Helvetii
The Helvetii (
The Helvetians were subjugated after 52 BC, and under
Name
They are mentioned as Helvetii by Cicero (mid-1st c. BC), Caesar (mid-1st c. BC) and Tacitus (early 2nd c. AD),[6][7][8] as Helvetiorum by Livy (late 1st c. BC),[9] as Helveti by Pliny (1st c. AD),[10] and as Elouḗtioi (Ἐλουήτιοι) by Ptolemy (2nd c. AD).[11][12]
The Gaulish ethnic name Helvetii is generally interpreted as (h)elu-ētioi ('rich in land'), from elu- ('numerous', cf. OIr. il) attached to etu- ('grassland'; cf. OIr. iath).[13][3][12] The presence of the initial h-, remnant of a previous p- (PIE *pelh1u- > Celt. helu- > elu-), attests of an archaic formation.[14]
The earliest attestation of the name is found in a graffito on a vessel from Mantua, dated to c. 300 BC.[15] The inscription in Etruscan letters reads eluveitie, which has been interpreted as the Etruscan form of the Celtic elu̯eti̯os ("the Helvetian"), presumably referring to a man of Helvetian descent living in Mantua.
Tribal organisation
Of the four Helvetian pagi or sub-tribes, Caesar names only the Verbigeni (Bell. Gall. 1.27) and the Tigurini (1.12), Posidonius the Tigurini and the Tougeni (Τωυγενοί). There has been substantial debate in
According to Caesar, the territory abandoned by the Helvetii had comprised 400 villages and 12 oppida (fortified settlements).[17] His tally of the total population taken from captured Helvetian records written in Greek is 263,000 people, including fighting men, old men, women and children.[18] However, the figures are generally dismissed as too high by modern scholars (see hereafter).
Like many other tribes, the Helvetii did not have kings at the time of their clash with Rome but instead seem to have been governed by a class of noblemen (Lat. equites).[19] When Orgetorix, one of their most prominent and ambitious noblemen, was making plans to establish himself as their king, he faced execution by burning if found guilty. Caesar does not explicitly name the tribal authorities prosecuting the case and gathering men to apprehend Orgetorix, but he refers to them by the Latin terms civitas ("state" or "tribe") and magistratus ("officials").[20]
History
Earliest historical sources and settlement
In his
The Greek historian Posidonius (c. 135–50 BC), whose work is preserved only in fragments by other writers, offers the earliest historical record of the Helvetii. Posidonius described the Helvetians of the late 2nd century BC as "rich in gold but peaceful," without giving clear indication to the location of their territory..
That the Helvetians originally lived in southern Germany is confirmed by the
At the later
First contact with the Romans
The Germanic tribes of the Cimbri and Ambrones probably reached southern Germany around the year 111 BC, where they were joined by the Tigurini, and, probably the Teutoni-Toutonoi-Toygenoi. (The precise identity of the latter group is unclear).[31]
The tribes began a joint invasion of Gaul, including the Roman
In 105 BC, the allies defeated another Roman army near
Caesar and the Helvetian campaign of 58 BC
Prelude
The Helvetii were the first Gallic tribe of the campaign to be confronted by Caesar. He narrates the events of the conflict in the opening sections of Commentarii de Bello Gallico.[34] Due to the political nature of the Commentarii, Caesar's purpose in publicizing his own achievements may have distorted the significance of events and the motives of those who participated.[35]
The nobleman Orgetorix is presented as the instigator of a new Helvetian migration, in which the entire tribe was to leave their territory and, according to Caesar, to establish a supremacy over all of Gaul. This exodus was planned over three years, in the course of which Orgetorix conspired with two noblemen from neighbouring tribes, Casticus of the Sequani and Dumnorix of the Aedui, that each should accomplish a coup d'état in his own country, after which the three new kings would collaborate. When word of his aspirations to make himself king reached the Helvetii, Orgetorix was summoned to stand trial, facing execution on the pyre should he be found guilty. For the time being, he averted a verdict by arriving at the hearing set for him with ten thousand followers and bondsmen; yet before the large force mustered by the authorities could apprehend him, he died under unexplained circumstances, the Helvetii believed by his own hand.[36]
Nevertheless, the Helvetii did not give up their planned emigration, but burned their homes in 58 BC.
