Henry Vane the Younger
Sir Henry Vane the Younger | |
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English Parliament for Kingston upon Hull (UK Parliament constituency) | |
In office May 1659 – January 1660 Serving with Second seat was vacant | |
Preceded by |
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Succeeded by |
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Personal details | |
Born | baptised 26 March 1613 Tower Hill, London |
Signature | |
Sir Henry Vane (baptised 26 March 1613 – 14 June 1662), often referred to as Harry Vane and Henry Vane the Younger to distinguish him from his father,
He was a leading
Although he was formally granted clemency by Charles II, he was indicted on high treason by a Middlesex grand jury after charges were presented by the king's attorney general Sir
Vane was recognised by his political peers as a competent administrator and a wily and persuasive negotiator and politician. His politics was driven by a desire for religious tolerance in an era when governments were used to establish official churches and suppress dissenting views. Although his views were in a small minority, he was able to successfully build coalitions to advance his agenda. His actions contributed to both the rise and downfall of the English Commonwealth. His books and pamphlets written on political and religious subjects are still analysed today. His writing A Healing Question advocated for a constitutional convention pre-dating the American Constitutional Convention by over a century.[10] Vane is remembered in Massachusetts and Rhode Island as an early champion of freedom.
The New England Historical and Genealogical Society wrote of him in 1848:
Those who have been accustomed to view Roger Williams in his true character, – a great and wonderful man, a pioneer in establishing religious and consequently political liberty, – must accord the same virtues to Sir Henry Vane. It is true, the latter did not lay down his life here in our land, nor was he compelled to fly to the wilderness to enjoy his opinions; but he did die for them, when and where the greatest good would accrue to the world. If Roger Williams deserves all the praise and admiration from posterity which he now has, and which are sure to increase in all future time, Sir Henry Vane certainly deserves no less.[11]
Early life
Henry Vane was baptised on 26 May 1613 at
Vane's father had been upset by his open adoption of
During this trip the elder Vane was sent to negotiate with Swedish king
New England
Vane left for the
The colony was split over the actions and beliefs of
During Vane's tenure a dispute with the
Despite the fact that
Vane lost his position to the elder John Winthrop in the 1637 election.[37][38] The contentious election was marked by a sharp disagreement over the treatment of John Wheelwright, another Hutchinson supporter.[39] Winthrop won in part because the location of the vote was moved to Cambridge, reducing the power of Vane's Boston support.[37] In the aftermath of the election Anne Hutchinson was put on trial, and eventually banished from the colony. Many of her followers seriously considered leaving after the election. At the urging of Roger Williams, some of these people, including Hutchinson, founded the settlement of Portsmouth on Aquidneck Island in the Narragansett Bay (later named Rhode Island and joined to Providence to form the Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations). Vane decided to return to England. "Had he remained in New England, his enlightened mind and humane spirit would have held the Puritans back from the executions of witches and persecutions of other heretics which have added a dark chapter the early history of the States."[40] Before his departure, he published A Brief Answer to a Certain Declaration, a response to Winthrop's defence of the Act of Exclusion; this act was passed after the election to restrict the immigration of people with views not conforming to the colony's religious orthodoxy.[41]
Despite their political differences, Vane and Winthrop developed an epistolary relationship in the following years.[42] Vane's legacy from his time in the New World includes the colonial legislation appropriating £400 for the establishment of an institute of higher learning now known as Harvard University,[43] and his support of Roger Williams in the acquisition of Aquidneck Island from the local Indians that resulted in the formal beginnings of Rhode Island. The surviving accounts do not say that Vane provide the funds for the acquisition; Williams credits Vane as being "an instrument in the hand of God for procuring this island".[44]
According to historian Michael Winship, Vane's experiences in Massachusetts significantly radicalized his religious views, in which he came to believe that clergy of all types, including Puritan ministers, "were the second beast of Revelations 13:11", "pretending to visible Saintship".[45] This conviction drove his political activities in England, where he sought to minimise the power and influence of all types of clergy.[45] Biographer Violet Rowe writes that "Vane's guiding principles in religious policy seem to have been two: a rooted distrust of clerical power, whether of bishops or presbyters, and a belief that the State should abstain from interference in church matters altogether."[46]
