Guy Fawkes Night

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Festivities in Windsor Castle by Paul Sandby, c. 1776

Guy Fawkes Night, also known as Guy Fawkes Day, Bonfire Night and Fireworks Night, is an annual commemoration

observed on 5 November, primarily in Great Britain, involving bonfires and fireworks displays. Its history begins with the events of 5 November 1605 O.S., when Guy Fawkes, a member of the Gunpowder Plot, was arrested while guarding explosives the plotters had placed beneath the House of Lords. The Catholic plotters had intended to assassinate Protestant king James I and his parliament. Celebrating that the king had survived, people lit bonfires around London. Months later, the Observance of 5th November Act
mandated an annual public day of thanksgiving for the plot's failure.

Within a few decades Gunpowder Treason Day, as it was known, became the predominant English state commemoration. As it carried strong Protestant religious overtones it also became a focus for anti-Catholic sentiment. Puritans delivered sermons regarding the perceived dangers of popery, while during increasingly raucous celebrations common folk burnt effigies of popular hate-figures, such as the Pope. Towards the end of the 18th century children began begging for money with effigies of Guy Fawkes and 5 November gradually became known as Guy Fawkes Day. Towns such as Lewes and Guildford were in the 19th century scenes of increasingly violent class-based confrontations, fostering traditions those towns celebrate still, albeit peacefully. In the 1850s changing attitudes resulted in the toning down of much of the day's anti-Catholic rhetoric, and the Observance of 5th November Act was repealed in 1859. Eventually the violence was dealt with, and by the 20th century Guy Fawkes Day had become an enjoyable social commemoration, although lacking much of its original focus. The present-day Guy Fawkes Night is usually celebrated at large organised events.

Settlers exported Guy Fawkes Night to overseas colonies, including some in North America, where it was known as

Pope Day. Those festivities died out with the onset of the American Revolution. Claims that Guy Fawkes Night was a Protestant replacement for older customs such as Samhain
are disputed.

Origins and history in Great Britain

An effigy of Fawkes, burnt on 5 November 2010 at Billericay

Guy Fawkes Night originates from the

James I of England and VI of Scotland and replace him with a Catholic head of state. In the immediate aftermath of the 5 November arrest of Guy Fawkes, caught guarding a cache of explosives placed beneath the House of Lords, James's Council allowed the public to celebrate the king's survival with bonfires, so long as they were "without any danger or disorder".[1] This made 1605 the first year the plot's failure was celebrated.[2]

The following January, days before the surviving conspirators were executed, Parliament, at the initiation of James I,[3] passed the Observance of 5th November Act, commonly known as the "Thanksgiving Act". It was proposed by a Puritan Member of Parliament, Edward Montagu, who suggested that the king's apparent deliverance by divine intervention deserved some measure of official recognition, and kept 5 November free as a day of thanksgiving while in theory making attendance at church mandatory.[4] A new form of service was also added to the Church of England's Book of Common Prayer, for use on that date.[5] Little is known about the earliest celebrations. In settlements such as

Carlisle, Norwich, and Nottingham, corporations (town governments) provided music and artillery salutes. Canterbury celebrated 5 November 1607 with 106 pounds (48 kg) of gunpowder and 14 pounds (6.4 kg) of match, and three years later food and drink was provided for local dignitaries, as well as music, explosions, and a parade by the local militia. Even less is known of how the occasion was first commemorated by the general public, although records indicate that in the Protestant stronghold of Dorchester a sermon was read, the church bells rung, and bonfires and fireworks lit.[6]

Early significance

According to historian and author

Thomas Taylor spoke of the "generality of his [a papist's] cruelty", which had been "almost without bounds".[8] Such messages were also spread in printed works such as Francis Herring's Pietas Pontifica (republished in 1610 as Popish Piety), and John Rhode's A Brief Summe of the Treason intended against the King & State, which in 1606 sought to educate "the simple and ignorant ... that they be not seduced any longer by papists".[9] By the 1620s the Fifth was honoured in market towns and villages across the country, though it was some years before it was commemorated throughout England. Gunpowder Treason Day, as it was then known, became the predominant English state commemoration. Some parishes made the day a festive occasion, with public drinking and solemn processions. Concerned though about James's pro-Spanish foreign policy, the decline of international Protestantism, and Catholicism in general, Protestant clergymen who recognised the day's significance called for more dignified and profound thanksgivings each 5 November.[10][11]