Battle of the Saône
When they reached the boundaries of the Allobroges, the northernmost tribe of the Provincia, they found that Caesar had already dismantled the bridge of Geneva to stop their advance. The Helvetians sent "the most illustrious men of their state" to negotiate, promising a peaceful passage through the Provincia. Caesar stalled them by asking for some time for consideration, which he used to assemble reinforcements and to fortify the southern banks of the Rhône. When the embassy returned on the agreed-upon date, he was strong enough to bluntly reject their offer. The Helvetii now chose the more difficult northern route through the Sequani territory, which traversed the Jura Mountains via a very narrow pass at the site of the modern Fort l'Écluse, but bypassed the Provincia. After ravaging the lands of the Aedui tribe, who called upon Caesar to help them, they began the crossing of the Saône, which took them several days. As only a quarter of their forces were left on the eastern banks, Caesar attacked and routed them. According to Caesar, those killed had been the Tigurini, on whom he had now taken revenge in the name of the Republic and his family.[39]
After the battle, the Romans quickly bridged the river, thereby prompting the Helvetii to once again send an embassy, this time led by Divico, another figure whom Caesar links to the ignominious defeat of 107 BC by calling him bello Cassio dux Helvetiorum (i.e. "leader of the Helvetii in the Cassian campaign"). What Divico had to offer was almost a surrender, namely to have the Helvetii settle wherever Caesar wished them to, although it was combined with the threat of an open battle if Caesar should refuse. Caesar demanded hostages to be given to him and reparations to the Aedui and Allobroges. Divico responded by saying that "they were accustomed to receive, not to give hostages; a fact the Roman people could testify to",[40] this once again being an allusion to the giving of hostages by the defeated Romans at Agen.
Battle of Bibracte
In the cavalry battle that followed, the Helvetii prevailed over Caesar's Aedui allies under Dumnorix' command, and continued their journey, while Caesar's army was being detained by delays in his grain supplies, caused by the Aedui on the instigations of Dumnorix, who had married Orgetorix' daughter. A few days later, however, near the Aeduan oppidum Bibracte, Caesar caught up with the Helvetii and faced them in a major battle, which ended in the Helvetii's retreat and the capture of most of their baggage by the Romans.
Leaving the largest part of their supplies behind, the Helvetii covered around 60 km in four days, eventually reaching the lands of the Lingones (the modern Langres plateau). Caesar did not pursue them until three days after the battle, while still sending messengers to the Lingones warning them not to assist the Helvetii in any way. The Helvetii then offered their immediate surrender and agreed both to providing hostages and to giving up their weapons the next day. In the course of the night, 6000 of the Verbigeni fled from the camp out of fear of being massacred once they were defenceless. Caesar sent riders after them and ordered those who were brought back to be "counted as enemies", which probably meant being sold into slavery.
Return of the migrants
In order for them to defend the Rhine frontier against the Germans, he then allowed the Helvetii, Tulingi and Latobrigi to return to their territories and to rebuild their homes, instructing the
Caesar's report of the numbers
According to the victor, tablets with lists in Greek characters were found at the Helvetian camp, listing in detail all men able to bear arms with their names and giving a total number for the women, children and elderly who accompanied them.[42] The numbers added up to a total of 263,000 Helvetii, 36,000 Tulingi, 14,000 Latobrigi, 23,000 Rauraci, and 32,000 Boii, all in all 368,000 heads, 92,000 of whom were warriors. A census of those who had returned to their homes listed 110,000 survivors, which meant that only about 30 percent of the emigrants had survived the war.
