History of Argentina

Part of a series on the
History of Argentina
Pre-Columbian Indigenous peoples in Argentina Inca Empire
Colonial Argentina Governorate of New Andalusia (1534-1542) Governorate of the Río de la Plata (1549-1776) Royal Audiencia of Buenos Aires (1661-1671), (1759-1788) Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata (1776–1814)
Independence May Revolution War of Independence United Provinces of the Río de la Plata Congress of Tucumán
Civil Wars Bernardino Rivadavia Confederation Juan Manuel de Rosas French blockade of the Río de la Plata Anglo-French blockade of the Río de la Plata
Rise of Argentine Republic 1853 Constitution British investment in Argentina Conquest of the Desert Generation of '80 Radical Phase (1916–30) The Infamous Decade
Peronism Juan Perón and Eva Perón General Confederation of Labour
Post-WW II (1955 to 1976) Revolución Libertadora Arturo Frondizi 1963 Argentine Navy revolt Arturo Umberto Illia Argentine Revolution Montoneros and ERP
National Reorganization Process Dirty War Falklands War (Guerra de las Malvinas)
Return to democracy Trial of the Juntas Raúl Alfonsín December 2001 riots Kirchnerism
Topics Corruption Economy Etymology LGBT Jewish Argentines Military Nationality Postal Rail transport Science and technology
See also Timeline Years in Argentina
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The history of Argentina can be divided into four main parts: the pre-Columbian time or early history (up to the sixteenth century), the colonial period (1536–1809), the period of nation-building (1810–1880), and the history of modern Argentina (from around 1880).

Prehistory in the present territory of Argentina began with the first human settlements on the southern tip of Patagonia around 13,000 years ago.

Written history began with the arrival of Spanish chroniclers in the expedition of Juan Díaz de Solís in 1516 to the Río de la Plata, which marks the beginning of Spanish occupation of this region.

In 1776 the

Pre-Columbian era

The Cave of the Hands in Santa Cruz

The fortification of Pucará de Tilcara in Jujuy Province, part of the Inca Empire

The area now known as Argentina was relatively sparsely populated until the period of European colonization. The earliest traces of human life are dated from the Paleolithic period, and there are further signs in the Mesolithic and Neolithic.^[1] However, large areas of the interior and Piedmont were apparently depopulated during an extensive dry period between 4000 and 2000 B.C.^[2]

The Uruguayan archaeologist Raúl Campá Soler divided the indigenous peoples in Argentina into three main groups: basic hunters and food gatherers, without the development of pottery; advanced gatherers and hunters; and basic farmers with pottery.^[3] The first group could be found in the Pampas and Patagonia, and the second one included the Charrúa and Minuane and the Guaraní.

In the late 15th century, the Native tribes of the Quebrada de Humahuaca were conquered by the Inca Empire, under Topa Inca Yupanqui, to secure the supply of metals such as silver, zinc, and copper. The Incan domination of the area lasted for about half a century and ended with the arrival of the Spanish in 1536.^[4]

Agriculture was practised in Pre-Hispanic Argentina as far south as southern Mendoza Province.^[5] Agriculture was at times practised beyond this limit in nearby areas of Patagonia but populations reverted at times to non-agricultural lifestyles.^[5] By the time of the Spanish arrival to the area (1550s) there is no record of agriculture being practised in northern Patagonia.^[5] The extensive Patagonian grasslands and their associated abundance of guanaco game may have contributed to the indigenous populations of the region favouring a hunter-gatherer lifestyle.^[5]

Spanish colonial era

A second one was established in 1580 by Juan de Garay, and Córdoba in 1573 by Jerónimo Luis de Cabrera. Those regions were part of the Viceroyalty of Peru, whose capital was Lima, and settlers arrived from that city. Unlike the other regions of South America, the colonization of the Río de la Plata estuary was not influenced by any gold rush, since it lacked any precious metals to mine.^[9]

The natural ports on the Río de la Plata estuary could not be used because all shipments were meant to be made through the port of Callao near Lima, a condition that led to contraband becoming the normal means of commerce in cities such as Asunción, Buenos Aires, and Montevideo.^[10]

The Spanish raised the status of this region by establishing the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata in 1776. This viceroyalty consisted of today's Argentina, Uruguay, and Paraguay, as well as much of present-day Bolivia. Buenos Aires, now holding the customs of the new political subdivision, became a flourishing port, as the revenues from the Potosí, the increasing maritime activity in terms of goods rather than precious metals, the production of cattle for the export of leather and other products, and other political reasons, made it gradually become one of the most important commercial centers of the region. Despite the money and political power that flowed into Buenos Aires, only the members of the viceregal court enjoyed things the general population could not. Buenos Aires was still in its developing stages, lacking full university degrees, career options, textiles, and self-reliance. Even the wealthiest families had bare furnishings and lacked basic household items, as their only Spanish ships came to Buenos Aires and items like fine china would be broken once they arrived.^[11]

The viceroyalty was, however, short-lived due to lack of internal cohesion among its many regions and lack of Spanish support. Ships from Spain became scarce again after the Spanish defeat at the

The beginning of the Peninsular War in Spain and the capture of the Spanish king Ferdinand VII created great concern all around the viceroyalty. It was thought that, without a King, people in America should rule themselves. This idea led to multiple attempts to remove the local authorities at Chuquisaca, La Paz, Montevideo and Buenos Aires, all of which were short-lived. A new successful attempt, the May Revolution of 1810, took place when it was reported that all of Spain, with the exception of Cádiz and León, had been conquered.

War of Independence

The May Revolution ousted the viceroy. Other forms of government, such as a constitutional monarchy or a Regency were briefly considered. The viceroyalty was also renamed, and it nominally became the

The first military campaigns against the royalists were waged by

A new assembly, the Congress of Tucumán, was called while San Martín was preparing the crossing of the Andes. It finally declared independence from Spain or any other foreign power. Bolivia declared itself independent in 1825, and Uruguay was created in 1828 as a result of the Cisplatine War.

The French-Argentine

The United Kingdom officially recognized Argentine independence in 1825, with the signing of a Treaty of Friendship, Commerce, and Navigation on February 2; the British chargé d'affaires in Buenos Aires, Woodbine Parish, signed on behalf of his country. Spanish recognition of Argentine independence was not to come for several decades.

Historical map

The map below is based on a wide range of antique maps for the periods shown and is intended to give a broad idea of the changes in the State of Argentina in the nineteenth century. The periods are broad and plus or minus about a decade around each date. The hatched areas are disputed or subject to change during the period, the text in this article will explain these changes. There are minor changes of territory that are not shown on the map.