What unity English Protestants had shared in the plot's immediate aftermath began to fade when in 1625 James's son, the future

reformation of the Church.[10]

Revellers in Lewes in East Sussex, 5 November 2010

Bonfire Night, as it was occasionally known,

English Interregnum. Although Royalists disputed their interpretations, Parliamentarians began to uncover or fear new Catholic plots. Preaching before the House of Commons on 5 November 1644, Charles Herle claimed that Papists were tunnelling "from Oxford, Rome, Hell, to Westminster, and there to blow up, if possible, the better foundations of your houses, their liberties and privileges".[17] A display in 1647 at Lincoln's Inn Fields commemorated "God's great mercy in delivering this kingdom from the hellish plots of papists", and included fireballs burning in the water (symbolising a Catholic association with "infernal spirits") and fireboxes, their many rockets suggestive of "popish spirits coming from below" to enact plots against the king. Effigies of Fawkes and the pope were present, the latter represented by Pluto, Roman god of the underworld.[18]

Following Charles I's execution in 1649, the country's new republican regime remained undecided on how to treat 5 November. Unlike the old system of religious feasts and State anniversaries, it survived, but as a celebration of parliamentary government and Protestantism, and not of monarchy.

exclusion crisis reached its zenith, an observer noted that "the 5th at night, being gunpowder treason, there were many bonfires and burning of popes as has ever been seen". Violent scenes in 1682 forced London's militia into action, and to prevent any repetition the following year a proclamation was issued, banning bonfires and fireworks.[23]

Fireworks were also banned under James II (previously the Duke of York), who became king in 1685. Attempts by the government to tone down Gunpowder Treason Day celebrations were, however, largely unsuccessful, and some reacted to a ban on bonfires in London (born from a fear of more burnings of the pope's effigy) by placing candles in their windows, "as a witness against Catholicism".[24] When James was deposed in 1688 by William of Orange – who, importantly, landed in England on 5 November – the day's events turned also to the celebration of freedom and religion, with elements of anti-Jacobitism. While the earlier ban on bonfires was politically motivated, a ban on fireworks was maintained for safety reasons, "much mischief having been done by squibs".[16]

Guy Fawkes Day

The restoration of the Catholic hierarchy in 1850 provoked a strong reaction. This sketch is from an issue of Punch, printed in November that year.

William III's birthday fell on 4 November,

Jacobite Rising of 1745, it was largely "a polite entertainment rather than an occasion for vitriolic thanksgiving".[28] For the lower classes, however, the anniversary was a chance to pit disorder against order, a pretext for violence and uncontrolled revelry. In 1790 The Times reported instances of children "begging for money for Guy Faux",[29] and a report of 4 November 1802 described how "a set of idle fellows ... with some horrid figure dressed up as a Guy Faux" were convicted of begging and receiving money, and committed to prison as "idle and disorderly persons".[30] The Fifth became "a polysemous occasion, replete with polyvalent cross-referencing, meaning all things to all men".[31]

Lower class rioting continued, with reports in

Anglican and High Tory who opposed parliamentary reform, and who was also suspected of being involved in "creeping popery". A local ban on fireworks in 1843 was largely ignored, and attempts by the authorities to suppress the celebrations resulted in violent protests and several injured constables.[34]

A group of children in Caernarfon, November 1962, stand with their Guy Fawkes effigy. The sign reads "Penny for the Guy" in Welsh.

