ Sellar (2004); McDonald (1997) pp. 70–71; Williams, DGE (1997) p. 150.
  139. ^ McDonald (1997) pp. 70–71; Williams, DGE (1997) pp. 150, 260.
  140. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. viii, 32; Coira (2012) pp. 57–58 n. 18; McDonald (1997) p. 60; Duffy (1993) p. 43; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 197; Anderson (1922) p. 232; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 68–69.
  141. ^ McDonald (1997) p. 60; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 197.
  142. ^ Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 197.
  143. ^ Mac Lean (1985a) pp. 439–440; Mac Lean (1985b) pls. 88a–88b; Argyll: An Inventory of the Monuments (1982) p. 212 § 95 figs. a–b; Reports of District Secretaries (1903) p. 305 fig.
  144. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 70; Mac Lean (1985a) p. 440; Argyll: An Inventory of the Monuments (1982) pp. 212–213 § 95; Kermode (1915–1916) p. 61; Reports of District Secretaries (1903) p. 306.
  145. ^ Mac Lean (1985a) pp. 439–440; Argyll: An Inventory of the Monuments (1982) pp. 212–213 § 95.
  146. ^ McDonald (2012) p. 155; McDonald (2007b) p. 70; Mac Lean (1985a) p. 439.
  147. ^ Mac Lean (1985a) pp. 439–440; Argyll: An Inventory of the Monuments (1982) p. 21.
  148. ^ Mac Lean (1985a) p. 440; Argyll: An Inventory of the Monuments (1982) p. 21.
  149. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 46, 48; McDonald (2007b) pp. 85–86, 85 n. 88; Williams, DGE (1997) p. 150; Duffy (1993) p. 61, 61 n. 69; Anderson (1922) p. 305; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 76–79.
  150. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 85–86.
  151. ^ Williams, DGE (1997) pp. 150, 260–261, 260 n. 121.
  152. ^ a b c Duffy (1993) p. 61.
  153. ^ Downham (2013) p. 178 tab.
  154. ^ Duffy (1993) pp. 45, 61; Duffy (1992) pp. 128–129; Butler (1845) pp. 50–51 § 69.
  155. ^ a b Oram (2000) p. 105.
  156. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 85 n. 88; Duffy (1993) p. 61, 61 n. 69.
  157. ^ a b Duffy (2007) pp. 3–4; Oram (2000) pp. 74–75; Duffy (1993) p. 44; Duffy (1992) pp. 126–128.
  158. ^ a b Ní Mhaonaigh (2018) pp. 145–146; Downham (2013) pp. 166, 171–172; McDonald (2008) p. 134; Duffy (2007) p. 3; McDonald (2007a) p. 52; Oram (2000) pp. 74–75; Duffy (1993) pp. 43–45; Duffy (1992) pp. 126–127; Duffy (1991) p. 67; Anderson (1922) p. 230–231; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 66–69.
  159. ^ Oram (2000) p. 75; Duffy (1992) p. 126.
  160. ^ Annals of the Four Masters (2013a) §§ 1154.12, 1154.13; Annals of the Four Masters (2013b) §§ 1154.12, 1154.13; Duffy (1993) p. 42.
  161. ^ The Annals of Ulster (2012) § 1162.4; The Annals of Ulster (2008) § 1162.4; Duffy (2007) pp. 3–4; Oram (2000) p. 75; Duffy (1993) p. 44; Duffy (1992) p. 128.
  162. ^ Duffy (1993) p. 44; Duffy (1992) p. 128.
  163. ^ Annals of the Four Masters (2013a) § 1162.11; Annals of the Four Masters (2013b) § 1162.11; Duffy (2007) p. 4; Oram (2000) p. 75; Duffy (1993) p. 44; Duffy (1992) p. 128.
  164. ^ The Annals of Ulster (2012) § 1162.5; The Annals of Ulster (2008) § 1162.5; Duffy (1993) p. 45.
  165. ^ Duffy (2007) p. 4; Duffy (1993) pp. 44–45; Duffy (1992) p. 128.
  166. ^ Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) p. 157 fig. 2a, 163 fig. 8d, 187 fig. 14.
  167. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 64; McDonald (2016) p. 342; Beuermann (2014) p. 93, 93 n. 45; Wadden (2014) pp. 32–33; Downham (2013) p. 172, 172 n. 86; Flanagan (2010) p. 195, 195 n. 123; Duffy (2007) p. 4; McDonald (2007a) p. 52; McDonald (2007b) pp. 68, 71, 171, 185; Oram (2000) p. 109 n. 24; Watt (2000) p. 24; McDonald (1997) pp. 215–216; Duffy (1993) p. 58; Duffy (1992) p. 127 n. 166; Flanagan (1989) p. 103; Power (1986) p. 130; Flanagan (1977) p. 59; Anderson (1922) pp. 296–297; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 76–77; Haddan; Stubbs (1873) p. 247.