Argentine Civil Wars

The defeat of the Spanish was followed by a long

During this period, the United Provinces of the Rio de la Plata lacked a head of state, since the unitarian defeat at the Battle of Cepeda had ended the authority of the Supreme Directors and the 1819 Constitution. There was a new attempt in 1826 to write a constitution. The Argentine executive which had originated with a Junta in 1810 during the War of Independence and which had given way to a triumverage in 1813 and a Directory in 1819 finally was transferred to a president in 1824 with Bernardino Rivadavia as the inaugural holder of the office. ^[17] Rivadavia resigned due to the poor management at the Cisplatine War, and the 1826 constitution was repealed.

During this time, the Governors of Buenos Aires Province received the power to manage the international relations of the confederation, including war and debt payment. The dominant figure of this period was the federalist Juan Manuel de Rosas, who is portrayed from different angles by the diverse historiographic flows in Argentina: liberal history usually considers him a dictator, while revisionists support him on the grounds of his defense of national sovereignty.^[18]

He ruled the province of Buenos Aires from 1829 to 1852, facing military threats from secession attempts, neighboring countries, and even European nations. Although Rosas was a Federalist, he kept the customs receipts of Buenos Aires under the exclusive control of the city, whereas the other provinces expected to have a part of the revenue. Rosas considered this a fair measure because only Buenos Aires was paying the external debt generated by the Baring Brothers loan to Rivadavia, the war of independence and the war against Brazil. He developed a paramilitary force of his own, the Popular Restorer Society, commonly known as "Mazorca" ("Corncob").

Rosas' reluctance to call for a new assembly to write a constitution led General Justo José de Urquiza from Entre Ríos to turn against him. Urquiza defeated Rosas during the battle of Caseros and called for such an assembly. The Argentine Constitution of 1853 is, with amendments, still in force to this day. The Constitution was not immediately accepted by Buenos Aires, which seceded from the Confederation; it rejoined a few years later. In 1862 Bartolomé Mitre became the first president of the unified country.

Liberal governments (1862–1880)

The presidency of

Despite victory in the war, Mitre's popularity declined severely because a broad section of the Argentine population was opposed to the war due to the alliance with Brazil (Argentina's historic rival) that took place during the war, and the betrayal of Paraguay (which had been until then one of the country's most important economic allies). One of the major hallmarks of Mitre's presidency was the "Law of Compromise", in which Buenos Aires joined the Argentine Republic and allowed the government to use the City of Buenos Aires as the center of government, but without federalizing the city and by reserving the right of the province of Buenos Aires to secede from the nation if conflict arose.

In 1868 Mitre was succeeded by Domingo Faustino Sarmiento, who promoted public education, culture, telegraphs; as well as the modernization of the Army and the Navy. Sarmiento managed to defeat the last known caudillos and also dealt with the fallout of the Triple Alliance War, which included a decrease in national production due to the death of thousands of soldiers and an outbreak of diseases, such as cholera and yellow fever, brought by returning soldiers.

In 1874 Nicolás Avellaneda became president and ran into trouble when he had to deal with the economic depression left by the Panic of 1873. Most of these economic issues were solved when new land was opened for development after the expansion of national territory through the Conquest of the Desert, led by his war minister Julio Argentino Roca. This military campaign took most of the territories under the control of natives, and reduced their population.

In 1880 a trade conflict caused turmoil in Buenos Aires, which led governor Carlos Tejedor to declare secession from the republic. Avellaneda denied them this right, breaking the Law of Compromise, and proceeded to send army troops led by Roca to take over the province. Tejedor's secession efforts were defeated and Buenos Aires joined the republic definitively, federalizing the city of Buenos Aires and handing it over to the government as the nation's capital city.

Conservative Republic (1880–1916)

After his surge in popularity due to his successful desert campaign, Julio Roca was elected president in 1880 as the candidate for the National Autonomist Party (Partido Autonomista Nacional – PAN), a party that would remain in power until 1916. During his presidency, Roca created a net of political alliances and installed several measures that helped him retain almost absolute control of the Argentine political scene throughout the 1880s. This keen ability with political strategy earned him his nickname of "The Fox".

The country's economy benefited from a change from

In the late 19th and early 20th century, Argentina temporarily resolved its border disputes with Chile with the Puna de Atacama dispute of 1899, the Boundary Treaty of 1881 between Chile and Argentina and the 1902 General Treaty of Arbitration. Roca's government and those that followed were aligned with the Argentine oligarchy, especially the great land owners.

In 1886,

In 1891, Roca proposed that the Civic Union elect someone to be vice-president to his own presidency the next time elections came around. One group led by Mitre decided to take the deal, while another more intransigent group led by Alem was opposed. This eventually led to the split of the Civic Union into the National Civic Union (Argentina), led by Mitre, and the Radical Civic Union, led by Alem. After this division occurred, Roca withdrew his offer, having completed his plan to divide the Civic Union and decrease their power. Alem would eventually commit suicide in 1896; control of the Radical Civic Union went to his nephew and protégé, Hipólito Yrigoyen.

After Celman's downfall, his vice-president Carlos Pellegrini took over and proceeded to resolve the economic crisis which afflicted the country, earning him the moniker of "The Storm Sailor". Fearing another wave of opposition from Roca like the one imposed on Celman, Pellegrini remained moderate in his presidency ending his predecessor's efforts to distance "The Fox" from political control. The following governments up until 1898 took similar measures and sided with Roca to avoid being politically chastised.

In 1898, Roca became president again in a politically unstable situation, with a large number of social conflicts that included massive strikes and anarchist subversion attempts. Roca handled most of these conflicts by having the police or the army crack down on protestors, rebels and suspected rebels. After the end of his second presidency, Roca fell ill and his role in political affairs began to decrease gradually until his death in late 1914.

In 1904,

Unión Cívica Radical's 1893 and 1905 revolts, led by Hipólito Yrigoyen, inflicted fear among the oligarchy of an increased social instability and a possible revolution. Being a progressive member of the PAN, Roque Sáenz Peña recognized the need to satisfy the demand by public to maintain the existing regime. After being elected as president in 1910, he passed the Sáenz Peña Law in 1912 which made the political vote mandatory, secret and universal among males aged eighteen or more. His intention was not to allow the transition of power to Unión Cívica Radical but to increase public support for the PAN by enabling the universal electoral suffrage. However, the consequence was the opposite of what he intended to accomplish: The following election chose Hipólito Yrigoyen as the president in 1916, and it ended the hegemony of the PAN.