On several occasions during the 19th century The Times reported that the tradition was in decline, being "of late years almost forgotten", but in the opinion of historian

Catholic Emancipation in the two kingdoms.[35] The traditional denunciations of Catholicism had been in decline since the early 18th century,[36] and were thought by many, including Queen Victoria, to be outdated,[37] but the pope's restoration in 1850 of the English Catholic hierarchy gave renewed significance to 5 November, as demonstrated by the burnings of effigies of the new Catholic Archbishop of Westminster Nicholas Wiseman, and the pope. At Farringdon Market 14 effigies were processed from the Strand and over Westminster Bridge to Southwark, while extensive demonstrations were held throughout the suburbs of London.[38] Effigies of the 12 new English Catholic bishops were paraded through Exeter, already the scene of severe public disorder on each anniversary of the Fifth.[39] Gradually, however, such scenes became less popular. With little resistance in Parliament, the thanksgiving prayer of 5 November contained in the Anglican Book of Common Prayer was abolished, and in March 1859 the Anniversary Days Observance Act repealed the Observance of 5th November Act 1605.[40][41][42]

As the authorities dealt with the worst excesses, public decorum was gradually restored. The sale of fireworks was restricted,

Firework Code and improved public safety has in most cases brought an end to such things.[46]

Songs, Guys and later developments

One notable aspect of the Victorians' commemoration of Guy Fawkes Night was its move away from the centres of communities, to their margins. Gathering wood for the bonfire increasingly became the province of working-class children, who solicited combustible materials, money, food and drink from wealthier neighbours, often with the aid of songs. Most opened with the familiar "Remember, remember, the fifth of November, Gunpowder Treason and Plot".

Charlton on Otmoor
:

The fifth of November, since I can remember,
Was Guy Faux, Poke him in the eye,
Shove him up the chimney-pot, and there let him die.
A stick and a stake, for King George's sake,
If you don't give me one, I'll take two,
The better for me, and the worse for you,
Ricket-a-racket your hedges shall go. (1903)[47]

Colour photograph
Spectators gather around a bonfire at Himley Hall near Dudley, on 6 November 2010

Organised entertainments also became popular in the late 19th century, and 20th-century pyrotechnic manufacturers renamed Guy Fawkes Day as Firework Night. Sales of fireworks dwindled somewhat during the

Yorkshire Post reported on fires late in September, a situation that forced the authorities to remove latent piles of wood for safety reasons.[53] Lately, however, the custom of begging for a "penny for the Guy" has almost completely disappeared.[51] In contrast, some older customs still survive; in Ottery St Mary residents run through the streets carrying flaming tar barrels,[54] and since 1679 Lewes has been the setting of some of England's most extravagant 5 November celebrations, the Lewes Bonfire.[55]

Generally, modern 5 November celebrations are run by local charities and other organisations, with paid admission and controlled access. In 1998 an editorial in the Catholic Herald called for the end of "Bonfire Night", labelling it "an offensive act".[56] Author Martin Kettle, writing in The Guardian in 2003, bemoaned an "occasionally nannyish" attitude to fireworks that discourages people from holding firework displays in their back gardens, and an "unduly sensitive attitude" toward the anti-Catholic sentiment once so prominent on Guy Fawkes Night.[57] David Cressy summarised the modern celebration with these words: "The rockets go higher and burn with more colour, but they have less and less to do with memories of the Fifth of November ... it might be observed that Guy Fawkes' Day is finally declining, having lost its connection with politics and religion. But we have heard that many times before."[58]

In 2012 the BBC's Tom de Castella concluded:

It's probably not a case of Bonfire Night decline, but rather a shift in priorities ... there are new trends in the bonfire ritual. Guy Fawkes masks have proved popular and some of the more quirky bonfire societies have replaced the Guy with effigies of celebrities in the news—including Lance Armstrong and Mario Balotelli—and even politicians. The emphasis has moved. The bonfire with a Guy on top—indeed the whole story of the Gunpowder Plot—has been marginalised. But the spectacle remains.[59]

Similarities with other customs

Spectators watch a fireworks display in November 2014

Historians have often suggested that Guy Fawkes Day served as a Protestant replacement for the ancient