Vane's stance can be seen in the way the first Rhode Island patent was drafted in 1643, when he sat on the Parliamentary committee charged with colonial affairs.[47] Unique among all of the early English colonial charters, it contains provisions guaranteeing freedom of religion.[48] (Vane assisted Roger Williams again in 1652, when the latter sought a confirmation of the Rhode Island charter and the revocation of a conflicting charter that had been issued to William Coddington.)[49]
Return to England
On his return to England, he procured, with the assistance of the Earl of Northumberland and his father, a position as Treasurer of the Royal Navy in 1639.[50] In this position he had the personally distasteful yet highly profitable task of collecting the hated ship money (a tax to support the Navy imposed by Charles I without Parliamentary approval).[51] In June 1640 he was awarded a knighthood by King Charles.[12][52] He married Frances Wray, daughter of Sir Christopher Wray, on 1 July 1640, after which his father settled upon him most of the family's holdings.[12] These included Fairlawn in Kent, and Raby Castle, where Vane would make his home.[53] According to his biographers, the relationship with Frances was anchored by shared spiritual goals and intimacy, and was happy and fulfilling.[54]
The connection with the admiralty secured for him election to the
Vane was instrumental in the 1641 impeachment and execution of the
In the
Civil War
Early years
In the first six months of 1642, relations between the king and Parliament broke down completely, and factions supporting both sides took up arms. Parliament returned Vane to his post as Treasurer of the Navy, where he used connections to bring significant naval support to the Parliamentary side after Charles attempted to arrest five
After the failure of the Root and Branch Bill, Parliament in 1643 called together the
Following Vane's success in negotiating the Scottish agreement, the death of John Pym at the end of 1643 propelled Vane into the leadership of Parliament, along with Oliver St John,
On 13 September 1644 Vane acted with St John and Cromwell in the Commons to set up a "Grand Committee for the Accommodation", designed to find a compromise on religious issues dividing the Westminster Assembly. He sought in its debate to identify loopholes for religious tolerance on behalf of the Independents.[87] This exposed Vane's opposition to Presbyterianism, and created a rift between the pro-war Independents, led by Vane and Cromwell, and the pro-peace Scots and other supporters of Presbyterianism.[88] The latter included the Earl of Essex, whose failures in the west of England reduced popular support for his cause, even as the military success of Cromwell at Marston Moor raised his profile.[89][90]
Robert Baillie, on the realisation that the Parliamentary Independents, despite previous claims of support by Vane, were not on the side of the Scots, wrote "Sir Henry Vane and The Solicitor [St John]... without any regard for us, who have saved their nation and brought their two persons to the height of power now they enjoy and use to our prejudice".[91]
Parliamentary victory
Overtures for peace talks were begun in November 1644 between king and Parliament. Vane was one of many negotiators sent to Uxbridge in a failed attempt to negotiate peace.[92] Vane and the Independents were seen by some as a principal reason for the failure of these talks, because the Scots and Charles were prepared to agree on issues of church polity and doctrine and the Independents were not.[93] The talks, which lasted from late January through most of February 1645, were overshadowed by the execution after impeachment by attainder of Archbishop Laud.[94]
John Lilburne was known as a passionate fanatic who advocated for expanded civil rights, including the destruction of the aristocracy, and Parliament, thus he was a critic of the Commonwealth.[95][96] Parliament began discussing a reorganisation of its military as early as November 1644, in part to remove some poorly-performing commanders, and to eliminate the regional character of the existing forces.[97] In debate that principally divided the Commons from the Lords, Vane and Cromwell supported passage of the Self-denying Ordinance, forbidding military officers from serving in Parliament, and the establishment of the New Model Army, which would be capable of fighting anywhere in the country.[98] The provisions of the Self-denying Ordinance also extended to individuals (like Vane) who held civil service posts, but included exceptions for those (like Vane) who had been turned out office by Charles and restored by Parliament.[99]
Following the decisive Parliamentary victory at Naseby in June 1645, the first phase of the civil war was effectively over, but it dragged on for another year,[100] before Charles surrendered to Scottish army commanders.[101]
During this time, a new political faction began to rise within the military. Known as Levellers and led by John Lilburne and others, this populist force was in favour of greater press freedoms, and was opposed to at least some of the privileges of the aristocracy, including the existence of the House of Lords.[102]