Radical governments (1916–30)

Conservative forces dominated Argentine politics until 1916, when the Radicals, led by Hipólito Yrigoyen, won control of the government through the first national elections under universal male suffrage. 745,000 citizens were allowed to vote, of a total population of 7.5 million (immigrants, who represented much of the population, were not allowed to vote); of these, 400,000 abstained.^[19]

Yrigoyen, however, only obtained 45% of the votes, which did not allow him a majority in Parliament, where the conservatives remained the leading force. Thus, of 80 draft laws proposed by the executive, only 26 were voted through by the conservative majority.^[20] A moderate agricultural reform proposal was rejected by Parliament, as was an income tax on interest, and the creation of a Bank of the Republic (which was to have the missions of the current Central Bank).^[20]

Meanwhile, the Radicals continued Argentina's neutrality policy during World War I, despite the United States urging them to declare war against the

The Tragic Week of January 1919, during which the Argentine Regional Workers' Federation (FORA, founded in 1901) had called for a general strike after a police shooting, ended with 700 killed and 4,000 injured.^[24] General Luis Dellepiane marched on Buenos Aires to re-establish civil order. Despite being called on by some to initiate a coup against Yrigoyen, he remained loyal to the President, on the sole condition that the latter would allow him a free hand in the repression of the demonstrations.^{[citation needed]} Social movements thereafter continued in the Forestal British company, and in Patagonia, where Hector Varela headed the military repression, assisted by the Argentine Patriotic League, killing 1,500.^[25]

On the other hand, Yrigoyen's administration enacted the

In September 1922, Yrigoyen's administration refused to follow the cordon sanitaire policy enacted against the Soviet Union, and, basing its policy on the assistance given to Austria after the war, decided to send to the USSR 5 million pesos in assistance.^[27]

The same year, Yrigoyen was replaced by his rival inside the UCR,

During the Great Depression, exports of frozen beef, especially to Great Britain, provided much needed foreign currency, but trade fell off sharply.[29]

Infamous Decade (1930–43)

In 1929, Argentina was wealthy by world standards, but the prosperity ended after 1929 with the worldwide Great Depression. In 1930, a military coup, supported by the Argentine Patriotic League, forced Hipólito Yrigoyen from power, and replaced him with José Félix Uriburu. Support for the coup was bolstered by the sagging Argentine economy, as well as a string of bomb attacks and shootings involving radical anarchists, which alienated moderate elements of Argentine society and angered the conservative right, which had long been agitating for decisive action by the military forces.

The military coup initiated during the period known as the "Infamous Decade", characterized by electoral fraud, persecution of the political opposition (mainly against the UCR) and pervasive government corruption, against the background of the global depression.^[30]

During his brief tenure as president, Uriburu cracked down heavily on anarchists and other far-left groups, resulting in 2,000 illegal executions of members of anarchist and communist groups. The most famous (and perhaps most symbolic of anarchism's decay in Argentina at the time) was the execution of Severino Di Giovanni, who was captured in late January 1931 and executed on the first of February of the same year.

After becoming president through the coup, Uriburu attempted to create a constitutional reform that would include

Justo began a policy of liberal economic moves that primarily benefitted the nation's upper classes and permitted great political and industrial corruption at the expense of national growth. One of the most infamous decisions of Justo's government was the creation of the Roca–Runciman Treaty between Argentina and the United Kingdom, which benefitted the British economy and the rich beef producers of Argentina.

In 1935, progressive democrat Senator Lisandro de la Torre began an investigation into several corruption allegations within the Argentine beef production industry, during which he attempted to charge Justo's Minister of Agriculture, Luis Duhau, and the Minister of Finance, Federico Pinedo, with political corruption and fraud charges. During the exposition of the investigation in the National Congress, Duhau started a fight among the senators, during which his bodyguard, Ramón Valdez-Cora, tried to kill De La Torre but accidentally ended up shooting De La Torre's friend and political partner Enzo Bordabehere. The meat investigation was dropped soon afterward, but not before De La Torre managed to achieve the incarceration of the head of the Anglo meat company for corruption charges. De la Torre would later commit suicide in 1939.

The collapse of international trade led to industrial growth focused on

The civilian government appeared to be close to joining the Allies, but many officers of the Argentine armed forces (and ordinary Argentine citizens) objected due to fear of the spread of communism. There was a wide support to stay neutral in the conflict, as during World War I. The government was also questioned for domestic policy reasons, namely, electoral fraud, poor labour rights, and the selection of Patrón Costas to run for the presidency.

On 4 June 1943, the

After the coup, Ramírez took power. Although he did not declare war, he broke off relations with the Axis powers. Argentina's largest neighbor, Brazil, had already entered the war on the Allied side in 1942.

In 1944 Ramirez was replaced by Farrell, an army officer of Irish-Argentine origin who had spent two years attached to Mussolini's army in the twenties.^{[citation needed]} Initially, his government continued to maintain a neutral policy. Towards the end of the war, Farrell decided it was in the interests of Argentina to be attached to the winning side. Like several Latin American states, Argentina made a late declaration of war against Germany on 27 March 1945, as Germany was fast collapsing.^[31]

Juan Perón managed relations with labourers and unions, and became highly popular. He was deposed and detained on Martín García Island, but a massive demonstration on 17 October 1945, forced the government to free Perón and restore him to office. Perón would win the elections shortly afterward by a landslide. The US ambassador, Spruille Braden, took direct action in Argentine politics supporting the antiperonist parties.^{[citation needed]}

Peronist years (1946–55)

In 1946 General Juan Perón became president; his populist ideology became known as peronism. His popular wife Eva Perón played a leading political role until her death in 1952.^[32] Perón established censorship by closing down 110 publications between 1943 and 1946.^[33] During Juan Perón's rule, the number of unionized workers and government programs increased.^[34]

His government followed an isolationist foreign policy and attempted to reduce the political and economic influence of other nations, especially the United States. Perón expanded government spending. His policies led to ruinous inflation. The peso lost about 70% of its value from early 1948 to early 1950; inflation reached 50% in 1951.^[35]

Opposition members were imprisoned and some of them tortured.^[36] He dismissed many important and capable advisers, while promoting officials largely on the basis of personal loyalty. A coup (Revolución Libertadora) led by Eduardo Lonardi, and supported by the Catholic Church, deposed him in 1955. He went into exile, eventually settling in Francoist Spain.

Revolución Libertadora (1955–1958)

In Argentina, the 1950s and 1960s were marked by frequent

Following the

, attempted a coup against Aramburu, criticizing an important purge in the army, the abrogation of social reforms and persecution of trade-union leaders. They also demanded liberation of all political and labor activists and a return to constitutional order. The uprising was quickly crushed. General Valle and other members of the military were executed, and twenty civilians were arrested at their homes and their bodies were thrown in the León Suarez dumping ground.