All Hallow's Eve and All Souls' Day. In The Golden Bough, the Scottish anthropologist James George Frazer suggested that Guy Fawkes Day exemplifies "the recrudescence of old customs in modern shapes". David Underdown, writing in his 1987 work Revel, Riot, and Rebellion, viewed Gunpowder Treason Day as a replacement for Hallowe'en: "just as the early church had taken over many of the pagan feasts, so did Protestants acquire their own rituals, adapting older forms or providing substitutes for them".[60] While the use of bonfires to mark the occasion was most likely taken from the ancient practice of lighting celebratory bonfires, the idea that the commemoration of 5 November 1605 ever originated from anything other than the safety of James I is, according to David Cressy, "speculative nonsense".[61] Citing Cressy's work, Ronald Hutton agrees with his conclusion, writing, "There is, in brief, nothing to link the Hallowe'en fires of North Wales, Man, and central Scotland with those which appeared in England upon 5 November."[62] Further confusion arises in Northern Ireland, where some communities celebrate Guy Fawkes Night; the distinction there between the Fifth and Halloween is not always clear.[63] Despite such disagreements, in 2005 David Cannadine
commented on the encroachment into British culture of late 20th-century American Hallowe'en celebrations, and their effect on Guy Fawkes Night:

Nowadays, family bonfire gatherings are much less popular, and many once-large civic celebrations have been given up because of increasingly intrusive health and safety regulations. But 5 November has also been overtaken by a popular festival that barely existed when I was growing up, and that is Halloween ... Britain is not the Protestant nation it was when I was young: it is now a multi-faith society. And the Americanised Halloween is sweeping all before it—a vivid reminder of just how powerfully American culture and American consumerism can be transported across the Atlantic.[64]

In Northern Ireland, bonfires are lit on the Eleventh Night (11 July) by Ulster Protestants. Folklorist Jack Santino notes that the Eleventh Night is "thematically similar to Guy Fawkes Night in that it celebrates the establishment and maintenance of the Protestant state".[65]

Another celebration involving fireworks, the five-day

Hindu festival of Diwali (normally observed between mid-October and November), in 2010 began on 5 November. This led The Independent to comment on the similarities between the two, its reporter Kevin Rawlinson wondering "which fireworks will burn brightest".[66]

In other countries

1768 colonial American commemoration of 5 November 1605

Gunpowder Treason Day was exported by settlers to colonies around the world, including members of the Commonwealth of Nations such as Australia, New Zealand, Canada, and various Caribbean nations.[67] In Australia, Sydney (founded as a British penal colony in 1788)[68] saw at least one instance of the parading and burning of a Guy Fawkes effigy in 1805,[69] while in 1833, four years after its founding,[70] Perth listed Gunpowder Treason Day as a public holiday.[71] By the 1970s, Guy Fawkes Night had become less common in Australia, with the event simply an occasion to set off fireworks with little connection to Guy Fawkes. Mostly they were set off annually on a night called "cracker night"... which would include the lighting of bonfires. Some states had their fireworks night or "cracker night" at different times of the year, with some being let off on 5 November, but most often, they were let off on the Queen's birthday. After a range of injuries to children involving fireworks, Fireworks nights and the sale of fireworks was banned in all states and territories except the ACT by the early 1980s, which saw the end of cracker night.[72]

Some measure of celebration remains in New Zealand, Canada, and South Africa.[73] On the Cape Flats in Cape Town, South Africa, Guy Fawkes day has become associated with youth hooliganism.[74] In Canada in the 21st century, celebrations of Bonfire Night on 5 November are largely confined to the province of Newfoundland and Labrador.[75] The day is still marked in Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, and in Saint Kitts and Nevis, but a fireworks ban by Antigua and Barbuda during the 1990s reduced its popularity in that country.[76]

In North America the commemoration was at first paid scant attention, but the arrest of two boys caught lighting bonfires on 5 November 1662 in Boston suggests, in historian James Sharpe's view, that "an underground tradition of commemorating the Fifth existed".[77] In parts of North America it was known as Pope Night, celebrated mainly in colonial New England, but also as far south as Charleston. In Boston, founded in 1630 by Puritan settlers, an early celebration was held in 1685, the same year that James II assumed the throne. Fifty years later, again in Boston, a local minister wrote "a Great number of people went over to Dorchester neck where at night they made a Great Bonfire and plaid off many fireworks", although the day ended in tragedy when "4 young men coming home in a Canoe were all Drowned". Ten years later the raucous celebrations were the cause of considerable annoyance to the upper classes and a special Riot Act was passed, to prevent "riotous tumultuous and disorderly assemblies of more than three persons, all or any of them armed with Sticks, Clubs or any kind of weapons, or disguised with vizards, or painted or discolored faces, or in any manner disguised, having any kind of imagery or pageantry, in any street, lane, or place in Boston". With inadequate resources, however, Boston's authorities were powerless to enforce the Act. In the 1740s gang violence became common, with groups of Boston residents battling for the honour of burning the pope's effigy. But by the mid-1760s these riots had subsided, and as colonial America moved towards revolution, the class rivalries featured during Pope Day gave way to anti-British sentiment.[78] In author Alfred Young's view, Pope Day provided the "scaffolding, symbolism, and leadership" for resistance to the Stamp Act in 1764–65, forgoing previous gang rivalries in favour of unified resistance to Britain.[79]