Caesar's report has been partly confirmed by excavations near Geneva and
In general, numbers written down by ancient military authors have to be taken as gross exaggerations.[44] What Caesar claims to have been 368,000 people is estimated by other sources to be rather around 300,000 (Plutarch), or 200,000 (Appian);[45] in the light of a critical analysis, even these numbers seem far too high. Furger-Gunti considers an army of more than 60,000 fighting men extremely unlikely in the view of the tactics described, and assumes the actual numbers to have been around 40,000 warriors out of a total of 160,000 emigrants.[46] Delbrück suggests an even lower number of 100,000 people, out of which only 16,000 were fighters, which would make the Celtic force about half the size of the Roman body of c. 30,000 men.[47] The real numbers will never be determined exactly. Caesar's specifications can at least be doubted by looking at the size of the baggage train that an exodus of 368,000 people would have required: Even for the reduced numbers that Furger-Gunti uses for his calculations, the baggage train would have stretched for at least 40 km, perhaps even as far as 100 km.[48]
In spite of the now much more balanced numerical weight we have to assume for the two opposing armies, the battle seems far less glorious a victory than Caesar presented it to be. The main body of the Helvetii withdrew from the battle at nightfall, abandoning, as it seemed, most of their wagons, which they had drawn up into a wagon fort; they retreated northwards in a forced night march and reached the territory of the Lingones four days after the battle. What Caesar implies to have been a desperate flight without stopping could actually have been an ordered retreat of moderate speed, covering less than 40 km a day.[49] Caesar himself does not appear as a triumphant victor in turn, being unable to pursue the Helvetii for three days, "both on account of the wounds of the soldiers and the burial of the slain". However, it is clear that Caesar's warning to the Lingones not to supply his enemies was quite enough to make the Helvetii leaders once again offer peace. On what terms this peace was made is debatable, but as said before, the conclusion of a foedus casts some doubt on the totality of the defeat.
Questions of motive
As Caesar's account is heavily influenced by his political agenda, it is difficult to determine the actual motive of the Helvetii movement of 58 BC. One might see the movement in the light of a Celtic retreat from areas which were later to become Germanic; it can be debated whether they ever had plans to settle in the
The Helvetii as Roman subjects
The Helvetii and Rauraci most likely lost their status as foederati only six years after the battle of Bibracte, when they supported Vercingetorix in 52 BC with 8,000 and 2,000 men, respectively. Sometime between 50 and 45 BC, the Romans founded the Colonia Iulia Equestris at the site of the Helvetian settlement Noviodunum (modern Nyon), and around 44 BC the Colonia Raurica on Rauracan territory. These colonies were probably established as a means of controlling the two most important military access routes between the Helvetian territory and the rest of Gaul, blocking the passage through the Rhône valley and Sundgau.
In the course of
The rising of 68/69 AD
What seems to have been the last action of the Helvetii as a tribal entity happened shortly after the death of emperor
Legacy
Roman occupation in the aftermath of the Gallic Wars had pacified the Celtic-Germanic contact zone along the Rhine. The Suebi and Marcomanni who under Ariovistus had planned to invade Gaul were pushed back beyond the Black Forest, where they amalgamated into the future Alemanni.[53] The Romans allowed Germanic tribes such as the Ubii, Triboci, Nemetes and Vangiones to settle in the deserted areas left of the Rhine. On the right bank of the Upper Rhine, which according to the testimony of Tacitus (Germania 28) had formerly also been occupied by the Helvetians, both the historical and archaeological records are sparse. Ptolemy (2.4.11) in the 2nd century uses the term Eremus Helvetiorum (also rendered Heremus Helvetiorum) "desolation of the Helvetians" to refer to this area (largely corresponding to modern Baden). The term was adopted by Aegidius Tschudi in the 16th century,[54] and remains in use in modern historiography (German: Helvetier-Einöde). It has been proposed that the area inhabited by the Helvetians had extended beyond the Swiss plateau, far into what is now Baden-Württemberg, but had been displaced in the course of the Cimbrian War, some two generations prior to Caesar's invasion of Gaul.[55]
The Swiss plateau was gradually romanized during the 1st to 3rd centuries. The principal Roman settlements were the cities of
In the course of Romanization, the
Although the
The order and prosperity of the Pax Romana ended with the Crisis of the Third Century. In 260, when the Gallic Empire briefly seceded from Rome, emperor Gallienus withdrew the legions from the Rhine to fight the usurper Ingenuus, allowing the Alemanni to invade the Swiss plateau. There, cities, villages and most villae were raided or sacked by marauding bands. The numerous caches of coins recovered from the period between 250 and 280 attest to the severity of the crisis.[60]
The Helvetii were re-discovered as the forebears of the Swiss in the early historiography of Switzerland, in the late 15th to early 16th century.[61] Their name was adopted as the Latin equivalent of the designation Switzer, and the Swiss Confederacy was given the Latin name of Republica Helvetiorum. The name of the national personification of Switzerland, Helvetia, and the country's contemporary Neo-Latin name, Confoederatio Helvetica (abbreviated CH), are derived from this tradition.