Along with the June 1955 Casa Rosada bombing on the Plaza de Mayo, the León Suarez massacre is one of the important events that started a cycle of violence. Pedro Aramburu was later kidnapped and executed for this massacre, in 1970, by Fernando Abal Medina, Emilio Angel Maza, Mario Firmenich and others, who would later form the Montoneros movement.^[37]

In 1956, special elections were held to reform the constitution. The Radical Party under Ricardo Balbín won a majority, although 25% of all ballots were turned in the blank as a protest by the banned Peronist party. Also in support of Peronism, the left wing of the Radical Party, led by Arturo Frondizi, left the Constitutional Assembly. The Assembly was severely damaged by this defection and was only able to restore the Constitution of 1853 with the sole addition of the Article 14 bis, which enumerated some social rights.

Fragile radical administrations (1958–1966)

A ban on

Peronist expression and representation continued during the fragile civilian governments of the period 1958–1966. Frondizi, UCRI's candidate, won the presidential elections of 1958, obtaining approximately 4,000,000 votes against 2,500,000 for Ricardo Balbín (with 800,000 neutral votes). From Caracas, Perón supported Frondizi and called upon his supporters to vote for him, as a means toward the end of prohibition of the Peronist movement and the re-establishment of the workers' social legislation voted during Perón's leadership.^[38]

On one hand, Frondizi appointed

Minister of Economy to placate powerful agrarian interests and other conservatives. A member of the powerful military dynasty Alsogaray, Álvaro, who had already been Minister of Industry under Aramburu

's military rule, devalued the peso and imposed credit control.

On the other hand, Frondizi followed a laicist program, which raised concerns among the Catholic nationalist forces, leading to the organization, between 1960 and 1962, of the far-right Tacuara Nationalist Movement.

The

Dwight Eisenhower to Argentina, in February 1962 (Eisenhower had been until 1961 President of the United States), the Tacuara headed nationalist demonstrations against him, leading to the imprisonment of several of their leaders, among them Joe Baxter.^[40]

Arturo Illia

was initially broadly supported but later deeply regretted by the Argentine population.

However, Frondizi's government ended in 1962 with intervention yet again by the military, after a series of local elections were won by the Peronist candidates.

1963 Argentine Navy Revolt

on 2 April. The failure of the revolt's plotters to win the loyalty of army units near the capital permitted Guido's government to swiftly put down the revolt at the cost of 21 lives.

In new elections in 1963, neither Peronists nor Communists were allowed to participate.

Arturo Illia

of the Radical People's Party won these elections; regional elections and by-elections over the next few years favored Peronists.

On the other hand, the Tacuara were outlawed by Illia in 1965, some of its members ultimately turning to the Peronist Left (such as Joe Baxter) while others remained in their far-right positions (such as

Triple A

).

Despite the fact that the country grew and developed economically during Illia's tenure as president, he was eventually ousted in a military coup in 1966.

Revolución Argentina (1966–73)

Main article: Argentine Revolution

Amidst growing worker and student unrest, another coup took place in June 1966, self-designated

Revolución Argentina (Argentine Revolution), which established General Juan Carlos Onganía as de facto president, supported by several leaders of the General Confederation of Labour (CGT), among these the general secretary, Augusto Vandor

. This led to a series of military-appointed presidents.

While preceding military coups were aimed at establishing temporary, transitional

Brazilian military regime (1964–85), Augusto Pinochet's regime (starting in 1973) and Juan María Bordaberry's regime in Uruguay

.

Onganía's

labor laws throughout the preceding years.^{[citation needed}

]

The workers' movement divided itself between Vandoristas, who supported a "Peronism without Peron" line (Vandor declared that "to save Perón, one has to be against Perón") and advocated negotiation with the junta, and Peronists, themselves divided.^[citation needed]

On July 29, 1966, Onganía ordered the forcible clearing of five facilities of the University of Buenos Aires (UBA) by the Federal Police, an event known as La Noche de los Bastones Largos ("The Night of the Long Batons"). These facilities had been occupied by students, professors and graduates (members of the autonomous government of the university) who opposed the military government's intervention in the universities and revocation of the 1918 university reform. The university repression led to the exile of 301 university professors, including Manuel Sadosky, Tulio Halperín Donghi, Sergio Bagú and Risieri Frondizi.^[42]

In late May 1968 General

Alejandro Lanusse replaced Julio Alsogaray, Pedro Gnavi replaced Benigno Varela, and Jorge Martínez Zuviría replaced Adolfo Alvarez

.

On 19 September 1968, two important events affected Revolutionary Peronism. On one hand,

Peronist Youth.^[43]

In 1969 the General Confederation of Labour of the Argentines (CGTA, headed by the graphist Raimundo Ongaro) headed social movements, in particular the Cordobazo, as well as other movements in Tucumán and Santa Fe. While Perón managed a reconciliation with Augusto Vandor, head of the CGT Azopardo, he followed, in particular through the voice of his delegate Jorge Paladino, a cautious line of opposition to the military junta, criticizing with moderation the neoliberal policies of the junta but waiting for discontent inside the government ("hay que desensillar hasta que aclare", said Perón, advocating patience). Thus, Onganía had an interview with 46 CGT delegates, among them Vandor, who agreed to cooperate with the military junta, thus uniting themselves with the Nueva Corriente de Opinión headed by José Alonso and Rogelio Coria.

In December 1969, more than 20 priests, members of the

villas miserias (shanty towns).^[44]

Meanwhile, Onganía implemented

archbishop of Buenos Aires, to proscribe priests from making political or social declarations.^[45]

Growing instability (1969–76)

During the de facto government of the Revolución Argentina, the left began to regain power through underground movements. This was mainly through violent guerrilla groups. Later, the return of Peronism was expected to calm down the heated waters but did exactly the opposite, creating a violent breach between right-wing and left-wing Peronism, leading to years of violence and political instability that culminated with the coup d'état of 1976.

