Henry of Grosmont, Duke of Lancaster
Henry of Grosmont | |
---|---|
Duke of Lancaster Earl of Lancaster and Leicester | |
Born | c. 1310 Grosmont Castle, Grosmont, Monmouthshire, Wales |
Died | 23 March 1361 (aged 50–51) Leicester Castle, Leicester, Leicestershire, England |
Buried | 14 April 1361 Church of the Annunciation of Our Lady of the Newarke |
Wars and battles | |
Blanche, Duchess of Lancaster | |
Father | Henry, 3rd Earl of Lancaster |
Mother | Maud Chaworth |
Henry of Grosmont, Duke of Lancaster
The son and heir of
Origins
Henry of Grosmont
Little is known of Grosmont's childhood and youth. Due to his uncle Thomas' increasingly hostile relations with King Edward II—culminating in his rebellion and execution in 1322—historian Kenneth Fowler suggests that this period "must have been quite eventful" and that Grosmount's "fortunes and opportunities were inextricably bound up with the tragic events of these years".[5] The year and place of his birth are not known with certainty. He is believed to have been born c. 1310 at Grosmont Castle in Grosmont, Monmouthshire, Wales.[6] According to his own memoirs he was a "good looking, youth. Tall fair and slim"[7] and better at martial arts than at academic subjects; he did not learn to read until later in life.[7] His education would have been orthodox, but in being so, produced the archetypal young noble admired at the time.[7]
Henry of Grosmont was the eventual heir of his wealthy uncle
Estates and finances
Originally heir to only the lordships of Beaufort and Monmouth, by 1327 it was looking probable that he would inherit most of the Lancastrian patrimony.[7] He was not yet independent from his father, from whom he received regular funds[13] – amounting to £666 in 1332 – as well as grants from the English crown as a reward for his service and in recognition of his lack of a personal income.[11] From early the next year, his father began transferring his South Wales estates into Grosmont's name, giving him an independent income.[11] In March 1337 he was one of six men Edward III promoted to higher levels of the peerage; one of his father's lesser titles, the Earldom of Derby, was bestowed upon him. He was also granted a royal annuity of 1,000 marks[c] (£990,000 as of 2024[d]) for so long as his father lived, and a number of lucrative estates and perquisites were settled on him.[16][11] By this point Grosmont's future relationship with the crown was "actively assured" comments Fowler.[11]
The early 1340s were a period of financial constraint for Grosmont due to his acting as a broker for a number of loans between the King and Flemish bankers. As well as undergoing a number of periods of imprisonment as a debtor, Grosmont was eventually to raise numerous large sums, including £969 to gain the release of the royal crown, which Edward had pawned, and £1,500 worth of jewels to free the King after he had offered himself as security for loans.[17]
Scotland
In 1328 Edward III's regents had agreed to the
On 10 March Balliol, the disinherited Scottish lords and some English magnates crossed the border and laid siege to the Scottish town of
Balliol having sworn fealty to David II, and because he intended to make Scotland subservient to the English, most Scots refused to accept Balliol as their monarch. In December 1334 Grosmont accompanied Edward III to
Northeast France
Grosmont's first trip abroad was probably to
From 29 March to 3 April 1340 Grosmont attended Parliament in London, where a substantial subsidy was voted to the crown.[41] Meanwhile, encouraged by Edward III, the Flemings, vassals of Philip VI, revolted during the winter. They joined forces with Edward's continental allies and launched an April offensive, which failed. A French offensive against these forces commenced on 18 May, meeting with mixed fortunes; Edward's outnumbered allies were desperate for the English army to reinforce them.[42]
Grosmont was present at the great English victory in the naval
On his return, he was made the king's lieutenant in the north, or Scotland, and stayed at Roxburgh until 1342 when a six-month truce allowed a number of jousts and tournaments to take place.[17] The next years he spent in diplomatic negotiations in the Low Countries, Castile and Avignon.[6]
Southwest France
1345
1342-1345: War of the Breton Succession, Grosmont in Le Robynet at Sandwich etc.