The passage in 1774 of the Quebec Act, which guaranteed French Canadians free practice of Catholicism in the Province of Quebec, provoked complaints from some Americans that the British were introducing "Popish principles and French law".[80] Such fears were bolstered by opposition from the Church in Europe to American independence, threatening a revival of Pope Day.[81] Commenting in 1775, George Washington was less than impressed by the thought of any such resurrections, forbidding any under his command from participating:[82]

As the Commander in Chief has been apprized of a design form'd for the observance of that ridiculous and childish custom of burning the Effigy of the pope—He cannot help expressing his surprise that there should be Officers and Soldiers in this army so void of common sense, as not to see the impropriety of such a step at this Juncture; at a Time when we are solliciting, and have really obtain'd, the friendship and alliance of the people of Canada, whom we ought to consider as Brethren embarked in the same Cause. The defence of the general Liberty of America: At such a juncture, and in such Circumstances, to be insulting their Religion, is so monstrous, as not to be suffered or excused; indeed instead of offering the most remote insult, it is our duty to address public thanks to these our Brethren, as to them we are so much indebted for every late happy Success over the common Enemy in Canada.[83]

The tradition continued in Salem as late as 1817,[84] and was still observed in Portsmouth, New Hampshire, in 1892.[85] In the late 18th century, effigies of prominent figures such as two Prime Ministers of Great Britain, the Earl of Bute and Lord North, and the American traitor General Benedict Arnold, were also burnt.[86] In the 1880s bonfires were still being lit in some New England coastal towns, although no longer to commemorate the failure of the Gunpowder Plot. In the area around New York City, stacks of barrels were burnt on Election Day eve, which after 1845 was a Tuesday early in November.[87]