Subversion years (1969–73)

Various armed actions, headed by the

urban guerrilla actions in Argentina. Beside these isolated actions, the Cordobazo uprising that year, called forth by the CGT de los Argentinos, and its Cordobese leader, Agustín Tosco, prompted demonstrations in the entire country. The same year, the People's Revolutionary Army (ERP) was formed as the military branch of the Trotskyist Workers' Revolutionary Party, kidnapping high-profile rich Argentines and demanding ransom.^[46][47]

The last of the "de facto" military presidents,

Alejandro Lanusse, was appointed in 1971 and attempted to re-establish democracy amidst an atmosphere of continuing Peronist workers' protests.^{[citation needed]} In attempt to pacifiy the rising tide of resistance, the military government was ultimately forced to make concessions such as lifting the proscription of Peronism, holding open elections in 1973, and funding state housing initiatives addressing Shantytowns.^[48]

Cámpora's tenure (1973)

On 11 March 1973, Argentina held general elections for the first time in ten years. Perón was prevented from running, but voters elected his stand-in, Dr.

Hector Cámpora, as president. Cámpora defeated his Radical Civic Union opponent. Cámpora won 49.5 percent of the votes in the presidential election following a campaign based on a platform of national reconstruction.^[49]

Riding a wave of mass support, Cámpora inaugurated his period on 25 May. He acceded to his functions on 25 May, which was saluted by a massive popular gathering of the Peronist Youth movement, Montoneros, FAR and FAP ("Fuerzas Armadas Peronistas") in the Plaza de Mayo. Cámpora assumed a strong stance against right-wing Peronists, declaring during his first speech: "La sangre derramada no será negociada" ("Spilled blood will not be negotiated").^[49]

Cuban president Osvaldo Dorticós and Chilean president Salvador Allende were present at his inauguration, while William P. Rogers, U.S. Secretary of State, and Uruguayan president Juan Bordaberry, could not attend, blocked in their respective cars by demonstrators. Political prisoners were liberated on the same day, under the pressure of the demonstrators. Cámpora's government included progressive figures such as Interior Minister Esteban Righi and Education Minister Jorge Taiana, but also included members of the labor and political right-wing Peronist factions, such as José López Rega, Perón's personal secretary and Minister of Social Welfare, and a member of the P2 Masonic lodge.^[49] Perón's followers also commanded strong majorities in both houses of Congress.

Hector Cámpora's government followed a traditional Peronist economic policy, supporting the national market and redistributing wealth. One of José Ber Gelbard's first measures as minister of economics was to augment workers' wages. However, the 1973 oil crisis seriously affected Argentina's oil-dependent economy. Almost 600 social conflicts, strikes or occupations occurred in Cámpora's first month. The military conceded Campora's victory, but strikes, as well as government-backed violence, continued unabated. The slogan "Cámpora al gobierno, Perón al poder" ("Campora in government, Perón in power") expressed the real source of popular joy, however.

Return of Perón (1973–74)

Amidst escalating terror from the right and left alike, Perón decided to return and assume the presidency. On 20 June 1973, two million people waited for him at Ezeiza airport. From Perón's speaking platform, camouflaged far-right gunmen fired on the masses, shooting at the Peronist Youth movement and the Montoneros, killing at least thirteen and injuring more than three hundred (this became known as the Ezeiza massacre).^[50]

Cámpora and vice-president Solano Lima resigned on 13 July. Deputy

Raúl Alberto Lastiri, José López Rega's son-in-law and also a P2 member, was then promoted to the presidency to organize elections. Cámpora's followers such as Chancellor Juan Carlos Puig and Interior Minister Esteban Righi were immediately replaced by Alberto J. Vignes and Benito Llambi, and the Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo (ERP – People's Revolutionary Army) was declared a "dissolved terrorist organization". On 23 September, Perón won the elections with 61.85% of the votes, with his third wife, Isabel Perón

, as vice-president. Their administration was inaugurated on 12 October.

Peronist right-wing factions won a decisive victory and Perón assumed the Presidency in October 1973, a month after Pinochet's coup in Chile. Violent acts, including by the Triple A, continued to threaten public order. On 25 September 1973, José Ignacio Rucci, CGT trade-union's Secretary General and Perón's friend, was assassinated by the Montoneros. The government resorted to a number of emergency decrees, including the implementation of special executive authority to deal with violence. This allowed the government to imprison individuals indefinitely without charge.^{[citation needed]}

In his second period in office, Perón was committed to achieving political peace through a new alliance of business and labour to promote national reconstruction. Peron's charisma and his past record with respect to labor helped him maintain his working-class support.^[51]

Isabel's government (1974–76)

Perón died on 1 July 1974. His wife succeeded him in office, but her administration was undermined by the economic collapse (inflation was skyrocketing and GDP contracted), Peronist intra-party struggles, and growing acts of terrorism by insurgents such as the ERP and paramilitary movements.

Isabel Perón was inexperienced in politics and only carried Perón's name; Lopez Rega was described as a man with numerous occult interests, including astrology, and a supporter of dissident Catholic groups. Economic policies were directed at restructuring wages and currency devaluations in order to attract foreign investment capital to Argentina. López Rega was ousted as Isabel Perón's adviser in June 1975; General Numa Laplane, the commander in chief of the army who had supported the administration through the Lopez Rega period, was replaced by General Jorge Rafael Videla in August 1975.^[51]

Montoneros, led by Mario Firmenich, cautiously decided to go underground after Peron's death. Isabel Perón was removed from office by the military coup on 24 March 1976. This gave way to the last and arguably most violent de facto government in Argentina, the National Reorganization Process.

National Reorganization Process (1976–83)

Main articles: National Reorganization Process and Dirty War

Following the coup against Isabel Perón, the armed forces formally exercised power through a junta led consecutively by

neoliberal economic policies dictated by Operation Condor.^[55][56]

About 30,000 people disappeared, many of whom could not be formally reported as missing due to the nature of state terrorism.

The targets were students, militants, trade unionists, writers, journalists, artists and anyone suspected to be a

guerrillas.^[57] The "disappeared" (victims kidnapped, tortured and murdered whose bodies were disappeared by the military government) included those thought to be politically or ideologically a threat to the military junta, even vaguely; and they were killed in an attempt by the junta to silence the social and political opposition.^[58]

Rosario

Serious economic problems, mounting charges of corruption, public discontent and, finally, the country's 1982 defeat by the United Kingdom in the Falklands War following Argentina's unsuccessful attempt to seize the Falkland Islands all combined to discredit the Argentine military regime. Under strong public pressure, the junta lifted bans on political parties and gradually restored basic political liberties.

Most of the members of the Junta are currently in prison for crimes against humanity and genocide.

Beagle conflict

The

Beagle Channel Arbitration. On 2 May 1977, the court ruled that the islands and all adjacent formations belonged to Chile. See the Report and decision of the Court of Arbitration

.