  168. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 60; Flanagan (2010) p. 195; McDonald (2007a) p. 52; McDonald (2007b) p. 71; Martin (2008) p. 135; Pollock (2005) p. 16 n. 76; Flanagan (1989) p. 103; Anderson (1922) p. 297 n. 1.
  169. ^ a b Wadden (2014) p. 33.
  170. ^ Ní Mhaonaigh (2018) p. 146; Duffy (1992) p. 128 n. 166.
  171. ^ Pollock (2005) p. 16 n. 76.
  172. ^ Downham (2013) p. 172; Duffy (2007) p. 4.
  173. ^ Oram (2000) pp. 74–75.
  174. ^ Oram (2011) pp. 113–114, 120; Oram (2000) pp. 74–76.
  175. ^ Oram (2000) p. 75; McDonald (1997) pp. 55–56.
  176. ^ Duffy (2007) pp. 2–3; Pollock (2005) p. 14, 14 n. 69; Oram (2000) p. 75; Duffy (1999) p. 356; Duffy (1993) pp. 31, 42–43.
  177. ^ Duffy (2007) p. 3; McDonald (1997) pp. 55–56; Duffy (1993) p. 43.
  178. ^ McDonald (1997) pp. 55–56.
  179. ^ a b Oram (2011) p. 128; Oram (2000) p. 76.
  180. ^ Williams, G (2007).
  181. ^ a b Downham (2013) pp. 171–172.
  182. ^ Downham (2013) pp. 171–172; Oram (2000) pp. 67, 76; Duffy (1993) pp. 40–41; Duffy (1992) pp. 121–122.
  183. ^ Downham (2013) pp. 171–172; Oram (2000) p. 67.
  184. ^ French (2015) p. 27; Simms (1998) p. 56.
  185. ^ McDonald (2008) p. 134; Duffy (2007) p. 6; Duffy (2004b).
  186. ^ Flanagan (2004b); Flanagan (2004c).
  187. ^ Duffy (2007) pp. 4–5.
  188. ^ Crooks (2005a); Flanagan (2004b).
  189. ^ Flanagan (2004a); Flanagan (2004b); Duffy (1998) pp. 78–79; Duffy (1992) p. 131.
  190. ^ Flanagan (2004a); Duffy (1998) pp. 78–79.
  191. ^ Duffy (1998) p. 79; Duffy (1992) pp. 131–132.
  192. ^ Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) pp. 161 fig. 6c, 184 fig. 11, 189 fig. 16.
  193. ^ Downham (2013) p. 157 n. 1; McDonald (2008) p. 135; Duffy (2007) p. 5; Duffy (2005b) p. 96; Purcell (2003–2004) p. 285; Duffy (1998) p. 79; Duffy (1993) pp. 46, 60; Duffy (1992) p. 132; Wright; Forester; Hoare (1905) pp. 213–215 (§ 17); Dimock (1867) pp. 256–258 (§ 17).
  194. ^ Downham (2013) p. 157 n. 1.
  195. ^ McDonald (2012) p. 152.
  196. ^ Duffy (2005b) p. 96; Duffy (1998) p. 79; Duffy (1992) p. 132, 132 n. 184.
  197. ^ Duffy (1992) p. 132, 132 n. 184.
  198. ^ Duffy (2007) p. 5; Duffy (1992) p. 132.
  199. ^ Song of Dermot and the Earl (2011) pp. 165, 167 (§§ 2257–2272); McDonald (2008) pp. 135–136, 135–136 n. 24; Duffy (2007) p. 5; Song of Dermot and the Earl (2010) pp. 164, 166 (§§ 2257–2272); Duffy (1992) p. 132; Wright; Forester; Hoare (1905) pp. 219–221 (§ 21); Dimock (1867) pp. 263–265 (§ 21).
  200. ^ Duffy (2007) pp. 5–6; Purcell (2003–2004) p. 287; Duffy (1992) p. 132.
  201. ^ McDonald (2012) p. 160; Barrett (2004).
  202. ^ O'Byrne (2005) p. 469; Duffy (1992) p. 132.