In 2015, the star
Celtic oppida in Switzerland
The distribution of
Almost all the Helvetic oppida were built in the vicinity of the larger rivers of the Swiss midlands. Not all of them existed at the same time. For most of them, we do not have any idea as to what their Gaulish names might have been, with one or two possible exceptions.
Where a pre-Roman name is preserved, it is added in brackets.
- Altenburg-Rheinau
- Basel*
- Bern-Engehalbinsel (possibly Brenodurum[65])
- Bois de Châtel, Avenches
- Eppenberg
- Jensberg
- Genève(Genava)*
- Lausanne (Lousonna)
- Martigny (Octodurus)*
- Mont Chaibeuf*
- Mont Terri*
- Mont Vully
- Sermuz
- Uetliberg, Zürich
- Windisch (Vindonissa)
Notes
- ^ Butler, Samuel; Rhys, Ernest (1907). "Map 4, Gallia". The Atlas of Ancient and Classical Geography. Everyman. London; New York: J. M. Dent; E. P. Dutton.
- ISBN 978-0-7432-8953-5.
Gaulish Helvetii.
- ^ ISBN 1-85109-440-7.
- ^ Bell.Gall. 1.27 and 1.12, respectively
- ^ Strabo 4.1.8, 7.2.2.
- ^ Cicero. Epistulae ad Atticum, 1:19:2
- ^ Caesar. Commentarii de Bello Gallico, 1:1:4
- ^ Tacitus. Historiae, 1:67
- Ab Urbe Condita Libri, epit. 65
- ^ Pliny. Naturalis Historia, 4:106
- ^ Ptolemy. Geōgraphikḕ Hyphḗgēsis, 2:9:10
- ^ a b Falileyev 2010, s.v. Helvetii.
- ^ Delamarre 2003, pp. 162, 168.
- ^ de Bernardo Stempel 2015, p. 93.
- ^ Reproduction in R.C. De Marinis, Gli Etruschi a Nord del Po, Mantova, 1986.
- ^ Stähelin, Die Schweiz in römischer Zeit (1927) suggested a corruption of the tribal name in the manuscript tradition of Strabo. A stone marker bearing the inscription INTER TOVTONOS CAH(F?) found in Miltenberg on the Main (which had been the nordern border of the older Helvetian territory according to Tacitus, Germania, 28) is sometimes taken to support this theory. See Stähelin, 1948, p. 59; Strabo 4.1.8, 7.2.2. Ancient writers usually classify the Teutons as "Germanic" and the Helvetii as "Gallic", but the ethnic attributions are debatable; the fluidity of these terms is well illustrated by Ludwig Rübekeil, Diachrone Studien zur Kontaktzone zwischen Kelten und Germanen, Vienna 2002.
- ^ Caesar & 58 BC, Book I Section 5
- ^ Caesar & 58 BC, Book I Section 29
- ^ Other tribal aristocracies were the Aedui (Bell. Gall. 1.3), the Arverni (Bell. Gall. 7.4), or the Remi (Bell. Gall. 2.3).
- ^ Bell. Gall. 1.4.
- ^ Pliny the Elder, Historia naturalis 12.2.
- ^ Strabon 7.2.2.
- ^ SPM IV Eisenzeit, Basel 1999, p. 31f.