Edward III decided early in 1345 to attack France on three fronts. The Earl of Northampton would lead a small force to Brittany, a slightly larger force would proceed to Gascony under the command of Grosmont, and the main English army would accompany Edward to either northern France or Flanders.[50] Grosmont was appointed the King's Lieutenant in Gascony on 13 March 1345[51] and received a contract to raise a force of 2,000 men in England, and further troops in Gascony.[52] The highly detailed contract of indenture had a term of six months from the opening of the campaign in Gascony, with an option for Edward to extend it for a further six months on the same terms.[53] Derby was given a high degree of autonomy, for example, his strategic instructions were: "si guerre soit, et a faire le bien q'il poet" (... if there is war, do the best you can ...).[54]
On 9 August 1345 Grosmont arrived in Bordeaux with 500 men-at-arms, 1,500 English and Welsh archers – 500 of the latter mounted on ponies to increase their mobility[55] – ancillary and support troops.[56] Rather than continue the cautious war of sieges he was determined to strike directly at the French before they could concentrate their forces.[57] He decided to move on Bergerac, which had good river supply links to Bordeaux, and would provide the Anglo-Gascon army with a base from which to carry the war to the French[58] and sever communications between French forces north and south of the Dordogne. After eight years of defensive warfare by the Anglo-Gascons, there was no expectation among the French that they might make any offensive moves.[55] Grosmont moved rapidly and took the French army at Bergerac by surprise on 26 August, decisively beating them in a running battle.[59] French casualties were heavy, with many killed or captured.[60] Derby's share of the prisoner ransoms and the loot was estimated at £34,000, approximately four times the annual income from his lands.[g][62]
Grosmont left a large garrison in the town and moved north with 6,000–8,000 men[63] to Périgueux, the provincial capital of Périgord,[64] which Grosmont blockaded, taking several strongholds on the main routes into the city. John, Duke of Normandy, the son and heir of Philip VI, gathered an army reportedly numbering over 20,000 and manoeuvred in the area. In early October a very large detachment relieved the city, drove off Grosmont's force and started besieging the English-held strongpoints.[65] A French force of 7,000 besieged the castle of Auberoche, 9 miles (14 km) east of Périgueux.[66] A messenger got through to Grosmont, who was already returning to the area with a scratch force of 1,200 English and Gascon soldiers: 400 men-at-arms and 800 mounted archers.[67]
After a night march Grosmont attacked the French camp on 21 October while they were at dinner, taking the French by surprise. There was a protracted hand-to-hand struggle, which ended when the commander of the small English garrison in the castle sortied and fell upon the rear of the French. They broke and fled. Derby's mounted men-at-arms pursued them relentlessly. French casualties are uncertain but heavy. They are described by modern historians as "appalling",[68] "extremely high",[64] "staggering",[69] and "heavy".[66] Many French nobles were taken prisoner; lower ranking men were, as was customary,[70] put to the sword. The ransoms alone made a fortune for many of the soldiers in Grosmont's army, as well as Grosmont himself, who was said to have made at least £50,000 from the day's captives.[71] The Earl of Pembroke arrived after hostilities had ceased; Grosmont greeted him with the words, "cousin Pembroke, welcome. You are just in time to sprinkle holy water upon the dead."[72]
Grosmont's four-month campaign has been described as "the first successful land campaign of ... the Hundred Years' War", which had commenced more than eight years earlier.[73] Modern historians have praised the generalship demonstrated by Grosmont in this campaign: "superb and innovative tactician";[74] "ris[ing] to the level of genius";[75] "brilliant in the extreme";[76] "stunning";[77] "brilliant".[78]
1346
The Duke of Normandy was placed in charge of all French forces in southwest France in 1346, as he had been the previous autumn. In March 1346 a French army under Duke John, numbering between 15,000 and 20,000,[79] enormously superior to any force the Anglo-Gascons could field,[80] marched on the town of Aiguillon and besieged it on 1 April. The town commanded the junction of the Rivers Garonne and Lot, meaning it was not possible for the French to sustain an offensive further into Gascony unless the town was taken.[79] On 2 April an arrière-ban, a formal call to arms for all able-bodied males, was announced for southern France.[79][81] Grosmont, now known as Lancaster rather than Derby after the death of his father,[h] sent an urgent appeal for help to Edward.[82] Edward was not only morally obliged to succour his vassal, but also contractually required to; his indenture with Lancaster stated that if Lancaster were attacked by overwhelming numbers, then Edward "shall rescue him in one way or another".[83]
The garrison of Aiguillon, some 900 men, sortied repeatedly to interrupt the French operations, while Lancaster concentrated the main Anglo-Gascon force at La Réole, some 30 miles (48 km) away, as a threat. Duke John was never able to fully blockade the town, and found that his own supply lines were seriously harassed. On one occasion Grosmont used his main force to escort a large supply train into the town.