In January 1646, amid ongoing peace negotiations, Charles attempted to separate the Independents from other factions by proposing in letters to Vane an alliance with his faction against the Presbyterians.[103] Vane was not amused by this, and responded by pointing out that he preferred the rights of "tender consciences" to be granted by Parliament rather than by the duplicitous king (papers exposing the king's negotiating positions as facades had been captured at Naseby, and had largely silenced the Royalist elements in Parliament).[103][104]
Beginning in the summer of 1645, Raby Castle was ravaged by Scots royalists. In September 1645, the Vanes succeeded in getting Parliamentary approval to fortify Raby.[105] During the war, Vane's father reported that Raby Castle had been "visited four times", suffering damages of £16,000.[106] Vane withheld the return of treasury fees beginning in 1645 for two and half years until the same £16,000 suffered at Raby accumulated.[107]
Interwar politics
By the end of the war the Presbyterian group in the Commons, led by
In 1647 Vane and Oliver Cromwell, the leader of the army's Independents, came to work closely together. The Presbyterian majority sought to disband the army to reduce the threat of those Independents, but issues over pay (which was in arrears), widows' pensions, and other grievances, prompted the Presbyterians to enter into negotiations with the army. Cromwell was eventually able to appease the army, but a Parliamentary purge of Independent officers followed, and the army was ordered to disband. Some Parliamentary leaders also began negotiating with the Scots for the return of their army, this time to oppose the English army.[110]
The Parliament army mutinied, and under Cromwell's orders (possibly prompted by a warning from Vane) a detachment of troops seized Charles, who had been placed under a comfortable house arrest at
The negotiations between the army and Parliament were acrimonious. Mobs in Presbyterian-dominated London threatened Vane and other Independents. More than 50 Independent MPs, Vane among them, fled the city on 2 August for the protection of the army. The army then marched on London, with Vane and others at its head, and the Independents were again seated in Parliament.[113] The Parliament then debated the army's Heads of Proposals for fixing the term and powers of Parliament and church governance. Key among its terms of interest to Vane was one that effectively stripped the church, either Episcopal or Presbyterian, of any coercive powers.[114] The Heads of Proposals was also sent to Charles, who indicated agreement to some of its terms and opposition to others, and proposed further negotiations.[115]
The king's proposal split the Independents between those, such as Vane and Cromwell, who were willing to negotiate with the king, and those who were not. Reverend Hugh Peter spoke out in favour of the "non-addresses" (i.e. no longer negotiating with the king). In November 1647, while the debate continued, Charles escaped his confinement at
War renewed
Violence flared throughout the country as the various factions armed and organised. A mutiny in the Royal Navy in May thrust Vane into attempts to prevent it from spreading, and to regain the support of the mutineers, who had declared for Charles. By mid-July, the army had regained control of most of England, and Cromwell defeated the Scottish army in August at the Battle of Preston. In the tumult, Vane appeared at times to be in opposition to some of the Independent factions, even having a falling out (quickly healed) with Cromwell, and many factions came to distrust him. Despite this he was one of the Parliamentary representatives for negotiations with Charles at Newport in September 1648. He was widely blamed for the failure of those negotiations over his insistence on "an unbounded liberty of conscience".[118]
VANE, young in years, but in sage counsel old,
Than whom a better senator ne’er held
The helm of Rome, when gowns, not arms, repelled
The fierce Epirot and the African bold,
Whether to settle peace, or to unfold
The drift of hollow states hard to be spelled;
Then to advise how war may best, upheld,
Move by her two main nerves, iron and gold,
In all her equipage; besides, to know;
Both spiritual power and civil, what each means,
What severs each, thou hast learned, which few have done.
The bounds of either sword to thee we owe:
Therefore on thy firm hand Religion leans
In peace, and reckons thee her eldest son.
John Milton[119]
In the debates of late 1648 concerning the king's fate, Vane argued that the Parliament should constitute a government without the king "to make themselves the happiest nation and people in the world."[120] His forceful speech on 2 December suggesting that the king would need to be eliminated as a political force was opposed by others, including Nathaniel Fiennes, who claimed that the concessions the king had made to date were sufficient that an agreement might be reached. Others suggested that rather than dividing the house by opposition to the king, it be divided by separating those who had gained in the war from those who had not, and that financial contributions be made from one group to the other.[121] After an impassioned conciliatory speech by William Prynne, Parliament finally voted on 5 December that the king's concessions were sufficient.