On 25 January 1978, the Argentina military junta led by General

Jorge Videla declared the award fundamentally null and intensified their claim over the islands. On 22 December 1978, Argentina started^[59] Operation Soberanía

over the disputed islands, but the invasion was halted due to:

(The newspaper Clarín explained some years later that such caution was based,) in part, on military concerns. In order to achieve a victory, certain objectives had to be reached before the seventh day after the attack. Some military leaders considered this not enough time due to the difficulty involved in transportation through the passes over the Andean Mountains.[60]

and in cite 46:

According to Clarín, two consequences were feared. First, those who were dubious feared a possible regionalization of the conflict. Second, as a consequence, the conflict could acquire great power proportions. In the first case decision makers speculated that Peru, Bolivia, Ecuador, and Brazil might intervene. Then the great powers could take sides. In this case, the resolution of the conflict would depend not on the combatants, but on the countries that supplied the weapons.

In December that year, moments before Videla signed a declaration of war against Chile, Pope John Paul II agreed to mediate between the two nations. The Pope's envoy, Cardinal Antonio Samorè, successfully averted war and proposed a new definitive boundary in which the three disputed islands would remain Chilean. Argentina and Chile both agreed to Samoré's proposal and signed the Treaty of Peace and Friendship of 1984 between Chile and Argentina, ending that dispute.

New democracy (1983–present)

On 30 October 1983, Argentines went to the polls to choose a president; vice-president; and national, provincial, and local officials in elections found by international observers to be fair and honest. The country returned to constitutional rule after Raúl Alfonsín, candidate of the Radical Civic Union (Unión Cívica Radical, UCR), received 52% of the popular vote for president. He began a 6-year term of office on 10 December 1983.

Alfonsín era (1983–1989)

Main article: Presidency of Raúl Alfonsín

Five days later, he created the

Ernesto Sabato. However, it was also under Alfonsín's presidency that the 24 December 1986 "Full stop law" was voted, granting amnesty to all acts committed before 10 December 1983, amid pressure from the military. It would not be until June 2005's Supreme Court decision to overturn all amnesty laws that investigations could be started again.^[61]

During the Alfonsín administration, a Treaty of Peace and Friendship of 1984 between Chile and Argentina with Chile was signed and the roots of the Mercosur trade bloc were established.

In 1985 and 1987, large turnouts for mid-term elections demonstrated continued public support for a strong and vigorous democratic system. The UCR-led government took steps to resolve some of the nation's most pressing problems, including accounting for those who

civilian control of the armed forces, and consolidating democratic institutions. One of the biggest achievements of the Alfonsín administration was the reduction of corruption in public offices, which was reduced by half during his administration.^{[citation needed}

]

However, constant friction with the military, failure to resolve several economic problems inherited from the military dictatorship and great opposition from the labor unions undermined the effectiveness of the Alfonsín government, which left office six months early after Peronist candidate

1989 presidential elections

.

Menemist decade (1989–99)

See also: Washington Consensus

As President, Carlos Menem launched a major overhaul of Argentine domestic policy. Large-scale structural reforms dramatically reversed the role of the state in Argentine economic life. Ironically, the Peronist Menem oversaw the privatization of many of the industries Perón had nationalized.

A decisive leader pressing a controversial agenda, Menem was not reluctant to use the presidency's powers to issue "emergency" decrees (formally Necessity and Urgency Decrees) when the Congress was unable to reach consensus on his proposed reforms. Those powers were curtailed somewhat when the constitution was reformed in 1994 as a result of the so-called Pact of Olivos with the opposition Radical Party. That arrangement opened the way for Menem to seek and win reelection with 50% of the vote in the three-way 1995 presidential race. Piquetero movement rose.

The 1995 election saw the emergence of the moderate-left FrePaSo political alliance. This alternative to the two traditional political parties in Argentina was particularly strong in Buenos Aires but lacked the national infrastructure of the Peronists and Radicals. In an important development in Argentina's political life, all three major parties in the 1999 race espoused free market economic policies.

New millennium crisis (1999–2003)

Main article: 1998–2002 Argentine great depression

De La Rúa presidency (1999–2001)

Main article: Fernando de la Rúa § Presidency

See also: 1998–2002 Argentine great depression § The_crisis

In October 1999, the

fiscal deficit under control, and pursued labor market flexibilization and business-promotion measures aimed at stimulating foreign investment, so as to avoid defaulting the public debt.^{[citation needed}

]

Towards the end of 2001, Argentina faced grave economic problems. The IMF pressed Argentina to service its

spoiled ballots.^[62]

Corralito (2001)

On 1 November 2001, as people's fears that the peso would be devalued caused massive withdrawal of

bank deposits and capital flight, de la Rúa's Minister of Economy Domingo Cavallo passed regulations severely limiting withdrawals, effectively freezing the peso-denominated assets of the Argentine middle class, while dollar-denominated foreign accounts were, by its very nature, shielded from devaluation. (The freezing of the bank accounts was informally named corralito

.)

The overall economy declined drastically during December 2001. The resulting riots led to dozens of deaths. The Minister of Economy Domingo Cavallo resigned, but that did not prevent the collapse of De la Rúa's administration. On 20 December de la Rúa also resigned, but the political crisis was extremely serious, as a result of the previous resignation of the vice-president Carlos "Chacho" Álvarez in 2000. The president of the Senate became interim president until the National Congress elected, two days later, Adolfo Rodríguez Saá to finish De la Rúa's term. But Rodríguez Saá resigned a week later on 31 December, leaving the power to the president of the Chamber of Deputies (as the Senate was undergoing their annual renovation of its president) as interim.

Finally, on 2 January 2002, the National Congress elected the Peronist

depreciated

to one-quarter of its former value.

Recovery (2002–03)

President Duhalde faced a country in turmoil. His administration had to deal with a wave of protests (middle-class cacerolazos and unemployed piqueteros), and did so with a relatively tolerant policy, intending to minimize violence. As inflation became a serious issue and the effects of the crisis became apparent in the form of increased unemployment and poverty, Duhalde chose a moderate, low-profile economist, Roberto Lavagna, as his Minister of Economy. The economic measures implemented brought inflation under control.^{[citation needed]}

After a year, Duhalde deemed his tasks fulfilled and, pressured by certain political factors, called for elections, which in April 2003 brought

Santa Cruz, to power.^[63]

Kirchner governments (2003–2015)

Main articles: Presidency of Néstor Kirchner and Presidency of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner

See also: Kirchnerism and Pink tide

President Néstor Kirchner took office on 25 May 2003.^[64] He reshuffled the leadership of the Armed Forces, overturned controversial amnesty laws that protected members of the 1976–1983 dictatorship from prosecution, and kept Lavagna on as economy minister for most of his presidency. Kirchner's administration saw a strong economic rebound,^{[citation needed]} and foreign debt restructuring.