In July the main English army landed in northern France and moved towards Paris. Philip VI repeatedly ordered his son, Duke John, to break off the siege and bring his army north. Duke John, considering it a matter of honour, refused. By August, the French supply system had broken down, there was a
Philip vacillated: on the day the siege of Calais began he disbanded most of his army, to save money and was convinced that Edward had finished his chevauchée (large-scale mounted raid) and would proceed to Flanders to ship his army home. On or shortly after 7 September, Duke John made contact with Philip, having shortly before disbanded his own army. On 9 September Philip announced that the army would reassemble at Compiègne on 1 October, an impossibly short interval, and then march to the relief of Calais.[84] Among other consequences, this equivocation allowed Grosmont in the south-west to launch offensives into Quercy and the Bazadais; and himself lead a chevauchée 160 miles (260 km) north through Saintonge, Aunis and Poitou, capturing numerous towns, castles and smaller fortified places and storming the rich city of Poitiers. These offensives completely disrupted the French defences in the region and shifted the focus of the fighting from the heart of Gascony to 60 miles (97 km) or more beyond its borders.[85] Few French troops had arrived at Compiègne by 1 October and as Philip and his court waited for the numbers to swell, news of Lancaster's conquests came in. Believing that Lancaster was heading for Paris, the French changed the assembly point for any men not already committed to Compiègne to Orléans, and reinforced them with some of those already mustered, to block this. After Lancaster turned south to head back to Gascony, those Frenchmen already at or heading towards Orléans were redirected to Compiègne; French planning collapsed into chaos.[86]
Duke of Lancaster
In 1345, while Grosmont was in France, his father died. The younger Henry was now
In addition to this, the dukedom was given palatinate powers over the county of Lancashire, which entitled Grosmont to administer it virtually independently of the crown.[88] This grant was quite exceptional in English history; only two other counties palatine existed: Durham, which was an ancient episcopal palatinate, and Chester, which was held by the crown.[citation needed] It is a sign of Edward's high regard for Lancaster that he bestowed such extensive privileges on him. The two men were second cousins through their great-grandfather King Henry III and practically coeval (Edward was born in 1312), so it is natural to assume that a strong sense of camaraderie existed between them. Another factor that might have influenced the King's decision was the fact that Henry had no male heir, so the grant of the dukedom was effectively made for Grosmont's lifetime only, and not expected to be hereditary.[6]
1350–1352
Grosmont was present at the naval victory at the
1356
Normandy
Between then and 1355, Grosmont's time and energies were mainly spent acting in a diplomatic capacity to the
Navarre's partisans negotiated an alliance with Edward. The English had been preparing an expedition to
Chevauchée
Lancaster's main objective was to relieve the besieged Navarrese strongholds of Pont-Audemer,
Meanwhile, John had left Chartres with a large force, initially establishing himself at
By the time the demolition of the keep at Verneuil was complete, on the evening of 6 July, reports on the approach of the French army were being received. It was much stronger than the English force; Rogers describes it as "vastly superior ... in numbers" with perhaps ten times the number of men. It had moved to Condé-sur-Iton from Rouen and so was 3 miles (5 km) from the freshly provisioned Breteuil and only 7 miles (11 km) from Verneuil. On the 7th Grosmont rested his men and horses,[118] but they did so in battle order outside Verneuil in case of a French attack.[119] The French at Condé-sur-Iton also rested, having marched hard to get there in two days from Rouen; John probably also wished for all of his stragglers and detachments to join his army before offering battle. On the 8th the English marched 14 miles (23 km) west to L'Aigle.[120] The French army was 2 or 3 miles (3 to 5 km) away.[121] John sent heralds to Grosmont inviting him to commit his force to a formal battle. Lancaster replied ambiguously, but John, convinced that Grosmont's main reason for landing in Normandy was to seek a battle, believed an agreement to fight the next day had been reached and camped for the night.[n][123]
The next morning the French prepared themselves for battle, watched from a distance by a detachment of Navarrese cavalry,[124] and moved off at noon.[122] The English had broken camp during the night and set off on a long march of 28 miles (45 km) to Argentan. Attempting a pursuit was clearly hopeless,[125] so the French returned to Breteuil and re-established their siege.[122] A force was sent to Tillières-sur-Avre, which promptly capitulated.[117] The English returned to Montebourg on 13 July.[126] In 22 days the English had travelled 330 miles (530 km), a remarkable effort for the period.[127] The three-week expedition had been very successful: two of the besieged towns had been resupplied, the participants had seized a large amount of loot, including many horses, damage had been done to the French economy and prestige, the alliance with the Norman nobles had been cemented, there had been few casualties and the French King had been distracted from the Black Prince's preparations for a greater chevauchée in south-west France.[128]