On 6 December, the military stepped in to take control of matters. Troops led by
The Parliament that sat became known as the Rump Parliament, and its first main order of business was the trial and execution of King Charles. During this process Vane refused to attend Parliament, although he was present as a spectator when the trial began on 20 January 1649.[124] He later claimed to oppose putting the king on trial because of "tenderness of blood",[124] and continued to fulfil the duties of his government posts, signing admiralty papers on the day Charles was executed.[125]
The Commonwealth and Oliver Cromwell
After the execution of Charles, the House of Commons voted to abolish both the crown and the House of Lords.
In his role on committees overseeing the military he directed the provisioning of supplies for
Vane was also active in domestic affairs. He sat on a committee that disposed of Charles I's art collection, and made many enemies in his role on the committees for Compounding and Sequestration.[135] These committees, on which Vane had also sat in the 1640s, were responsible for the distribution of assets seized from royalists and other government opponents, and for negotiating with those who had failed to pay taxes and other government charges. Some of the enemies he made while engaged in this work would one day sit in judgment against him.[136]
The process by which the Parliament carried out the duties of the executive was cumbersome, and this became an issue with Cromwell and the army, who sought the ability to act more decisively.
Although Parliamentary leaders, Vane among them, had promised Cromwell on 19 April 1653 to delay action on the election bill, Vane was likely one of the ringleaders who sought to have the bill enacted the next day before Cromwell could react.[142] Cromwell was however alerted by a supporter, and interrupted the proceedings that would otherwise have passed the bill. Bringing troops into the chamber, he put an end to the debate, saying "You are no Parliament. I say you are no Parliament. I will put an end to your sitting."[143] Vane protested, "This is not honest; yea, it is against morality and common honesty", to which Cromwell shouted in response, "O Sir Henry Vane, Sir Henry Vane; the Lord deliver me from Sir Henry Vane!"[143] This ended the commonwealth, and Cromwell began to rule as Lord Protector. Vane, "daily missed and courted for his assistance", was invited to sit on Cromwell's council, but refused.[144]
Effectively in retirement, Vane wrote the Retired Man's Meditations, published in 1655, this work, a jargon-laden religious treatise in which Vane wanders between literal and symbolic interpretation of Biblical scriptures, was treated by contemporaries and later analysts, including David Hume, as "absolutely unintelligible" and "cloudily formed".[145] The same year, after Cromwell called for a fast day to consider methods by which his government might be improved, Vane wrote A Healing Question.[146] In this more carefully structured political work, he proposed a new form of government based on a constitution decided by men attending a constitutional convention.[147] He was encouraged to publish it by Charles Fleetwood,[148] who had shown it to Cromwell.[149] In a postscript to the work Vane wrote the words "the good old cause", a coinage that became a rallying cry in the next few years for Vane's group of republicans.[150]
A Healing Question was seen by
During Vane's retirement he established a religious teaching group, which resulted in a group of admirers known as "Vanists".[156] He also cultivated pamphleteers and other surrogates to promote his political views. Henry Stubbe, introduced to Vane by Westminster head Richard Busby, became a supporter, and defended him in his Essay in Defence of the Good Old Cause, and in Malice Rebuked (1659).[157][158]
Richard Cromwell and after
Following Oliver Cromwell's death in September 1658, his son Richard succeeded him as Lord Protector.[159] The younger Cromwell lacked the political and military skills of his father, and the political factionalism of the earlier Commonwealth began to resurface.[160] When elections were called for a new parliament in December 1658, Cromwell attempted to prevent the election of both royalists and republicans.[161][162] Vane, as a leader of the republican faction, was specifically targeted, but managed to win election representing Whitchurch.[163] In the parliament's session, the republicans questioned Cromwell's claim to power, argued in favour of limiting it, and spoke against the veto power of the Cromwellian House of Lords, which was packed with supporters of the protector.[164] The republicans were unsuccessful in enacting any substantive changes.[165]
Vane formed an alliance with a group of republican military officers known as the Wallingford House party, who met secretly in violation of laws enacted to limit military participation in political matters.[166] The Cromwellian factions in the parliament overreached in their attempts to control republican sentiment in the military, and Cromwell was forced to dissolve the parliament in April 1659.[167] Cromwell, with little support in the military, abdicated several days later.[168] Following a purge of pro-Cromwell supporters from the military and a widespread pamphleteering campaign, Cromwell's council recalled the Rump Parliament in May.[169]
In the reconstituted Rump Parliament, Vane was appointed to the new council of state. He also served as commissioner for the appointment of army officers, managed foreign affairs, and examined the state of the government's finances, which were found to be in dismal condition.
