Han–Xiongnu War
Han–Xiongnu War 漢匈戰爭 | |||||||
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Emperor Wu dispatching the diplomat Zhang Qian to Central Asia, Mogao Caves mural, 8th century | |||||||
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Belligerents | |||||||
Xiongnu Qiang[1] Wuhuan[2] |
Han dynasty Xin dynasty (9–23 AD) Tributary and allied forces: Southern Xiongnu[3] Qiang[4] Wuhuan[4] Xianbei[4] Wusun | ||||||
Commanders and leaders | |||||||
Zhizhi Chanyu † ...and others |
Emperor Wu of Han General Wei Qing General Huo Qubing General Dou Gu General Ban Chao General Dou Xian General Li Guang † ...and others |
The Han–Xiongnu War,
The
However, starting from the reign of the seventh Han ruler,
During the
Background
During the
However, after the sudden death of Qin Shi Huang, the ensuing political corruption and chaos during the short reign of
Course
Onset
By the reign of
In 133 BC, the Xiongnu forces led by the Chanyu
Skirmishes at the northern frontier
In the autumn of 129 BC, a Han force of 40,000 cavalrymen launched a surprise attack against the Xiongnu in the frontier markets, where masses of Xiongnu people visited to trade.[28] In 128 BC, General Wei Qing led 30,000 men to battle at the regions north of Yanmen and came out victorious.[29] The next year (127 BC), the Xiongnu invaded Liaoxi, killing its governor, and advanced towards Yanmen.[30] Han Anguo mobilized 700 men, but was defeated and withdrew to Yuyang.[30] Thereafter, Wei Qing moved out with a force and captured some Xiongnu troops, causing the main force of the Xiongnu to withdraw.[30] Meanwhile, Li Xi had led a force across the frontier and also captured some of the Xiongnu troops.[30]
Early campaigns by the Han empire
Between 127 and 119 BC, Emperor Wu ordered the generals Wei Qing and Huo Qubing to lead several large-scale military campaigns against the Xiongnu.[23] Leading campaigns involving tens of thousands of troops, General Wei Qing captured the Ordos Desert region from the Xiongnu in 127 BC and General Huo Qubing expelled them from the Qilian Mountains in 121 BC, gaining the surrender of many Xiongnu aristocrats.[31][32] The Han court also sent expeditions, ranging to over 100,000 troops, into Mongolia in 124 BC, 123 BC, and 119 BC,[33] attacking the heart of Xiongnu territory. Following the successes of these 127–119 BC campaigns, Emperor Wu wrote edicts in which he heavily praised the two generals for their achievements.[34]
Ordos Loop
In 127 BC, General
Southern Gobi Desert
During the spring of 123 BC, General Wei Qing set off to Mongolia with an army to attack the Xiongnu; they marched back victorious to Dingxiang.[40] Two months later, the Han army advanced towards the Xiongnu again, but this time the Xiongnu were prepared for the invasion by the Han forces.[40] However, hereafter, due to the military expeditions that the Han empire undertook, the Xiongnu moved their capital and retreated to the far northern regions of the Gobi Desert.[40]
Hexi Corridor
In the Battle of Hexi (121 BC), the Han forces had inflicted a major defeat to the Xiongnu.[41] Emperor Wu desired to place firm control over the Hexi Corridor and decided to launch a large military offensive to purge the Xiongnu from the area.[38] The campaign was undertaken in 121 BC by General Huo Qubing.[42] Departing from Longxi that year, General Huo Qubing led light cavalry through five Xiongnu kingdoms, conquering the Yanzhi and Qilian mountain ranges from the Xiongnu.[28]
In the spring of 121 BC, Huo set out from Longxi and advanced into the territory of the Xiutu King (休屠王), beyond the Yanzhi Mountains.[43] About 18,000 Xiongnu cavalry were captured or killed.[43]
That summer (121 BC), Huo advanced into the Anshan Desert to invade the regions at the Qilian Mountains.[43] At the Qilian Mountains, the Hunye King (渾邪王) saw the deaths of over 30,000 troops in battle against the Han, while 2800 of his troops were captured.[44]