Loire campaign
In August 1356 Grosmont marched south from eastern
The Black Prince also returned towards his starting point, but his delay in waiting for Lancaster near Tours enabled a French army under the command of their king to overtake him.[136] As a result, the Prince was forced to commit to the Battle of Poitiers, where the French were heavily defeated and King John was captured.[137]; Sumption 1999, p. 237
1356–1360
Returning to Brittany from the Loire campaign, Grosmont
Death and burial
After returning to England in November 1360, he fell ill early the next year, and died at Leicester Castle on 23 March 1361. It is possible that the cause of death was the plague, which that year was making a second visitation to England.[138] Mortimer argues against the plague being the cause of death, as Grosmont made his will ten days before his death, a space of time inconsistent with the usual swift progress of the plague and his illness and death in early 1361 is inconsistent with reports of the spread of plague in England beginning in May. [This is dependent on the date of death in March 1361 being a New Style date. This needs clarification.] He was buried in the Church of the Annunciation of Our Lady of the Newarke, Leicester, which he had built within the religious and charitable institution founded by his father next to Leicester Castle, and where he had reburied his father some years previously.[139]
By the time of his death, Grosmont had participated in 15 military missions, leading 6 of them; been the King's lieutenant 7 times; led 6 significant embassies; and taken part in 12 truce conferences.[140] A chronicler writing thirty-five years after his death described him as "one of the best warriors in the world".[141]
Personal life
Grosmont's mother died when he was about 12 and he first appears in official records at the age of 14. At about age 18, he married
Character
More is known about Lancaster's character than that of most of his contemporaries through his memoirs, the Livre de Seyntz Medicines ("Book of the Holy Doctors"), a highly personal treatise on matters of religion and piety, also containing details of historical interest. It reveals that Lancaster, at the age of 44 when he wrote the book in 1354, suffered from gout.[6] The book is primarily a devotional work, organised around seven wounds which Henry claimed to have received, representing the seven deadly sins. Lancaster confesses to his sins, explains various real and mythical medical remedies in terms of their theological symbolism, and exhorts the reader to greater morality.[146]
Genealogical table
A third generation of the House of Lancaster, Henry was related to the most prominent people in early 14th-century England.[147]
Notes
- ^ In his early years Henry was known, as was customary at the time, after his birthplace, Grosmont.[3]
- ^ On which occasion the stand collapsed and Queen Isabelle was nearly injured.[11]
- ^ A medieval English mark was an accounting unit equivalent to two-thirds of a pound sterling.[14]
- ^ UK Retail Price Index inflation figures are based on data from Clark, Gregory (2017). "The Annual RPI and Average Earnings for Britain, 1209 to Present (New Series)". MeasuringWorth. To give a very rough idea of earning power, an English foot-soldier could expect to earn £1 in wages in approximately 3 months for, usually seasonal, military service.[15]
- ^ Since the Norman Conquest of 1066, English monarchs had held titles and lands within France, the possession of which made them vassals of the kings of France. By 1337 only Gascony in southwestern France and Ponthieu in northern France were left.[32] Following a series of disagreements between Philip VI of France (r. 1328–1350) and Edward III of England (r. 1327–1377), including over who was the rightful king of Scotland, on 24 May 1337 Philip's Great Council agreed Gascony should be taken back into Philip's hands, on the grounds that Edward was in breach of his obligations as a vassal.[33] In retaliation, Edward ordered the confiscation of all French property in England.[31] These events marked the start of the Hundred Years' War, which was to last until 1453.[33]
- ^ May McKisack argues that it was Edward's creation of six comital titles at the same time, and his obligation to provide for them according to their new status, that accounted predominantly for the paucity of royal finances.[37]
- ^ For comparison, Edward III's annual income was often less than £50,000.[61]
- ^ During the 1345 campaign he was known as the Earl of Derby, but his father died in September 1345 and he became the Earl of Lancaster. Sumption 1990, p. 476
- Edward, the Black Prince, in 1337. Before that, early Norman kings of England had been Duke of Normandy, but this had been a French title.