That knave in grain
Sir Harry Vane
His case than most men's is sadder
There is little hope
He can [e]scape the rope
For the Rump turned him o'er the ladder.
Anonymous pamphleteer[179]
During the tumultuous year of the late 1650s proposals for how the government should be structured and how powers should be balanced were widely debated, in private, in public debates in Parliament, and through the publication of pamphlets. Vane used all of these methods to promote his ideas. In 1660 he published A Needful Corrective or Balance in Popular Government. This open letter was essentially a response to
The Restoration
In March 1660 the Long Parliament finally dissolved itself, and elections were held for the
Despite the clemency, Vane remained in the Tower, and the income from his estates was seized. He suffered the privations of the prison, and was unable to discharge debts that ran to £10,000. He was transferred to the Isles of Scilly in October 1661 in order to limit access to him by potential conspirators who might be scheming to free him.[187][188] He continued to write, principally on religious themes, seeking to come to terms with the political state of affairs and his condition.[189] According to The People's Case Stated, written by Vane in this time, power originated with God, but resided primarily with the people: "The power which is directive, and states and ascertains the morality of the rule of obedience, is in the hand of God; but the original, from whence all just power arises, which is magistratical and co-ercitive, is from the will or free gift of the people, who may either keep the power in themselves or give up their subjection and will in the hand of another."[190] King and people were bound by "the fundamental constitution or compact", which if the king violated, the people might return to their original right and freedom.[190]
Following Vane's move to Scilly, the
Vane attempted to appeal his conviction, and tried to get the magistrates to sign a Bill of Exclusion in which Vane catalogued all the problems he saw with his trial. However, the magistrates refused. Informed of Vane's conduct before and during the trial,
He made a long speech, many times interrupted by the Sheriff and others there; and they would have taken his paper out of his hand, but he would not let it go. But they caused all the books of those that writ after him to be given the Sheriff; and the trumpets were brought under the scaffold that he might not be heard. Then he prayed, and so fitted himself, and received the blow; but the scaffold was so crowded that we could not see it done....He had a blister, or issue, upon his neck, which he desired them not hurt: he changed not his colour or speech to the last, but died justifying himself and the cause he had stood for; and spoke very confidently of his being presently at the right hand of Christ; and in all things appeared the most resolved man that ever died in that manner, and showed more of heat than cowardize, but yet with all humility and gravity. One asked him why he did not pray for the King. He answered, "Nay," says he, "you shall see I can pray for the King: I pray God bless him!"
In his final days Vane had made his peace with God, and had also carefully prepared the speech he intended to make at the execution.[203] In order to preserve the speech, he gave copies to close friends who visited him in those days, which were later printed.[204] Many viewed him as a martyr for continuing to espouse his cause, and some thought the king had lost more than he gained by having him executed. His body was returned to his family, who interred him in the church at Shipbourne, near the family estate of Fairlawn in Kent.[205]
Family
Vane and his wife Frances had ten children. Of their five sons, only the last, Christopher, had children, and succeeded to his father's estates. He was created Baron Barnard by William III.[206]
Works
A number of Vane's speeches to Parliament and other bodies were printed during his lifetime or shortly after, including The Speech Intended to Have been Spoken on the Scaffold, published in 1662.[207]
Vane's other printed works include:[208]
- A Brief Answer to a Certain Declaration, 1637
- The Retired Man's Meditations, 1655
- A Healing Question Propounded, 1656
- Of Love of God and Union with God, 1657?