- ^ Ptolemy (1843). "Vol I.Book II.11.10". Geographia (in Greek). Leipzig: Karl Tauchnitz. p. 117.
- ^ Germ. 28.2.
- ^ Keltisches Geld in Zürich: Der spektakuläre «Potinklumpen». Amt für Städtebau der Stadt Zürich, Stadtarchäologie, Zürich October 2007.
- ^ Michael Nick. "75 kilogrammes of Celtic small coin - Recent research on the "Potinklumpen" from Zürich" (PDF). Ministerio de Educación, Cultura y Deporte, España. Retrieved 2014-12-12.
- ^ Beat Eberschweiler: Schädelreste, Kopeken und Radar: Vielfältige Aufgaben für die Zürcher Tauchequipe IV. In: NAU 8/2001. Amt für Städtebau der Stadt Zürich, Denkmalpflege und Archäologie Unterwasserarchäologie / Labor für Dendrochronologie. Zürich 2001.
- ^ "Prehistoric Pile Dwellings in Switzerland". Swiss Coordination Group UNESCO Palafittes (palafittes.org). Archived from the original on 2014-10-07. Retrieved 2014-12-07.
- ^ "World Heritage". palafittes.org. Archived from the original on 2014-12-09. Retrieved 2014-12-07.
- ^ Posidonius saw the Toutonoi/Teutoni as a subgroup of the Helvetii. Cf. Furger-Gunti, p. 76f.
- ^ Bell.Gall. 1.12.
- ^ L. Cassius cos. a Tigurinis Gallis, pago Heluetiorum, qui a ciuitate secesserant, in finibus Nitiobrogum cum exercitu caesus est. / Milites, qui ex ea caede superauerant, obsidibus datis et dimidia rerum omnium parte, ut incolumes dimitterentur, cum hostibus pacti sunt. (Periochae LXV)
- ^ Book 1, Chapters 2-29
- ^ Welch, Kathryn; Powell, Anton; Powell, Jonathan, eds. (1998). Julius Caesar as Artful Reporter: The War Commentaries as Political Instruments. Swansea: Classical Press of Wales. passim.
- ^ Caesar & 58 BC, Book I Section 4.
- ISBN 2-8315-7159-6.
- ^ Caesar & 58 BC, Book I Section 5.
- ^ Is pagus appellabatur Tigurinus; nam omnis civitas Helvetia in quattuor pagos divisa est. Hic pagus unus, cum domo exisset, patrum nostrorum memoria L. Cassium consulem interfecerat et eius exercitum sub iugum miserat. Ita sive casu sive consilio deorum immortalium quae pars civitatis Helvetiae insignem calamitatem populo Romano intulerat, ea princeps poenam persolvit. Qua in re Caesar non solum publicas, sed etiam privatas iniurias ultus est, quod eius soceri L. Pisonis avum, L. Pisonem legatum, Tigurini eodem proelio quo Cassium interfecerant. Bell. Gall. 1.12.
- ^ Bell. Gall. 1.14.
- ^ Cic. Balb. 32.
- ^ Bell. Gall. 1.29.
- ^ Furger-Gunti, 118ff.
- ^ Cf. G Walser, Caesar und die Germanen. Studien zur polit. Tendenz römischer Feldzubgerichte. Historia, Einzelschrifen, Vol. 1, 1956.
- Octodurus and modern Sierre. Geiser (Un monnayage celtique en Valais. Schweizerische numismatische Rundschau 63, p. 55-125, 1984) has been able to determine the extent of the former tribe's territory, and it will be safe to assume that the Veragri and Seduni together occupied about half the cultivated land of the Valais, with the Nantuates and Ubii inhabiting the other half. As commonly done for Celtic nations, in order to arrive at the total number of people, we multiply the number of fighting men by four, thus arriving at a total population of 120,000 for the two tribes combined. By adding an equal number of people for the two other tribes, one arrives at a total of 240,000 inhabitants for the Valais valley in the 1st century BC. In contrast, the modern-day Swiss cantonhas only 278,000 inhabitants, including the urban settlements.