- ^ Both Henry of Grosmont and John of Gaunt are listed as the 1st Duke of Lancaster. This is because the dukedom could only be passed down to a son; when Henry of Grosmont died on 23 March 1361, the earldom passed to his son-in-law John of Gaunt but the dukedom expired. Edward III created a new dukedom with an identical name for his son John of Gaunt on 13 November 1362.
- ^ Known as "Charles the Bad", he had repeatedly plotted with the English and in 1354 had murdered the Constable of France, one of John's closest advisors, in his bedroom and boasted of it.[100]
- ^ Lancaster's initial force of 2,300 men was made up of 900 men-at-arms and 1,400 archers, the latter mostly longbowmen.[105]
- ^ The Grey Tower (Tour Grise); it had been constructed by the English king Henry I (r. 1100–1135)[114]
- ^ Grosmont having spent the day of the 7th stationary in battle order outside Verneuil probably contributed to John's belief that the English were eager for battle.[122]
References
- ^ "Corpus Christi College Cambridge | Henry Duke of Lancaster, Founder of Corpus Christi or Benet's College Cambridge, From a Picture in the College". Sanders of Oxford. Retrieved 11 February 2021.
- ^ doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/12960. Retrieved 11 February 2021. (Subscription or UK public library membershiprequired.)
- ^ a b Fowler 1969, p. 23.
- ^ Dunbabin 2014, p. 244.
- ^ Fowler 1969, p. 24.
- ^ a b c d e f Ormrod 2005.
- ^ a b c d e Fowler 1969, p. 26.
- ^ Waugh 2004.
- ^ Fowler 1969, p. 25.
- ^ Fowler 1969, pp. 27–28.
- ^ a b c d e Fowler 1969, p. 28.
- ^ Batt 2014, p. 3.
- ^ Fowler 1969, p. 27.
- ^ Harding 2002, p. xiv.
- ^ Gribit 2016, p. 37.
- ^ McFarlane 1973, pp. 158–159.
- ^ a b Fowler 1969, p. 37.
- ^ Weir 2006, p. 314.
- ^ a b Nicholson 1961, p. 19.
- ^ Wyntourn 1907, p. 395; Maxwell 1913, pp. 274–275
- ^ Nicholson 1961, p. 22.
- ^ Maxwell 1913, pp. 278–279.
- ^ a b c Fowler 1969, p. 30.
- ^ Sumption 1990, p. 130.
- ^ Nicholson 1961, p. 41.
- ^ Strickland & Hardy 2011, p. 188; Nicholson 1961, p. 42
- ^ King 2002, p. 281.
- ^ Fowler 1969, pp. 31–32.
- ^ Fowler 1969, p. 32.
- ^ Fowler 1969, pp. 32–33.
- ^ a b Fowler 1969, p. 33.
- ^ Harris 1994, p. 8.
- ^ a b Sumption 1990, p. 184.
- ^ Fowler 1969, p. 29.
- ^ Fowler 1969, pp. 28, 29.
- ^ a b c d e Fowler 1969, p. 34.
- ^ McKisack 1976, p. 163.
- ^ Sumption 1990, pp. 242–244, 260–265.
- ^ Sumption 1990, pp. 276–279.
- ^ a b Sumption 1990, pp. 279–281, 281, 283, 285, 287–289, 290.
- ^ Sumption 1990, pp. 305–306.