Distraught by the huge losses and fearing the wrath of the Xiongnu Chanyu, the Xiutu King and the Hunye King planned to surrender to the Han forces of General Huo Qubing.[45] However, the Xiutu King suddenly changed his mind and fled with his followers.[45] General Huo Qubing and the Hunye King gave chase and killed Xiutu and his 8000 troops.[45] In the end, the Hunye King and 40,000 Xiongnu soldiers surrendered,[28][41][44][45] which also led to the Xiongnu tribes of Hunye and Xiutu submitting to the rule of the Han empire.[46][47] Due to the series of victories, the Han had conquered a territory stretching from the Hexi Corridor to Lop Nur, thus cutting the Xiongnu off from their Qiang allies.[48] In 111 BC, a major Qiang–Xiongnu allied force was repelled from the Hexi Corridor.[49] Hereafter, four commanderies were established in the Hexi Corridor—Jiuquan, Zhangye, Dunhuang, and Wuwei—which were populated with Han settlers.[48][49]
North of the Gobi
The Battle of Mobei (119 BC) saw Han forces invade the northern Gobi Desert, as well as areas north of the Gobi.[41] In 119 BC, two separate expeditionary forces led by the Han generals Wei Qing and Huo Qubing mobilized towards the Xiongnu.[41][50] The two generals led the campaign to the Khangai Mountains and the Orkhon Valley, where they forced the Chanyu to flee north of the Gobi Desert.[31][51] The two forces together comprised 100,000 cavalrymen,[52][53] 140,000 horses,[52][53] and few hundred thousand infantry.[53] They advanced into the desert in pursuit of the main force of the Xiongnu.[23] The military campaign was a major Han military victory against Xiongnu,[54] where the Xiongnu were driven from the Gobi Desert.[55] The Xiongnu casualties ranged from 80 to 90 thousand troops, while the Han casualties ranged from 20 to 30 thousand troops.[56] In the aftermath, the Han forces had lost around 100,000 horses during the campaign.[56]
During this campaign,
Control over the Western Regions
With the Han conquest of the Hexi Corridor in 121 BC, the city-states at the
In 115 BC Zhang Qian was once again dispatched to the Western Regions to secure military alliances against the Xiongnu.[70][71] He sought out the various states in Central Asia, such as the Wusun.[70] He came back without achieving his goals, but he gained valuable knowledge about the Western Regions like in his previous travels.[71] Emperor Wu received reports from Zhang about the large and powerful horses of Ferghana.[72] These horses were known as "heavenly horses"[72][73] or "blood-sweating horses".[73] Zhang brought back some of these horses to the Han empire.[71] The emperor thought that the horses were of high importance to fight the Xiongnu.[73] The refusal of the Dayuan kingdom, a nation centred in Ferghana, to provide the Han empire with the horses and the execution of a Han envoy led to conflict;[74] the Han forces brought Dayuan into submission in 101 BC.[70][75] The Xiongnu, aware of this predicament, had tried to halt the Han advance, but they were outnumbered and suffered defeat.[76]
General Zhao Ponu (趙破奴) was sent on an expedition in 108 BC to invade
The Xiongnu practised marriage alliances with Han dynasty officers and officials who defected to their side. The older sister of the Chanyu (the Xiongnu ruler) was married to the Xiongnu General
Decline of the Xiongnu
Due to the many losses inflicted on the Xiongnu, rebellion broke out and their enslaved rose up in arms.
Internal discord between the Xiongnu
As the Xiongnu economic and military situation deteriorated, the Xiongnu were willing to renew peace during the reigns of
General
Collapse of power
In 9 AD, the Han official Wang Mang usurped the Han throne and proclaimed a new Chinese dynasty, known as Xin.[96] He regarded the Xiongnu as lowly vassals and relations rapidly deteriorated.[97][96] During the winter 10 to 11 AD, Wang amassed 300,000 troops along the northern frontier, which forced the Xiongnu to defer launching large-scale attacks.[97][98] Although Han rule was restored in August 25 AD by Emperor Guangwu,[99] its grip over the Tarim Basin had weakened.[100] The Xiongnu had taken advantage of the situation and gained control over the Western Regions.[101][102]
The first half of the 1st century BC witnessed several succession crises for the Xiongnu leadership, allowing the Han empire to reaffirm its control over the Western Regions.
