Hindu nationalism
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Hindu nationalism has been collectively referred to as the expression of social and political thought, based on the native spiritual and cultural traditions of the Indian subcontinent. "Hindu nationalism" is a simplistic translation of हिन्दू राष्ट्रवाद (Hindū Rāṣṭravād). It is better described as "Hindu polity".[1]
The native thought streams became highly relevant in Indian history when they helped form a distinctive identity in relation to the Indian polity[2] and provided a basis for questioning colonialism.[3][page needed] These also provided inspiration to Indian nationalists during the independence movement based on armed struggle,[4][page needed] coercive politics,[5] and non-violent protests.[6][page needed] They also influenced social reform movements and economic thinking in India.[5][page needed]
Today,
Evolution of ideological terminology and influences
In the first half of the 20th century, factions of Indian National Congress continued to be identified with "Hindu politics" and ideas of a Hindu nation.[14][page needed] The word "Hindu", throughout history, had been used as an inclusive description that lacked a definition and was used to refer to the native traditions and people of India. It was only in the late 18th century that the word "Hindu" came to be used extensively with religious connotation, while still being used as a synecdoche describing the indigenous traditions. Hindu nationalist ideologies and political languages were very diverse both linguistically and socially. Since Hinduism does not represent an identifiable religious group, the terms such as 'Hindu nationalism', 'Hindu', are considered problematic in the case of religious and nationalism discourse. As Hindus were identifiable as a homogeneous community, some individual Congress leaders were able to induce a symbolism with "Hindu" meaning inside the general stance of a secular nationalism.[14][15]
The diversity of Indian cultural groups and moderate positions of Hindu nationalism have sometimes made it regarded as cultural nationalism than a religious one.[16]
Historian
Shivaji with his quests is noted to have founded a firm footing for Hindu nationalism in with the foundation of Maratha Empire.[19][20] Shivaji was also an inspiration for Hindu nationalist activists such as Bal Gangadhar Tilak.[21] Vinayak Damodar Savarkar writes that Shivaji had 'electrified' minds of Hindus all over Bharat by defeating the forces of Aurangzeb.[22]
Nepali Hindu nationalism and practices
Hinduization policy of the Gorkhali monarch
Maharajadhiraja
Ideals of the Bharadari government
The policies of the old Bharadari governments of the Gorkha Kingdom were derived from ancient
Hindu civil code and legal regulations
The Nepali
Modern age and the Hindu Renaissance in the 19th century
Many Hindu reform movements originated in the nineteenth century. These movements led to the fresh interpretations of the ancient scriptures of Upanishads and Vedanta and also emphasised on social reform.[5] The marked feature of these movements was that they countered the notion of the superiority of Western culture during the colonial era. This led to the upsurge of patriotic ideas that formed the cultural and an ideological basis for the independence movement in Colonial India.[3]
Brahmo Samaj
The
Arya Samaj
Swami Vivekananda
Another 19th-century Hindu reformer was
He made Hindu spirituality, intellectually available to the Westernized audience. His famous speech at the
A major element of Vivekananda's message was nationalist. He saw his effort very much in terms of a revitalisation of the Hindu nation, which carried Hindu spirituality and which could counter Western materialism. The notions of the superiority of
Shaping of Hindu Polity & Nationalism in the 20th century
Sri Aurobindo
In his famous Uttarpara Speech, he outlined the essence and the goal of India's nationalist movement thus:
- "I say no longer that nationalism is a creed, a religion, a faith; I say that it is the Sanatan Dharma which for us is nationalism. This Hindu nation was born with the Sanatan Dharma, with it, it moves and with it, it grows. When the Sanatan Dharma declines, then the nation declines, and if the Sanatan Dharma were capable of perishing, with the Sanatan Dharma it would perish."
In the same speech, he also gave a comprehensive perspective of Hinduism, which is at variance with the geocentric view developed by the later day Hindu nationalist ideologues such as Veer Savarkar and Deendayal Upadhyay:
- "But what is the Hindu religion? What is this religion which we call Sanatan, eternal? It is the Hindu religion only because the Hindu nation has kept it, because in this Peninsula it grew up in the seclusion of the sea and the Himalayas, because in this sacred and ancient land it was given as a charge to the Aryan race to preserve through the ages.