- ^ Furger-Gunti, 102.
- ^ H. Delbrück Geschichte der Kriegskunst im Rahmen der politischen Geschichte, Vol. 1, 1900, pp. 428 and 459f.
- ^ Furger-Gunti, 104.
- ^ Furger-Gunti (p. 116) allows only 60 km for the distance between Bibracte and the fines Lingonum, while Langres and Autun are in fact separated by more than twice this distance. For the average speed of pre-motorised travel, cf. Norbert Ohler Reisen im Mittelalter, p. 141.
- ^ Cf. Birkhan, 243f.
- ^ CIL 13,5076 names the Tigurini as one of these pagi.
- ^ Tacitus Hist. 1.67-69.
- ^ Theodor Mommsen, W.P. Dickson (trans.), The History of Rome vol. 4 (1880), p. 232.
- ^ J.J. Gallati (ed.), Hauptschlüssel zu zerschiedenen Alterthumen: oder Beschreibung [...] Galliae Comatae (1767), p. 238.
- ^ Franz Fischer, "Die Kelten und ihre Geschichte" in: Bittel, Kimmig, Schiek (eds.), Die Kelten in Baden-Württemberg (1981), p. 72.
- ^ Ducrey, p. 83.
- ^ Prümm "zur kaiserzeitlichen Religionslage in der Schweiz", Religionsgeschichliches Handbuch (1954), p. 766.
- Belenos). Derivation of the names of Lucerne and Lugano are uncertain, the latter may contain the theonym Lugus. Basel is the site of a Celtic oppidum, but its name dates to the Roman era, derived from the personal name Basilius, while St. Gallen is an early medieval foundation.
- Thur. The name of the Reuss (formerly Silana) is of Germanic origin.
- ^ Ducrey, Pierre (2006). "Die ersten Kulturen zwischen Alpen und Jura". Geschichte der Schweiz und der Schweizer (4th ed.), Schwabe, p. 101.
- ^ The identification of Suecia, alias Helvicia, inde Helvici, id est Suetones is found in a gloss from Reichenau, dated to the late 15th century. Guy P. Marchal, "Die frommen Schweden in Schwyz: Das 'Herkommen der Schwyzer und Oberhasler' als Quelle zum schwyzerischen Selbstverständnis im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert", Basler Beiträge zur zur Geschichtswissenschaft Vol. 138), Basel/Stuttgart 1976, p. 65.
- S2CID 4339201.
- ^ "NameExoWorlds The Approved Names". Archived from the original on 2018-02-01. Retrieved 2016-07-28.
- ^ Cf. Furger-Gunti 1984, S. 50–58.
- ^ Bern, Engehalbinsel, Römerbad Archived 2007-09-30 at the Wayback Machine
Primary sources
Bibliography
- ISBN 978-3-7329-0143-2.
- ISBN 9782877723695.
- Falileyev, Alexander (2010). Dictionary of Continental Celtic Place-names: A Celtic Companion to the Barrington Atlas of the Greek and Roman World. CMCS. ISBN 978-0955718236.
- Andres Furger-Gunti: Die Helvetier: Kulturgeschichte eines Keltenvolkes. Neue Zürcher Zeitung, Zürich 1984. ISBN 3-85823-071-5
- Alexander Held: Die Helvetier. Verlag Neue Zürcher Zeitung, Zürich 1984.
- Felix Müller / Geneviève Lüscher: Die Kelten in der Schweiz. Theiss, Stuttgart 2004. ISBN 3-8062-1759-9.
- Felix Staehelin: Die Schweiz in Römischer Zeit. 3., neu bearb. und erw. Aufl. Schwabe, Basel 1948
- Gerold Walser: Bellum Helveticum: Studien zum Beginn der Caesarischen Eroberung von Gallien. (Historia. Einzelschriften 118). Steiner, Stuttgart 1998. ISBN 3-515-07248-9
- SPM IV Eisenzeit - Age du Fer - Età del Ferro, Basel 1999. ISBN 3-908006-53-8.
External links
- Celts in Switzerland (in German)