- ^ Sumption 1990, pp. 309–318, 322.
- ^ Cushway 2011, p. 98.
- ^ Rodger 2004, p. 99.
- ^ Davies 2014, p. 420.
- ^ Hannay 1911, p. 246.
- ^ a b c Fowler 1969, p. 35.
- ^ Fowler 1969, pp. 35–37.
- ^ a b c Fowler 1969, p. 36.
- ^ Guizot 1870s; Sumption 1990, p. 453; Prestwich 2007, p. 314
- ^ Gribit 2016, p. 63.
- ^ Sumption 1990, p. 455.
- ^ Gribit 2016, pp. 37–38.
- ^ Gribit 2016, pp. 113, 251.
- ^ a b Rogers 2004, p. 95.
- ^ Fowler 1961, p. 178.
- ^ Rogers 2004, p. 97.
- ^ Vale 1999, p. 77.
- ^ Rogers 2004, pp. 90–94, 98–104.
- ^ Sumption 1990, p. 465.
- ^ Rogers 2004, p. 90, n. 7.
- ^ Rogers 2004, p. 105.
- ^ Sumption 1990, pp. 465–467.
- ^ a b DeVries 1996, p. 189.
- ^ Sumption 1990, pp. 467–468.
- ^ a b Wagner 2006.
- ^ Burne 1999, p. 107.
- ^ Sumption 1990, p. 469.
- ^ Burne 1999, p. 112.
- ^ King 2002, pp. 269–270.
- ^ Sumption 1990, pp. 469–470.
- ^ Arnould 1940, p. 363.
- ^ Gribit 2016, p. 1.
- ^ Rogers 2004, p. 107, n. 61.
- ^ Rogers 2004, p. 106.
- ^ Burne 1999, p. 117.
- ^ Gribit 2016, p. 22.
- ^ Oman 1998, p. 126.
- ^ a b c Wagner 2006, p. 3.
- ^ Sumption 1990, pp. 485–486.
- ^ Sumption 1990, p. 485.
- ^ Harari 1999, p. 384.
- ^ Sumption 1990, p. 493.
- ^ Sumption 1990, p. 539.
- ^ Harari 1999, pp. 385–386; Fowler 1969, pp. 67–71; Sumption 1990, pp. 541–550
- ^ Sumption 1990, p. 554.
- ^ Beltz 1841, p. cxlix; McKisack 1976, p. 252
- ^ Fowler 1969, pp. 173–174.
- ^ Fowler 1969, pp. 93–95.
- ^ a b Fowler 1969, p. 93–94.
- ^ Fowler 1969, pp. 106–109.
- ^ Fowler 1969, p. 110.
- ^ a b Fowler 1969, p. 111.
- ^ Sumption 1999, pp. 139–142.
- ^ Rogers 2014, p. 292.
- ^ Sumption 1999, pp. 153, 160; Madden 2014, p. 6
- ^ Fowler 1969, pp. 122–123.
- ^ Sumption 1999, pp. 102, 111, 115.
- ^ a b c Rogers 2014, pp. 332–334.
- ^ Sumption 1999, pp. 124–125; Wagner 2006b, pp. 93–94
- ^ Sumption 1999, p. 209.
- ^ a b Rogers 2014, p. 341.
- ^ a b Fowler 1969, p. 151.
- ^ Hyland 1994, pp. 146, 148.
- ^ a b Rogers 2014, p. 341, 341 n.70.
- ^ Sumption 1999, p. 220.
- ^ Rogers 2014, pp. 342, 244.
- ^ Rogers 2014, p. 342.
- ^ Fowler 1969, p. 152; Rogers 2014, pp. 342, 344; Burne 1999, pp. 265–267
- ^ Rogers 2014, p. 345 n. 83.
- ^ a b Sumption 1999, p. 221.
- ^ Rogers 2014, p. 345, 345 n. 83.
- ^ Burne 1999, p. 267; Rogers 2014, p. 344
- ^ Burne 1999, p. 267; Rogers 2014, p. 345
- ^ a b Rogers 2014, p. 345.
- ^ Burne 1999, p. 267.
- ^ a b Sumption 1999, p. 222.