- But it is not circumscribed by the confines of a single country, it does not belong peculiarly and forever to a bounded part of the world. That which we call the Hindu religion is really the eternal religion, because it is the universal religion which embraces all others. If a religion is not universal, it cannot be eternal. A narrow religion, a sectarian religion, an exclusive religion can live only for a limited time and a limited purpose. This is the one religion that can triumph over materialism by including and anticipating the discoveries of science and the speculations of philosophy."
In 1910, he withdrew from political life and spent his remaining life doing spiritual exercises and writing.[41] But his works kept inspiring revolutionaries and struggles for independence, including the famous Chittagong Uprising.[44] Both Swami Vivekananda and Sri Aurobindo are credited with having founded the basis for a vision of freedom and glory for India in the spirituality and heritage of Hinduism.
Independence movement
In 1924, Mahatma Gandhi wrote:
This [Christian] proselytization will mean no peace in the world. Conversions are harmful to India. If I had the power and could legislate I should certainly stop all proselytizing ... It pains me to have to say that the Christian missionaries as a body, with honorable exceptions, have actively supported a system which has impoverished, enervated and demoralized a people considered to be among the gentlest and most civilized on earth.[45][46]
The influence of the Hindu renaissance movements was such that by the turn of the 20th century, there was a confluence of ideas of the Hindu cultural nationalism with the ideas of Indian nationalism.[5] Both could be spoken synonymous even by tendencies that were seemingly opposed to sectarian communalism and Hindu majoritism.[5] The Hindu renaissance movements held considerable influence over the revolutionary movements against the British rule and formed the philosophical basis for the struggles and political movements that originated in the first decade of the twentieth century.
Revolutionary movements
Anushilan Samiti and Jugantar
Anushilan Samiti was one of the prominent revolutionary movements in India in the early part of the twentieth century. It was started as a cultural society in 1902, by Aurobindo and the followers of Bankim Chandra to propagate the teachings of the Bhagavad Gita. But soon the Samiti had its goal to overthrow British colonial rule in India[4] Various branches of the Samiti sprung across India in the guise of suburban fitness clubs but secretly imparted arms training to its members with the implicit aim of using them against the British colonial administration.[47]
On 30 April 1908 at Muzaffarpur, two revolutionaries, Khudiram Bose and Prafulla Chaki, threw bombs at a British convoy aimed at British officer Kingsford. Both were arrested trying to flee. Aurobindo was also arrested on 2 May 1908 and sent to Alipore Jail. The report sent from Andrew Fraser, the then Lt Governor of Bengal to Lord Minto in England declared that although Sri Aurobindo came to Calcutta in 1906 as a Professor at the National College, "he has ever since been the principal advisor of the revolutionary party. It is of utmost importance to arrest his potential for mischief, for he is the prime mover and can easily set tools, one to replace another". But charges against Aurobindo were never proved and he was acquitted. Many members of the group faced charges and were transported and imprisoned for life. Others went into hiding.[48]
In 1910, when, Aurobindo withdrew from political life and decided to live a life of renounciate,[41] the Anushilan Samiti declined. One of the revolutionaries, Bagha Jatin, who managed to escape the trial started a group which would be called Jugantar. Jugantar continued with its armed struggle against the colonial government, but the arrests of its key members and subsequent trials weakened its influence. Many of its members were imprisoned for life in the notorious Andaman Cellular jail.[48]
India House
A revolutionary movement was started by
The India House had soon to face closure following the assassination of
Indian National Congress
Lal-Bal-Pal
"
Bal Gangadhar Tilak was a nationalist leader from the Central Indian province of Maharashtra. He has been widely acclaimed the "Father of Indian unrest" who used the press and Hindu occasions like Ganesh Chaturthi and symbols like the Cow to create unrest against the British administration in India.[55] Tilak joined the Indian National Congress in 1890. Under the influence of such leaders, the political discourse of the Congress moved from polite accusation that colonial rule was "un-British" to the forthright claim of Tilak that "Swaraj is my birthright and I will have it".[56]
Bipin Chandra Pal of Bengal was another prominent figure of the Indian nationalist movement, who is considered a modern Hindu reformer, who stood for Hindu cultural nationalism and was opposed to sectarian communalism and Hindu majoritism.[5] He joined the Indian National Congress in 1886 and was also one of the key members of revolutionary India House.[57]
Gandhi and Rāmarājya
Though
Gandhi emphasised that "Rāma Rājya" to him meant peace and justice, adding that "the ancient ideal of Ramarajya is undoubtedly one of true democracy in which the meanest citizen could be sure of swift justice without an elaborate and costly procedure".[60] He also emphasised that it meant respect for all religions: "My Hinduism teaches me to respect all religions. In this lies the secret of Ramarajya".[61]
While Gandhi had clarified that "by Ram Rajya I do not mean Hindu Raj. I mean by Ram Rajya, Divine Raj, the kingdom of God," his concept of "Rama Rajya" became a major concept in Hindu nationalism.[62][63]
Madan Mohan Malviya
Keshav Baliram Hedgewar
Another leader of prime importance in the ascent of Hindu nationalism was Keshav Baliram Hedgewar of Nagpur. Hedgewar as a medical student in Calcutta had been part of the revolutionary activities of the Hindu Mahasabha, Anushilan Samiti and Jugantar.[67] He was charged with sedition in 1921 by the British Administration and served a year in prison. He was briefly a member of Indian National Congress.[67] In 1925, he left the Congress to form the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) with the help of Hindu Mahasabha Leader B. S. Moonje, Bapuji Soni, Gatate Ji etc., which would become the focal point of Hindu movements in Independent India.[68] The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh started by him became one of the most prominent Hindu organisation with its influence ranging in the social and political spheres of India.