  203. ^ a b Ní Mhaonaigh (2018) pp. 145–146, 146 n. 80; Wyatt (2018) p. 797; Wyatt (2009) p. 391; McDonald (2008) pp. 134, 136; Duffy (2007) p. 6; McDonald (2007a) pp. 52, 63, 70; Pollock (2005) p. 15; Power (2005) p. 37; Purcell (2003–2004) p. 288, 288 n. 59; Gillingham (2000) p. 94; Duffy (1993) pp. 46–47, 59–60; Duffy (1992) pp. 132–133; Duffy (1991) p. 60; Wright; Forester; Hoare (1905) pp. 221–222 (§ 22); Dimock (1867) pp. 265–266 (§ 22).
  204. ^ Ní Mhaonaigh (2018) p. 146; Anderson (1922) pp. 296–297; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 76–77.
  205. ^ a b Kostick (2013) ch. 6 ¶ 88.
  206. ^ Duffy (2007) p. 7; O'Byrne (2005) p. 469; Duffy (1993) p. 47; Duffy (1992) p. 133.
  207. ^ Downham (2013) p. 157.
  208. ^ Duffy (2005b) p. 96; Flanagan (2004a); Simms (1998) p. 57.
  209. ^ Strickland (2016) pp. 86, 357 n. 61.
  210. ^ Strickland (2016) p. 86.
  211. ^ Strickland (2016) p. 357 n. 61.
  212. ^ McDonald (2008) pp. 135–136; McDonald (2007a) p. 52; McDonald (2007b) pp. 124–125; Duffy (1992) p. 133; Duffy (1991) p. 60.
  213. ^ McDonald (2008) p. 136; McDonald (2007b) p. 125.
  214. ^ Ní Mhaonaigh (2018) pp. 145–146; Veach (2018) p. 167; McDonald (2008) p. 136; McDonald (2007b) p. 125; Duffy (2005a); Duffy (2004a); Oram (2000) p. 105; Power (1986) p. 130.
  215. ^ McDonald (2008) pp. 136–137; Crooks (2005b); Duffy (2005a); Duffy (2004a).
  216. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 60; McDonald (2007b) p. 126; Duffy (1995) p. 25, n. 167; Duffy (1993) p. 58.
  217. ^ McDonald (2008) pp. 137–138; McDonald (2007b) pp. 126–127; Duffy (1996) p. 7.
  218. ^ Veach (2014) pp. 56–57; McDonald (2008) p. 136; McDonald (2007b) p. 126; Duffy (2005a); Duffy (2004a); Duffy (1995) p. 25 n. 167; Duffy (1993) p. 58, 58 n. 53; Macdonald; McQuillan; Young (n.d.) p. 11 § 2.5.9.
  219. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 126; Duffy (1995) p. 25 n. 167.
  220. ^ McDonald (2008) p. 137; McDonald (2007b) pp. 126–127; Duffy (1995) p. 25; Duffy (1993) p. 58; Macdonald; McQuillan; Young (n.d.) pp. 10–12 §§ 2.5.8–2.5.10.
  221. ^ McDonald (2008) p. 137; McDonald (2007b) pp. 126–127.
  222. ^ Wadden (2014) p. 37, 37 n. 107; Duffy (2005a); Pollock (2005) p. 18; Oram (2000) p. 105; Duffy (1995) p. 24; Duffy (1993) p. 73; Stubbs (1871) p. 25; Riley (1853) p. 404.
  223. ^ Oram (2011) pp. 155–156; Pollock (2005) p. 18; Oram (2000) p. 105; Duffy (1993) pp. 72–73.
  224. ^ Munch; Goss (1874) p. 76; Cotton MS Julius A VII (n.d.).
  225. ^ McDonald (2016) p. 338; Oram (2000) p. 105; Duffy (1995) pp. 25–26; Duffy (1993) p. 58; Davies (1990) p. 52; Power (1986) p. 130.
  226. ^ Duffy (1995) pp. 25–26.
  227. ^ a b Ní Mhaonaigh (2018) pp. 145–146; McDonald (2008) pp. 137–138; McDonald (2007b) p. 127; Duffy (1995) pp. 25–26; Duffy (1993) pp. 58–59; Duffy (1991) pp. 67–68.
  228. ^ Pollock (2005) p. 16.
  229. ^ Martin (2008) p. 135.
  230. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 127; Duffy (1991) pp. 67–68.
  231. ^ Ní Mhaonaigh (2018) p. 145.
  232. ^ Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 100–101; Cotton MS Julius A VII (n.d.).
  233. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 66, 192; Davey, PJ (2006a); Woolf (2001).
  234. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 68.
  235. ^ Crawford, DKE (2016) p. 107; McDonald (2007b) pp. 68, 204; McIntire (1943) p. 5; Brownbill (1919) pp. 710–711 § 4; Oliver (1861) pp. 13–14; Document 1/14/1 (n.d.).