Between 73 and 102 AD, General Ban Chao led several expeditions in the Tarim Basin, re-establishing Han control over the region.[101] At the capital of Shanshan by Lop Nur, Ban Chao and a small party of his men slaughtered a visiting Northern Xiongnu embassy to Shanshan.[107] Ban Chao presented their heads to King Guang of Shanshan, who was overwhelmed by the ordeal, whereupon he sent hostages to Han.[107] When Ban Chao traveled further to Yutian (Khotan), King Guangde received him with little courtesy.[107] The king's soothsayer told the king that he should demand Ban Chao's horse, so Ban Chao killed the soothsayer for the insult.[107] Impressed by the ruthlessness that he witnessed, the king killed a Xiongnu agent and offered submission to Han.[107] Going further westward, Ban Chao and his party arrived at Shule.[107] Earlier, King Jian of Qiuci had deposed the former king and replaced him with his officer Douti.[107] In 74 AD, Ban Chao's forces captured King Douti of Kashgar (Shule 疏勒), both a puppet of Kucha (Qiuci 龜玆) and an ally of the Xiongnu.[108] Local opponents to the new regime had offered support to the Han.[107] Tian Lü (Ban Chao's officer) took Douti captive and Ban Chao put Zhong (a prince of the native dynasty) on the throne.[107] Ban Chao, insisting on leniency, send Douti back to Qiuci unharmed.[107]
In 73 AD, General
Later in the year (74 AD), the kingdoms of
Final stages
In 89 AD, General
Aftermath
In 90 AD, General Dou Xian had encamped at Wuwei.[5] He sent Deputy Colonel Yan Pan with 2000 light cavalry to strike down the final Xiongnu defenses in the Western Regions, capturing Yiwu and receiving the surrender of Jushi.[5] Major Liang Feng was dispatched to capture the Northern Chanyu, which he did, but he was forced to leave him behind as Dou Xian had already broken camp and returned to China.[5] In the tenth month of 90 AD, Dou Xian sent Liang Feng and Ban Gu to help the Northern Chanyu make preparations for his planned travel as he wished to submit to the Han court in person the following month.[118]
However, this never came to pass as Dou Xian dispatched General Geng Kui and Shizi of the Southern Xiongnu with 8,000 light cavalry to attack the Northern Chanyu, encamped at Heyun (河雲), in 90 AD.
The Southern Xiongnu—who had been situated in the Ordos region since about 50 AD—remained within the territory of the Han empire as semi-independent tributaries.[120] They were dependent to the Han empire for their livelihood as indicated by a memorial[f] from the Southern Chanyu to the Han court in 88 AD.[121] Following the military successes against the Xiongnu, General Ban Chao was promoted to the position of Protector General and stationed in Kucha in 91 AD.[122] At the remote frontier, Ban Chao reaffirmed absolute Han control over the Western Regions from 91 AD onwards.[112]
Impact
Military
In a memorandum entitled Guard the Frontiers and Protect the Borders that he presented to the throne in 169 BC, Chao compared the relative strengths of Xiongnu and Han battle tactics.[125] In regards to the Han armies, Chao deemed the Xiongnu horsemen better prepared for rough terrain due to their better horses, better with horseback archery, and better able to withstand the elements and harsh climates.[126][127] However, on level plains, he regarded Xiongnu cavalry inferior especially when faced with Han shock cavalry and chariots as the Xiongnu are easily dispersed.[126] He emphasized that the Xiongnu were incapable of countering the superior equipment and weaponry.[126] He also noted that in contrast the Han armies were better capable to fight in disciplined formations.[126] According to Chao, the Xiongnu were also defenseless against coordinated onslaughts of arrows—especially long-ranged and in unison—due to their inferior leather armour and wooden shields.[126][127] When dismounted in close combat, he believed that the Xiongnu, lacking the ability as infantry, would be decimated by Han soldiers.[126][127]
During Emperor Jing's reign, the Han court initiated breeding programs for military horses and established 36 large government pastures in the border regions, extending from Liaodong to Beidi.[128] In preparation for the military use of the horses, the best breeds were selected to partake military training.[128] The Xiongnu frequently raided the Han government pastures, because the military horses were of great strategic importance for the Han military against them.[128] By the time of Emperor Wu's reign, the horses amounted to well over 450,000.[128]
At the start of Emperor Wu's reign, the Han empire had a standing army comprising 400,000 troops, which included 80,000 to 100,000 cavalrymen, essential to the future campaigns against the Xiongnu.[129] However, by 124 BC, that number had grown to a total of 600,000 to 700,000 troops, including 200,000 to 250,000 cavalrymen.[129] In order to sustain the military expeditions against the Xiongnu and its resulting conquests, Emperor Wu and his economic advisors undertook many economic and financial reforms, which proved to be highly successful.[129]
In 14 AD, Yan Yu presented the difficulties of conducting extended military campaigns against the Xiongnu.[63] For a 300-day campaign, each Han soldier needed 360 liters of dried grain.[63] These heavy supplies had to be carried by oxen, but experience showed that an ox could only survive for about 100 days in the desert.[63] Once in the territory of the Xiongnu, the harsh weather would also prove to be very inhospitable for the Han soldiers, who could not carry enough fuel for the winter.[63] For these reasons, according to Yan Yu, military expeditions seldom lasted longer than 100 days.[63]
For their western campaigns against the Xiongnu, the Han armies exacted their food supplies from the Western Regions.