IMF injunctions, an economic policy that has allowed Argentina to advance on average growth of 8% per year and to lift 11 million people out of poverty.^[65]

On 28 October 2007, the

Chief of Government of Buenos Aires City in June 2007.^[66]

On 10 December 2007, then-First Lady and Senator Cristina Fernández de Kirchner took over the presidency from her husband, after winning elections with 44% of the vote.^[67] Her husband remained a highly influential politician during her term. The press developed the term "presidential marriage" to make reference to both of them at once.^[68] Some political analysts compared this type of government with a diarchy.^[69]

After proposing a new taxation system for agricultural exports Fernández de Kirchner's government had to face a

severe lock out of the sector. The protest, which spread over 129 days, was quickly politicized and marked an inflection point in her administration. The system was finally rejected in the Senate by an opposing vote by the Vice President Julio Cobos

.

The political style of the government changed in 2010 with the death of Néstor Kirchner.^[70] President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner slowly distanced herself from the traditional structure of the Justicialist Party and favored instead La Cámpora, a group of young supporters led by her eldest son Máximo Kirchner.

In the

elections of 2011, President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner of the Front for Victory won via landslide by 54.11% of votes against Hermes Binner. Winning in the City of Buenos Aires and every province except San Luis (won by Federal Commitment candidate Alberto Rodríguez Saá),^[71] she became the first candidate to obtain an absolute majority of the popular vote since Raúl Alfonsín in 1983, and upon completion of ballot processing, the margin of victory (37.1%) exceeded Juan Perón's record 36% margin obtained in 1973.^[72] Fernández de Kirchner became the first woman re-elected as head of state in Latin American history.^[73]

Macri administration (2015–2019)

See also: Presidency of Mauricio Macri

On

neoliberal policies.^[75]

He was one of the political leaders identified in the scandalous Panama Papers where he was identified as having several offshore companies for which other leaders have used to evade taxes, though to the day he has not suffered any convictions.^[76][77]

Fernández administration (2019–2023)

See also: Presidency of Alberto Fernández

On 10 December 2019, former Cabinet Chief Alberto Fernández of the Justicialist Party was inaugurated President,^[78] after defeating the incumbent Mauricio Macri in the 2019 Argentine general election.^[79]

On 14 November 2021, the center-left coalition of Argentina's ruling Peronist party, Frente de Todos (Front for Everyone), lost its majority in Congress, for the first time in almost 40 years, in midterm legislative elections. The election victory of the center-right coalition, Juntos por el Cambio (Together for Change), meant a tough final two years in office for President Alberto Fernández. Losing control of the Senate made it difficult for him to make key appointments, including to the judiciary. It also forced him to negotiate with the opposition every initiative he sends to the legislature.^[80][81]

In April 2023, President Alberto Fernández announced that he will not seek re-election in the next presidential election.^[82] The 19 November 2023 election run-off vote ended in a win for far-right outsider Javier Milei with close to 56% of the vote against 44% of the ruling coalition candidate Sergio Massa.^[83]

Milei administration (2023-)

See also: Presidency of Javier Milei

On 10 December 2023, Buenos Aires Deputy Javier Milei was sworn in as the new president of Argentina.^[84] At the time of Milei's inauguration, Argentina's economy was suffering 143 percent annual inflation, the currency had plunged and four out of 10 Argentines were in poverty.^[85]

Argentina had been set to join the BRICS bloc of developing economies on January 1, 2024. However, Argentina announced that it will not join BRICS bloc, emphasizing Milei's preference for closer ties with the West.^[86]

In January 2024, Argentina’s poverty rate reached 57.4%, the highest poverty rate in the country since 2004.^[87]

See also

• Economic history of Argentina
• Afro-Argentines
• Historiography of Argentina
• History of Argentine nationality
• List of presidents of Argentina
• History of folkloric music in Argentina
• Politics of Argentina
• State-Church relations in Argentina
• ¿Qué hubiera pasado si...? (book)

General:

• History of Latin America
• History of South America
• Latin America–United Kingdom relations
• Spanish colonization of the Americas

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  ISBN 978-9500714617
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Further reading