  236. ^ Beuermann (2014) p. 91; McDonald (2007b) pp. 68, 196; Duffy (1993) p. 57; McIntire (1943) p. 6; Wilson, J (1915) pp. 72–73 § 43; Document 1/14/2 (n.d.).
  237. ^ Barrow (1980) p. 158 n. 70; Wilson, J (1915) pp. 72–73 § 43, 73 n. 7; Document 1/14/2 (n.d.); Gilchrist (n.d.).
  238. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 196.
  239. ^ McDonald (2016) p. 343; Beuermann (2014) p. 93 n. 45; McDonald (2007b) p. 68; McDonald (1997) p. 218; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 76–77.
  240. ^ Jamroziak (2011) p. 82; Jamroziak (2008) pp. 32–33; McDonald (2007b) pp. 68, 196, 219; Duffy (1993) p. 57; McIntire (1943) pp. 5–6; McIntire (1941) pp. 170–171; Grainger; Collingwood (1929) pp. 94–95 § 265a; Document 1/14/3 (n.d.).
  241. ^ Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) pp. 157 fig. 2i, 188 fig. 15, 192 tab. 5.
  242. ^ Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson 2009 pp. 157 fig. 2i, 188 fig. 15, 192 tab. 5, 192–193, 197 tab. 8; Power (2005) p. 37 n. 37.
  243. ^ Woolf (2003) pp. 171, 180.
  244. ^ Davey, PJ (2008) p. 1 n. 3; Davey, PJ (2006a); Davey, PJ (2006b).
  245. ^ Lowe (1988) p. 33.
  246. ^ Beuermann (2012) pp. 4–5; Davey, PJ (2008) p. 1 n. 3; Davey, PJ (2006a); Davey, PJ (2006b).
  247. ^ Woolf (2003) pp. 171–172.
  248. ^ Beuermann (2012) pp. 4–5; Beuermann (2002) pp. 425–426.
  249. ^ Beuermann (2002) pp. 425–428.
  250. ^ Beuermann (2002) p. 428.
  251. ^ Beuermann (2002) pp. 428–429.
  252. ^ MacDonald (2013) p. 37.
  253. ^ Watt (2003) p. 399 map 20.1; Woolf (2003) p. 177; Barrell (2002) p. xxiv map 3.
  254. ^ McDonald (2012) p. 182 n. 175; Power (2005) p. 23; Beuermann (2002).
  255. ^ Power (2005) p. 23.
  256. ^ Ekrem; Mortensen; Fisher (2006) p. 163; Helle (2003) p. 376.
  257. ^ Sayers (2004).
  258. ^ Power (2005) p. 25; Sayers (2004).
  259. ^ Antonsson; Crumplin; Conti (2007) p. 203; Power (2005) p. 23.
  260. ^ Power (2005) pp. 22–23, 22 n. 21.
  261. ^ Power (2005) pp. 21–22.
  262. ^ a b Ekrem; Mortensen; Fisher (2006) p. 167; Rekdal (2003–2004) p. 257; Helle (2003) p. 377; Orfield (2002) p. 135.
  263. ^ Ekrem; Mortensen; Fisher (2006) p. 167 n. 57; Power (2005) p. 25; Rekdal (2003–2004) p. 257; Woolf (2003) p. 174; Watt (2000) pp. 11–12; Haddan; Stubbs (1873) pp. 229–230; Diplomatarium Norvegicum (n.d.) vol. 8 § 1.
  264. ^ Helle (2003) p. 377.
  265. ^ Beuermann (2002) p. 432.
  266. ^ Ekrem; Mortensen; Fisher (2006) p. 163; Helle (2003) p. 377.
  267. ^ Davey, PJ (2006a); Davey, PJ (2006b); Bartlett (1999) p. 823.
  268. ^ a b Munch; Goss (1874) p. 114; Cotton MS Julius A VII (n.d.).
  269. ^ Woolf (2003) p. 174.
  270. ^ Watt (1994) p. 117.
  271. ^ Woolf (2003) pp. 174–175; Watt (1994) p. 117.
  272. ^ Woolf (2003) p. 175; Watt (1994) pp. 117–118.
  273. ^ Beuermann (2002) p. 431.
  274. ^ McDonald (1997) p. 207.
  275. ^ Crawford, BE (2014) pp. 70–71; Watt (1994) pp. 117–118.