In 1930, when Mahatma Gandhi started
After death of Hedgewar in 1940, M. S. Golwalkar became head of the organization. RSS continued to avoid participation in anti-British activities, as Golwalkar did not want to give the British colonial administration any excuse to ban the RSS.[72]: 60 After the Muslim League passed the Lahore Resolution demanding a separate Pakistan, the RSS campaigned for a Hindu nation, but stayed away from the independence struggle. When the British colonial government banned military drills and use of uniforms in non-official organizations, Golwalkar terminated the RSS military department.[72]: 60 RSS had played no role in the Quit India Movement[73] and nor the naval revolt.[68][74]
Bengali Hindu Homeland Movement
The Bengali Hindu Homeland Movement refers to the movement of the
Post-independence
After the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi by Nathuram Godse, the Sangh Parivar was plunged into distress when the RSS was accused of involvement in his murder. Along with the conspirators and the assassin, Vinayak Damodar Savarkar was also arrested. The court acquitted Savarkar, and the RSS was found be to completely unlinked with the conspirators.[75] The Hindu Mahasabha, of which Godse was a member, lost membership and popularity. The effects of public outrage had a permanent effect on the Hindu Mahasabha.
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh
The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, which was started in 1925, had grown by the end of British rule in India.[75] In January 1948, Mahatma Gandhi was assassinated by Nathuram Godse, a former member of the RSS.[76][77] Following the assassination, many prominent leaders of the RSS were arrested, and the RSS as an organisation was banned on 4 February 1948 by the then Home Minister Patel. During the court proceedings in relation to the assassination Godse began claiming that he had left the organisation in 1946.[78] The then Indian Deputy Prime Minister and Home Minister, Vallabhbhai Patel had remarked that the "RSS men expressed joy and distributed sweets after Gandhi's death".[79]
The charged RSS leaders were acquitted of the conspiracy charge by the
Golwalkar launched an agitation against this demand during which he was imprisoned again. Later, a constitution was drafted for RSS, which, however, initially did not meet any of Patel's demands. After a failed attempt to agitate again, eventually the RSS's constitution was amended according to Patel's wishes with the exception of the procedure for selecting the head of the organisation and the enrolment of pre-adolescents. However, the organisation's internal democracy which was written into its constitution, remained a 'dead letter'.[83]
On 11 July 1949, the Government of India lifted the ban on the RSS by issuing a communique stating that the decision to lift the ban on the RSS had been taken in view of the RSS leader Golwalkar's undertaking to make the group's loyalty towards the Constitution of India and acceptance and respect towards the National Flag of India more explicit in the Constitution of the RSS, which was to be worked out in a democratic manner.[84][72]: 60
After the ban was revoked RSS resumed its activities.
Another prominent development was the formation of the
The organisations started and supported by the RSS volunteers came to be known collectively as the Sangh Parivar. Next few decades saw a steady growth of the influence of the Sangh Parivar in the social and political space of India.[87]
Ayodhya dispute
The
Hindutva and Hindu Rashtra
Sarkar
Professor Benoy Kumar Sarkar coined the term Hindu Rastra. In his book named 'Building of Hindu Rastra' (হিন্দু রাস্ট্রের গড়ন) presented the idea of structural of Hindu state and directives for the socio-economic & political system of the Hindu state. He is deemed the pioneer ideologue of Hindu Rashtra. Many people identify his philosophy as 'Sarkarism'.