- The Proceeds of the Protector ... Against Sir Henry Vane, Knight, 1658
- A Needful Corrective or Balance in Popular Government, 1659
- Two Treatises: "Epistle General to the Mystical Body of Christ" and "The Face of the Times", 1662
- The Cause of the People of England Stated, 1689 (written 1660–1662; the title may have been intended to be "Case" instead of "Cause")
- A Pilgrimage into the Land of Promise, 1664
- The Trial of Sir Henry Vane, Knight, 1662
The last work contains, in addition to his last speech and details relating to the trial, The People's Case Stated, The Valley of Jehoshaphat, and Meditations concerning Man's Life.[209]
Some contemporary works were incorrectly attributed to him. Clarendon, in his History of the Rebellion, assigns to Vane credit for one speech in support of the Self-Denying Ordinance; later historians find this attribution spurious. The Speech against Richard Cromwell is probably the composition of a later writer,[207] while The Light Shining out of Darkness may have been written by Henry Stubbe.[209]
Reputation
Vane was widely recognized by contemporary chroniclers as a gifted administrator and a forceful orator. Even the royalist Clarendon had good words for him, and wrote of him as follows: "He had an unusual aspect, which ... made men think there was something in him of the extraordinary; and his whole life made good that imagination." Also, Clarendon credited Vane with having possessed "extraordinary parts, a pleasant wit, a great understanding, a temper not to be moved", and in debate "a quick conception and a very sharp and weighty expression".[209] The 1662 biography The Life and Death of Sir Henry Vane the Younger by Vane's chaplain George Sikes included John Milton's "Sonnet 17", written in 1652 in praise of Vane,[210] and presented to Vane that year.[211]
He was an advocate of free thought in religion. Although his personal religious beliefs as noted in a few of his writings from prison were sometimes baffling, by readers as varied as Richard Baxter, Clarendon, Gilbert Burnet and David Hume.[212] Biographer David Parnham writes "He presented himself as a 'witness' of light, as a spiritualist, as one dispensing advanced wisdoms in the epistemological setting of an imminent and apocalyptic age of the Spirit".[213] Nevertheless, his religious beliefs weren't why he fought in Parliament nor why the King had him executed. He fought as an Independent in Parliament not aligned to any religious sect.
Vane's reputation was at its height in the nineteenth century, especially in the United States. English historian John Andrew Doyle wrote of Vane that he had acquired "a more dazzling reputation than has been granted to the lofty public spirit and statesmanlike foresight of Winthrop."[214] William Wordsworth referenced Vane in his sonnet Great Men Have Been Among Us (1802).[215] Charles Dickens included the exchange between Vane and Cromwell at the end of the Rump Parliament in his A Child's History of England, part-published in the early 1850s.[216] In English Traits (1856), Ralph Waldo Emerson placed Vane on a list of historical English greats.[217]
In April 1889, "WITH the single exception of Cromwell, the greatest statesman of the heroic age of Puritanism was unquestionably the younger Henry Vane. He did as much as any one to compass the downfall of Strafford; he brought the military strength of Scotland to the aid of the hard-pressed Parliament; he administered the navy with which Blake won his astonishing victories; he dared even withstand Cromwell at the height of his power, when his measures savored too much of violence...Yet before the beginning of his brilliant career in England, this young man had written his name indelibly upon one of the earliest pages in the history of the American people. It is pleasant to remember that this admirable man was once the chief magistrate of an American commonwealth. Thorough republican and enthusiastic lover of liberty, he was spiritually akin to Jefferson and to Samuel Adams...In his mind were the rudiments of the idea of a written constitution, upon which a new government for England might be built, with powers neatly defined and limited. One fancies that in some respects he would have felt himself more at home if he could have been suddenly translated from the Rump Parliament of 1653 to the Federal Convention of 1787, in which immortal assembly there sat perhaps no man of loftier spirit than his."[218]
In 1897 the
A statue to honour Vane by Frederick William MacMonnies was erected in the Boston Public Library. The plaque underneath states, "This statue was placed here at the request of James Freeman Clarke, D.D. an honoured citizen of Boston who nobly labored for the abolition of slavery in America. Vane was "An Ardent Defender of Civil Liberty and Free Thought in Religion. He maintained that God and Parliament were superior to the King."