Diplomacy
In 162 BC, the Xiongnu troops of
The Xiongnu attempted to negotiate peace several times, but every time the Han court would accept nothing less than tributary submission of the Xiongnu.
In 53 BC, Huhanye Chanyu decided to submit to the Han court.[137] He sent his son Zhulouqutang (朱鏤蕖堂), the Tuqi King of the Right, as hostage to the Han court in 53 BC.[137] In 52 BC, he formally requested through the officials at the Wuyuan commandery to have an audience with the Han court to pay homage.[137] Thus, the next year (51 BC), he arrived at court and personally paid homage to Emperor Xuan during the Chinese New Year.[137] In 49 BC, he traveled to the Han court for a second time to pay homage to the emperor.[121] In 53 BC, Zhizhi Chanyu also sent his son as hostage to the Han court.[139] In 51 and 50 BC, he sent two envoys respectively to Han to present tribute, but failed to personally come to the Han court to pay homage.[139] Therefore, he was rejected by the Han court, leading to the execution of a Han envoy in 45 BC.[140] In 33 BC, Huhanye Chanyu came to the Han court to pay homage again.[139] During his visit, he asked to become an imperial son-in-law.[139] Instead of granting him this request, Emperor Yuan decided to give him a court lady-in-waiting.[139] Thus, the Han court allowed Huhanye Chanyu to marry Lady Wang Zhaojun.[139][140] Yituzhiyashi (伊屠智牙師), the son of Huhanye and Wang Zhaojun, became a vocal partisan for the Han empire within the Xiongnu realm.[141] Although peaceful relations were momentarily achieved, it fully collapsed when the Han official Wang Mang came to power.[106][142]
When Bi, the Southern Chanyu, decided submit to the Han in 50 AD, he sent a princely son as hostage to the Han court and prostrated to the Han envoy as he received the imperial edict from them.[143] During the Eastern Han period, the tributary system had made some significant changes, which placed the Southern Xiongnu more tightly under regulation and supervision of the Han.[143] The Chanyu was required to send tribute and a princely hostage annually, while an imperial messenger would be dispatched to escort the previous princely hostage back.[144] The Southern Xiongnu were resettled inside the empire at the northern commanderies and were overseen by a Han prefect, who acted as an arbiter in their legal cases and monitored their movements.[145] Attempts by Punu, the Northern Chanyu, to establish peaceful relations with the Han empire always failed, because the Northern Xiongnu were unwilling to come under Han's tributary system and the Han court had no interest to treat them along the same lines as the Southern Xiongnu instead of dividing them.[146]
Geography
In 169 BC, the Han minister Chao Cuo presented to Emperor Wen a memorandum on frontier defence and the importance of agriculture.[147] Chao characterized the Xiongnu as people whose livelihood did not depend on permanent settlement and were always migrating.[148] As such, he wrote, the Xiongnu could observe the Han frontier and attack when there were too few troops stationed in a certain region.[148] He noted that if troops are mobilized in support, then few troops will be insufficient to defeat the Xiongnu, while many troops will arrive too late as the Xiongnu will have retreated by then.[148] He also noted that keeping the Xiongnu mobilized will be at a great expense, while they will just raid another time after dispersing them.[148] To negate these difficulties, Chao Cuo elaborated a proposal, which in essence suggested that military-agricultural settlements with permanent residents should be established to secure the frontier and that surrendered tribes should serve along the frontier against the Xiongnu.[148]