His writings on this subject amounted to nearly 30 000 pages.[88] A complete list of his publications is contained in Bandyopadhyay's book The Political Ideas of Benoy Kumar Sarkar.[89]
- 1914/1921 The Positive Background of Hindu Sociology[90]
- 1916 The beginning of Hindu culture as world-power (A.D. 300-600)[91]
- 1916 Chinese Religion Through Hindu Eyes[92]
- 1918 Hindu achievements in exact science a study in the history of scientific development[93]
In 1919, he authored a study in the American Political Science Review presenting a "Hindu theory of international relations" which drew on thinkers such as Kautilya, Manu and Shookra, and the text of the Mahabharata.[94][95] In 1921, he authored a Political Science Quarterly study presenting a "Hindu Theory of the State."[95] According to Barry Buzan and Amitav Acharya, Sarkar's works "may be the first major IR contributions by an Indian, and one of the first modern efforts to develop an indigenous Non-Western theory of IR."[95]
Savarkar
Savarkar was one of the first in the twentieth century to attempt a definitive description of the term "Hindu" in terms of what he called Hindutva meaning Hinduness.
This distinction was emphasised on the basis of territorial loyalty rather than on religious practices. In this book that was written in the backdrop of the Khilafat Movement and the subsequent Malabar rebellion, Savarkar wrote "Their [Muslims' and Christians'] holy land is far off in Arabia or Palestine. Their mythology and Godmen, ideas and heroes are not the children of this soil. Consequently, their names and their outlook smack of foreign origin. Their love is divided".[96]
Savarkar had made it clear that Hindutva is not the same thing as Hinduism and it does not concern religion or rituals but the basis of India’s national character.[7]
Savarkar, also defined the concept of Hindu Rashtra (transl. Hindu Polity).[98] The concept of Hindu Polity called for the protection of Hindu people and their culture and emphasised that political and economic systems should be based on native thought rather than on the concepts borrowed from the West.
Mukherjee
Mookerjee was the founder of the Nationalist Bharatiya Jana Sangh party, the precursor of the Bharatiya Janata Party. Mookerjee was firmly against Nehru's invitation to the Pakistani PM, and their joint pact to establish minority commissions and guarantee minority rights in both countries. He wanted to hold Pakistan directly responsible for the terrible influx of millions of Hindu refugees from East Pakistan, who had left the state fearing religious suppression and violence aided by the state.
After consultation with Golwalkar of RSS, Mookerjee founded Bharatiya Jana Sangh on 21 October 1951 at Delhi and he became the first President of it. The BJS was ideologically close to the
Mookerjee opposed the
Though Mukherjee was not associated with RSS, he is widely revered by members and supporters of the RSS and the
Golwalkar
While emphasising on religious pluralism, Golwalkar believed that Semitic monotheism and exclusivism were incompatible with and against the native Hindu culture. He wrote:
"Those creeds (Islam and Christianity) have but one prophet, one scripture and one God, other than whom there is no path of salvation for the human soul. It requires no great intelligence to see the absurdity of such a proposition."
He added:
"As far as the national tradition of this land is concerned, it never considers that with a change in the method of worship, an individual ceases to be the son of the soil and should be treated as an alien. Here, in this land, there can be no objection to God being called by any name whatever. Ingrained in this soil is love and respect for all faiths and religious beliefs. He cannot be a son of this soil at all who is intolerant of other faiths."[101]
He further would echo the views of Savarkar on territorial loyalty, but with a degree of inclusiveness, when he wrote "So, all that is expected of our Muslim and Christian co-citizens is the shedding of the notions of their being 'religious minorities' as also their foreign mental complexion and merging themselves in the common national stream of this soil."[101]
After the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi, Golwalkar and Hindu Mahasabha's senior leaders such as Shyama Prasad Mukharji founded a new political party as Jan Sangh,[102] many of Hindu Mahasabha members joined Jan Sangh.