See also

References

Notes

  1. Russian aggression against Ukraine, effigies of Vladimir Putin were burned.[13]
  2. ^ Julian calendar

Footnotes

  1. ^ Fraser 2005, p. 207
  2. ^ Fraser 2005, pp. 351–352
  3. S2CID 228920584
  4. ^ Sharpe 2005, pp. 78–79
  5. ^ Bond, Edward L. (2005), Spreading the gospel in colonial Virginia', Colonial Williamsburg Foundation, p. 93
  6. ^ Sharpe 2005, p. 87
  7. ^ Fraser 2005, p. 352
  8. ^ Sharpe 2005, p. 88
  9. ^ Sharpe 2005, pp. 88–89
  10. ^ a b Cressy 1992, p. 73
  11. ^ Hutton 2001, pp. 394–395
  12. required.)
  13. ^ Withnall, Adam (6 November 2014), "Vladimir Putin effigies burned at Lewes Bonfire Night as the 'new cold war' starts to heat up", The Independent, retrieved 5 November 2022
  14. ^ Sharpe 2005, p. 89
  15. ^ Sharpe 2005, p. 90
  16. ^ a b c Hutton 2001, p. 395
  17. ^ Cressy 1992, p. 74
  18. ^ Sharpe 2005, p. 92
  19. ^ Cressy 1992, p. 75
  20. ^ Cressy 1992, pp. 70–71
  21. ^ Cressy 1992, pp. 74–75
  22. ^ Sharpe 2005, pp. 96–97
  23. ^ Sharpe 2005, pp. 98–100
  24. ^ Hutton 2001, p. 397
  25. ^ Pratt 2006, p. 57
  26. JSTOR 4050254
  27. ^ Cressy 1992, p. 77
  28. ^ a b Cressy 1992, pp. 79–80
  29. ^ "The great annoyance occasioned to the public by a set of idle fellows", The Times, vol. D, no. 5557, p. 3, 4 November 1802 – via infotrac.galegroup.com (subscription or UK public library membership required)
  30. ^ Cressy 1992, p. 76
  31. ^ Cressy 1992, p. 79
  32. ^ Cressy 1992, pp. 76–79
  33. ^ Sharpe 2005, pp. 157–159
  34. ^ Sharpe 2005, pp. 114–115
  35. ^ Sharpe 2005, pp. 110–111
  36. ^ a b Hutton 2001, p. 401
  37. ^ Sharpe 2005, p. 150
  38. ^ Sharpe 2005, p. 159
  39. ^ Cressy 1992, pp. 82–83
  40. ^ Fraser 2005, pp. 354–356
  41. ^ Anon 1859, p. 4
  42. ^ Cressy 1992, pp. 84–85
  43. ^ Bohstedt 2010, p. 252
  44. ^ Sharpe 2005, pp. 159–160
  45. ^ Hutton 2001, pp. 405–406
  46. ^ a b Hutton 2001, p. 403
  47. ^ Hutton 2001, p. 514, note 45
  48. ^ Cressy 1992, pp. 85–86
  49. ISSN 0024-3019
  50. ^ a b Sharpe 2005, p. 157
  51. JSTOR 1260204
  52. ^ Opie 1961, pp. 280–281
  53. ^ Hutton 2001, pp. 406–407
  54. ^ Sharpe 2005, pp. 147–152
  55. ^ Champion 2005, p. n/a
  56. ^ Kettle, Martin (5 November 2003), "The real festival of Britain", The Guardian
  57. ^ Cressy 1992, pp. 86–87
  58. ^ de Castella, Tom (6 November 2012), "Has Halloween now dampened Bonfire Night?", BBC News
  59. ^ Underdown 1987, p. 70
  60. ^ Cressy 1992, pp. 69–71
  61. ^ Hutton 2001, p. 394
  62. JSTOR 1500482
  63. ^ Cannadine, David (4 November 2005), "Halloween v Guy Fawkes Day", BBC News, archived from the original on 31 October 2010
  64. ^ Santino, Jack (1998), The Hallowed Eve: Dimensions of Culture in a Calendar Festival in Northern Ireland, University Press of Kentucky, p. 54
  65. ^ Rawlinson, Kevin (5 November 2010), "Guy Fawkes vs Diwali: Battle of Bonfire Night", The Independent
  66. ^ Sharpe 2005, p. 192
  67. ^ Phillip 1789, p. Chapter VII
  68. The Sydney Gazette and New South Wales Advertiser
    , p. 1, 10 November 1805
  69. ^ "The Swan River Colony", The Capricornian, p. 5, 12 December 1929
  70. The Perth Gazette and Western Australian Journal
    , 27 April 1833, p. 66 – via Trove
  71. ^ Wright, Tony (30 October 2020), "Ready for a rocket?: No one's laughing as a new Bonfire Night nears", The Sydney Morning Herald, retrieved 5 November 2021
  72. ^ Davis 2010, pp. 250–251
  73. ^ "Guy Fawkes: Reports of paint, stoning, intimidation in Cape despite warning", IOL, 5 November 2019
  74. ^ Atter, Heidi (5 November 2021), 17th-century Bonfire Night traditions going strong throughout N.L., and internationally, CBC News, retrieved 5 November 2021
  75. ^ Davis 2010, p. 250
  76. ^ Sharpe 2005, p. 142
  77. ^ Tager 2001, pp. 45–50
  78. ^ Young 1999, pp. 24, 93–94
  79. ^ Kaufman 2009, p. 99
  80. ^ Fuchs 1990, p. 36
  81. ^ Sharpe 2005, p. 145
  82. ^ Fitzpatrick, John C., ed. (5 November 1775), "The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources, 1745–1799", memory.loc.gov
  83. ^ Berlant 1991, p. 232 n.58, see also Robotti, Frances Diane (2009), Chronicles of Old Salem, Kessinger Publishing, LLC
  84. JSTOR 533252
  85. ^ Fraser 2005, p. 353
  86. ^ Eggleston, Edward (July 1885), "Social Life in the Colonies", The Century; a popular quarterly, vol. 30, no. 3, p. 400

Bibliography

Further reading