When Emperor Wu made the decision to conquer the Hexi Corridor, he had the intention to separate the Xiongnu from the Western Regions and from the Qiang people.[149] In 88 BC, the Xianling tribe of the Qiang people sent an envoy to the Xiongnu, proposing a joint-attack against the Han in the region as they were discontented that they had lost the fertile lands at Jiuquan and Zhangye.[149] It had often been the meeting place between the Xiongnu and the Qiang before the Han empire had conquered and annexed the Hexi Corridor.[149] In 6 BC, Wang Shun (王舜) and Liu Xin noted that the frontier commanderies of Jiuquan, Zhangye, and Dunhuang were established by Emperor Wu to separate the then-powerful Chuoqiang tribe of the Qiang people from the Xiongnu.[149] The Chuoqiang tribe and its king, however, eventually submitted to the Han empire and took part in the campaigns against the Xiongnu.[150]
In 119 BC, when the Xiongnu suffered a catastrophic defeat by the Han armies, the Chanyu moved his court (located in present-day Inner Mongolia) to another location north.[151][152] This had the desired result that the Xiongnu were separated from the Wuhuan people, which also prevented the Xiongnu from exacting many resources from the Wuhuan.[151] The Han court placed the Wuhuan in tributary protection and resettled them in five northeastern commanderies, namely Shanggu, Yuyang, Youbeiping (present-day Hebei), Liaoxi, and Liaodong (present-day Liaoning).[153] A new office, the Colonel-Protector of the Wuhuan, was established in Shanggu in order to prevent contact between the Wuhuan with the Xiongnu and to use them to monitor the Xiongnu activities.[153] Nevertheless, the effective Han control over the Wuhuan was lacking through much of the Western Han period, since the Xiongnu had considerable military and political influence over the Wuhuan while relations between the Wuhuan and Han often remained strained at best.[154] This can be exemplified by a situation in 78 BC, when the Xiongnu led a punitive campaign against the Wuhuan, resulting in General Fan Mingyou (范明友) leading a Han army to impede further incursions.[155] When they learned that the Xiongnu had left by the time the army arrived, the Han court ordered Fan to attack the Wuhuan instead, killing 6000 Wuhuan men and three chieftains, since the Wuhuan had recently raided Han territory.[155] Only in 49 AD, when 922 Wuhuan chieftains submitted during Emperor Guangwu's reign, did many of the Wuhuan tribes come under tributary system of the Han empire.[156] The Han court provided for the Wuhuan and in return the Wuhuan tribes guarded the Han frontier against the Xiongnu and other nomadic peoples.[156][157]
When the Hunye King surrendered to the Han in 121 BC, the Han court resettled all the 40,000 Xiongnu people from the Hexi Corridor into the northern frontier regions.[158] The Hexi Corridor proved to be an invaluable region, since it gave direct access and became the base of military operations into the Western Regions[48] Possession of the Western Regions was economically critical to the Xiongnu, since they exacted many of their necessary resources from the western states.[159] The diplomat Zhang Qian suggested to the emperor to establish diplomatic relations with the western states.[160] He proposed to try convince the Wusun in reoccupying their former territory in the Hexi Corridor and to form an alliance with them against the Xiongnu.[160] In 115 BC, Zhang Qian and his men were sent towards the Western Regions, but they did not succeed in convincing the Wusun to relocate.[161] They were, however, successful in establishing contact with the many states, such as Wusun, Dayuan (Ferghana), Kangju (Soghdiana), Daxia (Bactria), and Yutian (Khotan).[161] Although the Han empire tried to diplomatically sway the western states over the years, it met with little success due to the Xiongnu's influence over the Western Regions at the time.[162] Therefore, from 108 BC onwards, the Han resorted to conquest in order to bring the western states to submission.[163]
Since Loulan (Cherchen) was the closest western state to Han, it was key for the Han empire's expansion into Central Asia.