Deendayal Upadhyaya
Contemporary descriptions
Later thinkers of the RSS, like H. V. Sheshadri and K. S. Rao, were to emphasise on the non-theocratic nature of the word "Hindu Rashtra", which they believed was often inadequately translated, ill interpreted and wrongly stereotyped as a theocratic state. In a book, H. V. Sheshadri, the senior leader of the RSS writes "As Hindu Rashtra is not a religious concept, it is also not a political concept. It is generally misinterpreted as a theocratic state or a religious Hindu state. Nation (Rashtra) and State (Rajya) are entirely different and should never be mixed up. The state is purely a political concept. The State changes as the political authority shifts from person to person or party to party. But the people in the Nation remain the same.[103] They would maintain that the concept of Hindu Rashtra is in complete agreement with the principles of secularism and democracy.[104]
The concept of "'Hindutva" is continued to be espoused by the organisations like the RSS and political parties like the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). But the definition does not have the same rigidity with respect to the concept of "holy land" laid down by Savarkar, and stresses on inclusivism and patriotism. BJP leader and the then leader of opposition, Atal Bihari Vajpayee, in 1998, articulated the concept of "holy land" in Hindutva as follows: "Mecca can continue to be holy for the Muslims but India should be holier than the holy for them. You can go to a mosque and offer namaz, you can keep the roza. We have no problem. But if you have to choose between Mecca or Islam and India you must choose India. All the Muslims should have this feeling: we will live and die only for this country."[105]
In a 1995 landmark judgment, the
Hindu Rashtra movements in Nepal
In 2008, Nepal was declared a
Turning the country secular is nothing but a design to break the longstanding unity among Muslims and Hindus. So there is no alternative to reinstating the country’s old Hindu State identity in order to allow fellow citizens to live with religious tolerance. We don't need a secular identity, but want to see the country called Hindu State as this ensures safety and peace for all. We are Nepali Muslims and proud of it, because we have our unique culture of being the Muslims of this land. Everything was going well until we were ambushed by political parties’ sudden decision to declare the country secular, which is deplorable as it is clear that they acted at the behest of foreign agents. [112][113]
While announcing the party manifesto for the
On 30 November 2020, a pro-Hindu and a pro-monarchy protest was held at Kathmandu. Similar protests were held on other major cities like Pokhara and Butwal.[116]
On 4 December 2020, mass protests were held at Maitighar that ended in Naya Baneshwar demanding the restoration of Hindu statehood with constitutional monarchy.[117] The protestors carried the national flags and posters of the founding father of modern Nepal, King Prithvi Narayan Shah, and chanted slogans supporting Hindu statehood. Protestors claimed the Hindu statehood is a means of national unity and well being of the people. This protest is considered one of the biggest pro-monarchy demonstrations.[118]
On 11 January 2021, mass protests were held at Kathmandu demanding the restoration of Hindu statehood with monarchy. Police baton charged at the protestors around the Prime Minister's Office resulting in protestors responding with stones and sticks.[119] In August 2021, similar protests led by former Nepal Army General Rookmangud Katawal were also observed.[120]
See also
- Akhand Bharat
- Civilization state
- Ethnic relations in India
- Greater India
- Hindu revolution
- Hinduism in India
- History of India
- Indianisation
- Indocentrism
- Indomania
- Indosphere
- List of Hindu nationalist political parties
- List of Hindu organisations
- Religion in India
- Religious violence in India
- Revocation of the special status of Jammu and Kashmir
- Saffron terror
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- ^ "Why Monarchy is necessary in Nepal?". 28 October 2009. Archived from the original on 12 April 2020. Retrieved 3 November 2009.
- ^ George Conger (18 January 2008). "Nepal moves to become a secular republic". Religious Intelligence. Archived from the original on 30 January 2009.
- ^ RPP. "राप्रपा नेपालः सुस्पष्ट बिचार र अलग पहिचान सहितको राजनैतिक दल". RPP. Retrieved 25 June 2017.
- ^ "Hundreds of Hindu protesters clash with police in Nepal's capital, demanding Hindu state". Fox News. 7 August 2015.
- ^ "Once Hindu Nepal to give Muslims rights – Times of India". The Times of India. 10 July 2008.
- ^ a b "Muslims demand Hindu state". 9 August 2015.
- ^ a b "Muslims in Nepal demand a Hindu state". The Economic Times.
- ^ "RPP 'firm on Hindu state, monarchy'".
- ^ Diwakar (19 March 2017). "RPP registers Constitution amendment proposal demanding Hindu state". The Himalayan Times. Retrieved 7 December 2017.
- ^ "Mass demonstration in Kathmandu in favor of restoration of monarchy in Nepal".
- ^ "Despite district administration's order, pro-monarchy, pro-Hindu forces hold rally in Kathmandu".