James Kendall Hosmer, editing Winthrop's Journal in 1908, wrote of Vane:
... his heroic life and death, his services to Anglo-Saxon freedom, which make him a significant figure even to the present moment, may well be regarded as the most illustrious character who touches early New England history. While his personal contact with America was only for a brief space, his life became a strenuous upholding of American ideas: if government of, by, and for the people is the principle which English-speaking men feel especially bound to maintain, the life and death of Vane contributed powerfully to cause this idea to prevail.[220]
Wendell Phillips, an American abolitionist, and advocate for Native Americans, said, "Sir Harry Vane, in my judgment the noblest human being who ever walked the streets of yonder city,--I do not forget Franklin or Sam Adams, Washington or Fayette, Garrison or John Brown, -but Vane dwells an arrow's flight above them all, and his touch consecrated the continent to measureless toleration of opinion and entire equality of rights. We are told we can find in Plato “all the intellectual life of Europe for two thousand years;” so you can find in Vane the pure gold of two hundred and fifty years of American civilization, with no particle of its dross. Plato would have welcomed him to the Academy, and Fenelon kneeled with him at the altar. He made Somers and John Marshall possible; like Carnot, he organized victory; and Milton pales before him in the stainlessness of his record. He stands among English statesmen preeminently the representative, in practice and in theory, of serene faith in the safety of trusting truth wholly to her own defence. For other men we walk backward, and throw over their memories the mantle of charity and excuse, saying reverently, “Remember the temptation and the age.” But Vane's ermine has no stain; no act of his needs explanation or apology; and in thought he stands abreast of our age,--like pure intellect, belongs to all time."[221]
Notes
- ^ Debrett's Peerage, 1968, p.115, which omits appaumée, useful in differentiating from Fane arms; concerning appaumée Cussans (1898) states: "In blazoning a Hand, besides stating what position it occupies, and whether it be the dexter or sinister, and erased or couped, it must be mentioned whether it be clenched or appaumé". (Cussans, John, Handbook of Heraldry, 2nd Edition, London, 1868, p. 47 "The handbook of heraldry : With instructions for tracing pedigrees and deciphering ancient MSS., also, rules for the appointment of liveries, etc. Etc". 1869. Archived from the original on 10 April 2016. Retrieved 3 July 2015., p.92)
- ^ a b c Moore, p. 318
- ^ Ireland, pp. 79–80
- ^ Moore, pp. 287-288
- ^ Moore, pp. 319–320
- ^ Willcock, p. 347
- ^ King, pp. 189–190
- ^ Forster, p. 202
- ^ Willcock, p. 324
- ^ Hosmer, pp. 442–443
- ^ New England Historical and Genealogical Society, pp. 121–122
- ^ a b c d e Firth, Charles Harding (1885–1900). Dictionary of National Biography. London: Smith, Elder & Co. .
- ^ Ireland, pp. 33–35
- ^ Firth, Charles Harding (1885–1900). Dictionary of National Biography. London: Smith, Elder & Co. .
- ^ Ireland, pg. 36
- ^ Ireland, pg. 37
- ^ Ireland, p. 40
- ^ Adamson and Folland, pg. 35
- ^ Ireland, pp. 45–46
- ^ Ireland, pg. 54
- ^ Ireland, pg. 57
- ^ Adamson and Folland, pp.65–66
- ^ Ireland, pg. 69
- ^ Moore, pg. 316
- ^ Ireland, pp. 69–70
- ^ Moore, pg. 318
- ^ Anderson, pp. 477, 482
- ^ Moore, pg. 317
- ^ Ireland, pp. 81–82
- ^ Cave, pg. 104
- ^ Moore, p. 267
- ^ Cave, pp. 105–107
- ^ Cave, pp. 100, 107–109
- ^ Cave, pg. 109
- ^ Cave, pp. 135–136
- ^ Adamson and Folland, pg. 98
- ^ a b Ireland, pg. 82
- ^ Doherty, pg. 93
- ^ Bremer, pp. 276–277
- ^ Ireland, pg. 91
- ^ Adamson and Folland, pg. 104
- ^ Ireland, pg. 96
- ^ Hosmer (1888), pg. 52
- ^ Hosmer (1888), pg. 67
- ^ a b Winship, pg. 245
- ^ Rowe, pg. 200
- ^ King, pp. 110–113
- ^ King, pg. 115
- ^ King, pp. 117–124
- ^ Adamson and Folland, pg. 130
- ^ Adamson and Folland, pp. 130–131
- ^ Adamson, pp. 138–139
- ^ Adamson and Folland, p. 140
- ^ Adamson and Folland, pp. 140–141
- ^ Hosmer (1888), pg. 100
- ^ Clarendon, pg. 1:362