The control over Turfan, however, often fluctuated due to its proximity to the Xiongnu.[166] In 90 BC, General Cheng Wan (成娩) led the troops of six western states against Turfan to prevent it from allying the Xiongnu.[166] The fact that the forces used comprised solely from the troops of the western states was, as Lewis (2007) remarked, a clear indication of the political influence that the Han empire had over the region.[167] Cheng was a former Xiongnu king himself, but he had submitted to the Han and was ennobled as Marquis of Kailing (開陵侯).[166] As a result of the expedition, the Han court received the formal submission of Turfan later in the year (90 BC).[166] This victory was significant in the sense that Turfan's location was the closest to the Xiongnu of all the western states, thereby they lost their access into the Western Regions with this Han conquest.[167]
In 67 BC, the Han empire gained absolute control over the
In 25 AD,
See also
- Book of Han, a classical historiographical work covering the early history of the Han empire
- Han dynasty in Inner Asia, expansion of realm and influence of the Han dynasty in Inner Asia
- Han–Nanyue War, a military campaign launched by Emperor Wu against Nanyue
- Gojoseon–Han War, a military campaign launched by Emperor Wu against Gojoseon
- The Emperor in Han Dynasty, a 2005 Chinese television series based on the life story of Emperor Wu
- Li Ling, a Han military leader and defector to the Xiongnu
- Records of the Grand Historian, a classical historiographical work written in this era
- Sima Qian, author of the Records of the Grand Historian who was punished for defending Li Ling
- Su Wu, a Han statesman and diplomat who was a captive of the Xiongnu for about two decades
Notes
- ^ In the Xiongnu hierarchy, the Chanyu was the supreme leader (Lewis 2007, 131).
- ^ Second to the Chanyu in power were the Tuqi Kings; the Tuqi Kings are also called the "Wise Kings", where the Xiongnu word for "Tuqi" means "Wise" (Lewis 2007, 131).
- ^ The Tuqi King of the Left was generally designated as the successor of the Chanyu (Lewis 2007, 131).
- ^ The translation given by Hulsewé (1979, 90) is as follows: "The Son of Heaven has sent me to punish the king, by reason of his crime in turning against Han. It is fitting that in his place you should enthrone his younger brother Wei-t'u-ch'i who is at present in Han. Han troops are about to arrive here; do not dare to make any move which would result in yourselves bringing about the destruction of your state."
- ^ Second to the Chanyu in power were the Tuqi Kings, followed by the Luli Kings (Lewis 2007, 131).
- ^ The translation given by Lewis (2007, 137) states: "Your servant humbly thinks back on how since his ancestor submitted to the Han we have been blessed with your support, keeping a sharp watch on the passes and providing strong armies for more than forty years. Your subjects have been born and reared in Han territory and have depended entirely on the Han for food. Each year we received gifts counted in the hundreds of millions [of cash]."
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- ^ Chang 2007a, 140–141.
- ^ a b c d e f Yü 1986, 398.
- ^ a b Christian 1998, 201.
- ^ Bielenstein 1986, 236.
- ^ Yü 1986, 398–399.
- ^ a b Yü 1986, 400.
- ^ Yü 1986, 400–401.
- ^ Yü 1986, 401.
- ^ Yü 1986, 403–404.
- ^ Chang 2007a, 147.
- ^ a b c d e Lewis 2000, 46–48.
- ^ a b c d Yü 1986, 424.
- ^ Yü 1986, 424–425.
- ^ a b Yü 1986, 436–437.
- ^ Lewis 2007, 149.
- ^ a b Yü 1986, 437.
- ^ Yü 1986, 437–438.
- ^ a b Yü 1986, 438.
- ^ a b Yü 1986, 438–439.
- ^ Lewis 2007, 150.
- ^ Yü 1986, 407.
- ^ Lewis 2007, 140.
- ^ a b Yü 1986, 407–408.
- ^ a b Yü 1986, 408.
- ^ Yü 1986, 408–409.
- ^ Yü 1986, 409.
- ^ a b c d e f Yü 1986, 409–410.
- ^ Yü 1986, 409 & 415.
- ^ a b c d e f Yü 1986, 410–411.
- ^ a b Lewis 2007, 145.
- ^ a b Yü 1986, 411.
- ^ Bowman 2000, 12.
- ^ Millward 2006, 22.
- ^ Chang 2007a, 229.
- ^ a b c Lewis 2007, 25.
- ^ Yü 1986, 413.
- ^ a b c d Yü 1986, 414.
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Further reading
- Yap, Joseph P. (2019). The Western Regions, Xiongnu and Han, from the Shiji, Hanshu and Hou Hanshu. ISBN 978-1792829154.