- ^ "Mass protest in Kathmandu demanding restoration of constitutional monarchy".
- Independent.co.uk. 11 January 2021.
- ^ Means, Other (9 December 2021). "In Nepal, Calls Grow for the Restoration of a Hindu State". The Diplomat – The Diplomat is a current-affairs magazine for the Asia-Pacific, with news and analysis on politics, security, business, technology and life across the region.
Books
- Pradhan, Kumar L. (2012), Thapa Politics in Nepal: With Special Reference to Bhim Sen Thapa, 1806–1839, New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company, p. 278, ISBN 978-81-8069-813-2
- Skinner, Debra; Pach III, Alfred; Holland, Dorothy (1998). Selves in Time and Place: Identities, Experience, and History in Nepal. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. ISBN 978-0-8476-8599-8.
- Messerschmidt, Donald Alan (1992). Muktinath: Himalayan pilgrimage, a cultural & historical guide. Sahayogi Press.
- Dharam Vir (1988). Education and Polity in Nepal: An Asian Experiment. Northern Book Centre. ISBN 978-81-85119-39-7.
- Borgström, Bengt-Erik (1980), The patron and the panca: village values and pancayat democracy in Nepal, Vikas House, ISBN 978-0-7069-0997-5
- Stone, Linda (1988), Illness Beliefs and Feeding the Dead in Hindu Nepal: An Ethnographic Analysis, E. Mellen, ISBN 978-0-88946-060-7
- Kara, Siddharth (2012), Bonded Labor: Tackling the System of Slavery in South Asia, Columbia University Press, ISBN 978-0-231-52801-6
- Graham, Bruce Desmond (3 December 2007), Hindu Nationalism and Indian Politics: The Origins and Development of the Bharatiya Jana Sangh, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-05374-7
- Singh, Neerja (28 July 2015), Patel, Prasad and Rajaji: Myth of the Indian Right, SAGE Publications, ISBN 978-93-5150-266-1
Further reading
- OCLC 24593952.
- Graham, B. D. (1968), "Syama Prasad Mookerjee and the communalist alternative", in D. A. Low (ed.), Soundings in Modern South Asian History, University of California Press, ASIN B0000CO7K5
- ISBN 978-0-8364-0566-8.
- ISBN 978-81-7167-519-7.
- ISBN 978-81-85990-69-9.
- King, Richard (2002), Orientalism and Religion: Post-Colonial Theory, India and "The Mystic East", Routledge
- Bacchetta, Paola."Gendered Fractures in Hindu Nationalism: On the Subject-Members of the Rashtra Sevika Samiti."In The Oxford India Hinduism: A Reader, edited by Vasudha Dalmia and Heinrich von Stietencron, 373–395. London and Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2006.
- Bacchetta, Paola. Gender in the Hindu Nation: RSS Women as Ideologues. New Delhi: Women Unlimited, 2004.
- Walter K. Andersen. 'Bharatiya Janata Party: Searching for the Hindu Nationalist Face', In The New Politics of the Right: Neo–Populist Parties and Movements in Established Democracies, ed. Hans–Georg Betz and Stefan Immerfall (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1998), pp. 219–232. (ISBN 0-312-21338-7)
- Partha Banerjee, In the Belly of the Beast: The Hindu Supremacist RSS and BJP of India (Delhi: Ajanta, 1998). OCLC 43318775
- ISBN 978-0-395-56267-3.
- ISBN 0-226-50885-4)
- Gandhi, Rajmohan (1991). Patel: A Life. Navajivan Publishing House.
- Savarkar, Vinayak Damodar (1923). Hindutva. Delhi, India: Bharati Sahitya Sadan.
- ISBN 978-81-85990-48-4
- Girilal Jain, The Hindu phenomenon, South Asia Books (1995). ISBN 978-81-86112-32-8.
- H V Seshadri, K S Sudarshan, K. Surya Narayan Rao, Balraj Madhok: Why Hindu Rashtra, Suruchi Prakashan (1990), ASIN B001NX9MCA.
External links
- Voice of Dharma.
- "Hindu contemporary activism". Indiafacts. 20 February 2015.
- Damodharan, Dipin (1 August 2011). "Hindu Nation: The Undisputed Legacy of Every Indian". American Chronicle. Archived from the original on 17 January 2013. Retrieved 28 August 2011.
- Punj, Balbir K. "Hindu Rashtra". South Asian Journal. Archived from the original on 20 August 2008. Retrieved 21 June 2010.