- ^ Burne 1999, pp. 263, 267–269, 271–272; Rogers 2014, pp. 345–346
- ^ Rogers 2014, pp. 345–346.
- ^ Burne 1999, pp. 268, 272.
- ^ Rogers 2014, p. 346.
- ^ a b c Rogers 2014, p. 347.
- ^ Rogers 2014, pp. 346–347; Burne 1999, p. 268
- ^ Burne 1999, pp. 268–269.
- ^ Burne 1999, pp. 269–270.
- ^ Fowler 1969, p. 153.
- ^ Burne 1999, pp. 270–271.
- ^ Fowler 1969, p. 153; Rogers 2014, pp. 342, 345
- ^ Burne 1999, pp. 275–276.
- ^ Burne 1999, pp. 276, 278; Fowler 1969, p. 156
- ^ Fowler 1969, p. 154.
- ^ Sumption 1999, p. 226.
- ^ a b Rogers 2004, p. 107.
- ^ Sumption 1999, p. 233.
- ^ Fowler 1969, p. 156.
- ^ Rogers 2014, pp. 360–361.
- ^ Wagner 2006, pp. 256–258.
- ^ Fowler 1969, pp. 217–218.
- ^ Billson 1920.
- ^ Fowler 1969, p. 20.
- ^ Rogers 2004, p. 89.
- ^ "Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 218: Henry, Duke of Lancaster, Le livre des seintes medicines". Parker Library On the Web – Spotlight at Stanford.
- ^ Burke's 1973, p. 196; Fowler 1969, p. 27
- ^ Burke's 1973, p. 196.
- ^ Brown & Summerson 2006.
- ^ Fowler 1969, pp. 193–196.
- ^ Gribit 2016, p. 17.
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{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link - Madden, Mollie Marie (2014). The Black Prince at War: The Anatomy of a Chevauchée (PDF) (PhD thesis). Minnesota: University of Minnesota.
- ISBN 978-0-19-822362-7.
- ISBN 978-0-19-821712-1.
- Maxwell, Herbert (1913). The Chronicle of Lanercost, 1272–1346. Glasgow: J. Maclehose. OCLC 27639133.
- Nicholson, Ranald (1961). "The Siege of Berwick, 1333". The Scottish Historical Review. XXXX (129): 19–42. OCLC 664601468.
- ISBN 978-1-85367-332-0.
- doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/12960. (Subscription or UK public library membershiprequired.)
- ISBN 978-0-19-922687-0.
- ISBN 978-0-14-029724-9.
- )
- Rogers, Clifford J. (2014) [2000]. War Cruel and Sharp: English Strategy under Edward III, 1327–1360. Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell Press. ISBN 978-0-85115-804-4.
- Strickland, Matthew; Hardy, Robert (2011). The Great Warbow: From Hastings to the Mary Rose. Somerset: J. H. Haynes & Co. ISBN 978-0-85733-090-1.
- ISBN 978-0-571-20095-5.
- Sumption, Jonathan (1999). Trial by Fire. The Hundred Years' War. Vol. II. London: Faber and Faber. ISBN 978-0-571-13896-8.
- Vale, Malcolm (1999). "The War in Aquitaine". In ISBN 978-0-85115-755-9.
- Wagner, John A. (2006). "Auberoche, Battle of (1345)". Encyclopedia of the Hundred Years War. Woodbridge, Suffolk: Greenwood. p. 3. ISBN 978-0-313-32736-0.
- Wagner, John A. (2006b). "Charles the Bad, King of Navarre (1332–1387)". Encyclopedia of the Hundred Years War. Woodbridge, Suffolk: Greenwood. pp. 93–94. ISBN 978-0-313-32736-0.
- Waugh, Scott L. (September 2004). "Henry of Lancaster, third Earl of Lancaster and third Earl of Leicester (c.1280–1345)". doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/12959. (Subscription or UK public library membershiprequired.)
- OL 9433567M.
- Wyntourn, Andrew (1907). Amours, François Joseph (ed.). The Original Chronicle of Scotland. Vol. II. Edinburgh: Blackwood. OCLC 61938371.
External links
- Online version of Livre de seyntz medicines (in the original Anglo-Norman)
- Inquisition Post Mortem #118, dated 1361.