  276. ^ Crawford, BE (2014) pp. 70–72; Beuermann (2010) pp. 102–103, 103 n. 10, 106, 106 n. 32; McDonald (2007b) p. 135; Power (2005) p. 22, 22 n. 22; Anderson (1908) p. 245; Lawrie (1910) pp. 114–115 § 6; Howlett (1889) pp. 228–229.
  277. ^ MacDonald (2013) p. 32.
  278. ^ Beuermann (2014) p. 93; MacDonald (2013) pp. 31–32; Beuermann (2012) p. 5; Watt (1994) pp. 113, 118.
  279. ^ MacDonald (2013) p. 32, 32 n. 56.
  280. ^ Beuermann (2014) p. 93.
  281. ^ Freke (2002) p. 442; Freke (1990) p. 113.
  282. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 77; McDonald (2007b) pp. 70, 123; Anderson (1922) pp. 313, 363–364; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 78–81.
  283. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 60; Ní Mhaonaigh (2018) p. 146; Flanagan (2010) p. 195 n. 123; McDonald (2007b) pp. 27 tab. 1; 71; Anderson (1922) pp. 296–297, 313–314; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 76–79.
  284. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 78; McDonald (2008) p. 134; McDonald (2007b) pp. 72–73; Duffy (2004d); Clancy; Márkus (1998) pp. 237, 239; Skene (1890) pp. 410–427.
  285. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 77; McDonald (2007b) p. 70.
  286. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 77; McDonald (2007b) p. 71.
  287. ^ Oram (1988) p. 100.
  288. ^ McDonald (2016) p. 342; McDonald (1997) pp. 215–216.
  289. ^ McDonald (2016) p. 338; Valante (2010); McDonald (2007b) pp. 27 tab. 1; 75; Brownbill (1919) p. 711 § 5; Oliver (1861) pp. 17–18; Document 1/15/1 (n.d.).
  290. ^ Power (2005) p. 34 tab.; Anderson (1922) p. 467 n. 2 tab.
  291. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 78, 189; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 116–117.
  292. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 78, 190; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 84–85.
  293. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 68; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 66–67.
  294. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 70; Duffy (2004b); Freke (2002) p. 442.
  295. ^ Crawford, DKE (2016) p. 105; Freke (2002) p. 442; Freke (1990) p. 113.
  296. ^ Freke (1990) p. 118.
  297. ^ Freke (2002) p. 441.
  298. ^ Ritchie (1997) p. 101; Power (2013) p. 65; McDonald (2012) p. 156; Power (2005) p. 28.
  299. ^ Power (2013) p. 65; Power (2005) p. 28; Ritchie (1997) p. 101; Argyll: An Inventory of the Monuments (1982) p. 249 § 12.
  300. ^ McDonald (2016) p. 343; McDonald (2012) pp. 155–156.
  301. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 24, 66, 77; Beuermann (2014) p. 87; Oram (2011) pp. 156, 169; Flanagan (2010) p. 195 n. 123; McDonald (2007b) pp. 70–71, 94, 170; Duffy (2004d); Broderick (2003); Oram (2000) p. 105; Anderson (1922) pp. 313–314; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 78–79.
  302. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 66; McDonald (2007b) pp. 68–69.
  303. ^ Oram (2011) p. 156.
  304. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 24, 46, 48, 66, 77; Oram (2011) pp. 156, 169; Flanagan (2010) p. 195 n. 123; McDonald (2007b) pp. 70–71, 94, 170; Duffy (2004d); Oram (2000) pp. 105, 124; McDonald (1997) p. 85; Williams, DGE (1997) p. 260; Anderson (1922) pp. 313–314; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 78–79.
  305. ^ Oram (2013).
  306. ^ Oram (2013); Woolf (2007) p. 81.
  307. ^ Beuermann (2014) p. 87; Oram (2013); Woolf (2007) pp. 80–81; McNamee (2005); Brown (2004) pp. 76–78; Duffy (2004d).
  308. ^ McDonald (2012) p. 150
  309. ^ Oram (2000), p. 69
  310. ^ a b c Hollister (2004).

References

Primary sources

Secondary sources

External links
Guðrøðr Óláfsson
 Died: 10 November 1187
Regnal titles
Preceded by
King of the Isles

1153/1154–1156 		Succeeded by
Somairle mac Gilla Brigte1
Dubgall mac Somairle
Preceded by
King of the Isles

1164–1187 		Succeeded by
Notes and references
1. Either Somairle or Dubgall gained the kingship from Guðrøðr in 1156. Whilst it is possible that Dubgall was the nominal monarch, it is evident that the real power was possessed by Somairle, and Irish sources certainly regarded the latter as king later in his career.

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