- ^ Hosmer (1888), pp. 126–127
- ^ Purkiss, pg. 115
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- ^ John Milton. (1608–1674). Complete Poems. The Harvard Classics. 1909–14
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- ^ a b Adamson and Folland, pg. 284
- ^ Adamson and Folland, pg. 291
- ^ Ireland, p. 298
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- ^ August 1650: An Act for the Advancing and Regulating of the Trade of this Commonwealth. Archived 8 August 2016 at the Wayback Machine
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- ^ Adamson and Folland, p. 296
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- ^ Adamson and Folland, p. 347
- ^ Bremer and Webster, p. 257
- ^ Peacey, p. 82
- ^ Cooper and Hunter, p. 223
- ^ Ireland, pp. 388,392
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- ^ Coward, p. 108
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- ^ Ireland, pp. 407–408, 415
- ^ Ireland, p. 415
- ^ Farr, p. 184
- ^ Farr, p. 197
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- ^ "Timeline 1659".
- ^ Ireland, p. 422
- ^ Adamson and Folland, p. 414
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- ^ Parnham, pp. 43–46
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- ^ a b c Yorke, p. 894
- ^ "Milton's "Sonnet 17"". Dartmouth College. Retrieved 5 May 2011.
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References
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- Adamson, J. H (2007). The Noble Revolt. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson. OCLC 123271724.
- Anderson, Robert C. (2003). The Great Migration, Immigrants to New England 1634–1635. Vol. III G-H. Boston: ISBN 0-88082-158-2.
- Auchter, Dorothy (2001). Dictionary of Literary and Dramatic Censorship in Tudor and Stuart England. Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishing Group. OCLC 45784299.
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- Brenner, Robert (2003). Merchants and Revolution: Commercial Change, Political Conflict, and London's Overseas Traders, 1550–1653. London: Verso. OCLC 155910930.
- Bremer, Francis (2003). John Winthrop: America's Forgotten Founder. New York: Oxford University Press. OCLC 237802295.
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- Forster, John (1838). Eminent British Statesmen, Vol 4, Sir Henry Vane the Younger. London, England: Longman, Orme, Brown, Green, 8: Longmans, Pateiinosteii-Row; and John Taylor.
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Further reading
The literature on the English Civil War, Commonwealth and Protectorate is immense, and Vane has been a regular subject for biographers in the 19th and 20th centuries.
- Clarendon, Edward Hyde (1843). History of the Rebellion. Oxford: University Press. OCLC 19113636. Contemporary history of the Civil War and Interregnum by a royalist.
- OCLC 496808867. Ten volume history covering 17th century England up to the Civil War.
- Gardiner, Samuel (1886). History of the Great Great Civil War. London: Longmans, Green. OCLC 2129491. Three volume history of the English Civil War.
- Gardiner, Samuel (1894). History of the Commonwealth and Protectorate. Longmans, Green. OCLC 219480401. Three volume history of the Commonwealth and Protectorate.
- Hall, David (1990). The Antinomian Controversy, 1636–1638: a Documentary History. Duke University Press. OCLC 21376617.
- Judson, Margaret A (1969). The Political Thought of Sir Henry Vane the Younger. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. OCLC 251996043.
- Sikes, George (1662). The Life and Death of Sir Henry Vane, Kt. London. OCLC 166612014. Biography and other materials published in the wake of Vane's execution.
- Upham, Charles Wentworth (1842). Life of Sir Henry Vane, Fourth Governor of Massachusetts in The Library of American Biography conducted by Jared Sparks. Harper & Brothers, 82 Cliff St, New York.
External links
- A Healing Question
- "Dec 1659 British Civil War Timeline"
- Hutchinson, John (1892). . Men of Kent and Kentishmen (Subscription ed.). Canterbury: Cross & Jackman. pp. 137–138.
Media related to Henry Vane the Younger at Wikimedia Commons