• Adelman, J. (1992). "Socialism and Democracy in Argentina in the Age of the Second International". The Hispanic American Historical Review. 72 (2): 211–238.
  JSTOR 2515555
  .
• Andrews, George Reid. The Afro-Argentines of Buenos Aires, 1800–1900. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press 1980.
• Bergquist, Charles W. Labor in Latin America: Comparative Essays on Chile, Argentina, Venezuela, and Colombia. Stanford: Stanford University Press 1986.
• Boyd, Kelly, ed. Encyclopedia of Historians and Historical Writers (Rutledge, 1999) 1:44-50, historiography
• Braudel, Fernand, 1984. The Perspective of the World, vol. III of Civilization and Capitalism (1979)
• Brown, Jonathan C. A Brief History of Argentina (2011)
• Brown, Jonathan C. A Socioeconomic History of Argentina, 1776–1869. New York: Cambridge University Press 1979.
• Buera, Francisco J., and Juan Pablo Nicolini. "The Monetary and Fiscal History of Argentina: 1960-2017." (University of Chicago, Becker Friedman Institute for Economics Working Paper, 2019). [Buera, Francisco J., and Juan Pablo Nicolini. "The Monetary and Fiscal History of Argentina: 1960-2017." University of Chicago, Becker Friedman Institute for Economics Working Paper (2019). online
• Burgin, Miron. The Economic Aspects of Argentine Federalism, 1820–1852. 1946.
• Carassai, Sebastián. The Argentine Silent Majority: Middle Classes, Politics, Violence, and Memory in the Seventies. Durham: Duke University Press 2014.
• Cushner, Nicholas P. Jesuit Ranches and the Agrarian Development of Colonial Argentina, 1650–1767. 1983.
• Della Paolera, Gerardo, and Alan M. Taylor, eds. A new economic history of Argentina (Cambridge University Press, 2003; with cd-rom)
• Di Tella, Guido. Political Economy of Argentina, 1880-1946 (Springer, 2016).
  • Di Tella, Guido, and Rudiger Dornbusch. The political economy of Argentina, 1946–83 (Springer, 1989).
• Ferns, Henry S. Britain and Argentina in the Nineteenth Century. 1960.
• Halperín Donghi, Tulio. Politics economics and society in Argentina in the revolutionary period. Cambridge [Eng.] ; New York : Cambridge University Press, [1975]
• Halperin Donghi, Tulio, et al., eds. Sarmiento, author of a nation. Berkeley : University of California Press, c1994.
• Harvey, Robert. Liberators: Latin America's Struggle For Independence, 1810–1830. John Murray, London (2000).
  ISBN 0-7195-5566-3
• Hedges, Jill. Argentina: A Modern History (2011) excerpt and text search
• Horowitz, Joel. "Economic history and the politics of culture in twentieth-century Argentina." (2013): 193–203. online
• Lewis, Daniel K. The History of Argentina (2003) excerpt and text search
• Lynch, John. Spanish Colonial Administration, 1782–1810: The Intendant System in the Viceroyalty of the River Plate. 1958.
• Lynch, John. Argentine Dictator: Juan Manuel de Rosas, 1829–1852. 1981.
• Moya, José C. Cousins and Strangers: Spanish Immigrants in Buenos Aires, 1850–1930. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press 1998.
• Pineda, Yovanna. Industrial Development in a Frontier Economy: The Industrialization of Argentina, 1890–1930 (Stanford University Press, 2009)
• Platt, Desmond Christopher Martin, and Guido Di Tella. Argentina, Australia, and Canada: studies in comparative development, 1870–1965 (Macmillan, 1985)
• Potash, Robert A. The Army and Politics in Argentina, 1828–1945. Stanford: Stanford University Press 1969.
• Rock, David. Argentina, 1516–1987: From Spanish Colonization to Alfonsín (1987)
• Rock, David. Politics in Argentina, 1890–1930: The Rise and Fall of Radicalism. (Cambridge University Press 1975).
• Rock, David. The British in Argentina: commerce, settlers and power, 1800–2000 (Springer, 2018).
• Romero, Luis Alberto. A History of Argentina in the Twentieth Century (13th ed 2013) excerpt
• Sabato, Hilda. Agrarian Capitalism and the World Market: Buenos Aires in the Pastoral State, 1840–1890. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press 1990.
• Sanchez-Alonso, Blanca. "Making sense of immigration policy: Argentina, 1870–1930." Economic History Review (2013) 66#2 601–627.
• Sarmiento, Domingo F. Life in the Argentine Republic in the Days of the Tyrants, or, Civilization and Barbarism. 1868.
• Schmidli, William Michael, The fate of freedom elsewhere: human rights and U.S. Cold War policy toward Argentina. Ithaca : Cornell University Press, 2013.
• Scobie, James R. Buenos Aires: Plaza to Suburb, 1870–1910. New York: Oxford University Press 1974.
• Scobie, James R. Revolution on the Pampas: A Social History of Argentine Wheat. Austin: University of Texas Press 1964.
• Slatta, Richard W. Gauchos and the Vanishing Frontier. 1983.
• Smith, Peter H. Politics and beef in Argentina. Patterns of conflict and change. (1969).
• Szuchman, Mark D. Order, Family, and Community in Buenos Aires, 1810–1860. (1987).
• Thomas, Carolyn, and Nicolás Cachanosky. "Argentina's post-2001 economy and the 2014 default." Quarterly Review of Economics and Finance 60 (2016): 70–80.
• Warren Sweet, William (1919). A History of Latin America.
• Wilson, Jonathan. Angels with dirty faces: The footballing history of Argentina (Hachette UK, 2016).

•  This article incorporates public domain material from The World Factbook.
  CIA
  .
•  This article incorporates public domain material from U.S. Bilateral Relations Fact Sheets. United States Department of State.

Historiography and memory

• Barrientos, Claudio J. "Reckoning with Human Rights narratives and Memory Politics in the recent history of Argentina." Latin Americanist 63.4 (2019): 458–461. excerpt
• Brinkerhoff, Thomas. "Politicizing the Playing Field: Legacies of the Campeonatos Evita in Post-Peronist Argentina." International Journal of the History of Sport 38.2-3 (2021): 227–246; on children.
• Conniff, Michael L. "A historiography of populism and neopopulism in Latin America." History Compass 18.9 (2020): e12621.
• Copello, David. "The ‘invention’ of human rights as a revolutionary concept: Confronting orthodox Marxism and the New Left (Argentina, 1972)." Journal of Human Rights 20.3 (2021): 304-317.
• Frei, Raimundo. " 'In my home nobody spoke about religion, politics or football': Communicative silences among generations in Argentina and Chile." Memory Studies 13.4 (2020): 570-585. online
• Garibotto, Verónica. Rethinking Testimonial Cinema in Postdictatorship Argentina: Beyond Memory Fatigue (Indiana University Press, 2019).
• Goebel, Michael. Argentina's Partisan Past (2011): on Press Scholarship Online
• Di Meglio, Gabriel. "Recent historiographical approaches to the process of independence in Argentina." History Compass 17.11 (2019): e12597.
• Jones, Darby. "Storytelling in Post-conflict Argentina: How Keeping Memory Alive Can Bring about Justice." Kennedy School Review 19 (2019): 46–50.
• Kahan, Emmanuel Nicolás. Memories that lie a little: Jewish experiences during the Argentine dictatorship (Brill, 2019).
• Kaiser, Susana. "In Argentina, New Generations Remember: For Argentines born after dictatorship, public encounters with the past help stitch together a memory of the country's collective traumas." NACLA Report on the Americas 53.2 (2021): 147–153.
• Montez, Noe. Memory, Transitional Justice, and Theatre in Postdictatorship Argentina (SIU Press, 2018).
• Nouzeilles, Gabriela, and Graciela Montaldo, eds. The Argentina Reader: History, Culture, Politics (Latin America in Translation) (2002)
• Rajca, Andrew C. Dissensual Subjects: Memory, Human Rights, and Postdictatorship in Argentina, Brazil, and Uruguay (Northwestern University Press, 2018).
• Robben, Antonius C.G.M. Argentina betrayed: memory, mourning, and accountability (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2018).
• Shumway, Nicolas. The Invention of Argentina. (1992).
• Simonetto, Patricio, and Marce Butierrez. "The archival riot: Travesti/Trans* audiovisual memory politics in twenty-first-century Argentina." Memory Studies (2022): 17506980211073099. online
• Sorá, Gustavo, and Paula Molina Ordoñez. "The specialization and internationalization of studies on books and publishing in Argentina." Lingua Franca: The History of the Book in Translation 4 (2018): 1–17. online
• Taylor, Alan M. "The Argentina Paradox: microexplanations and macropuzzles." Latin American economic review 27.1 (2018): 1–17. online
• Visacovsky, Sergio E. "The days Argentina stood still. History, nation and imaginable futures in the public interpretations of the Argentine crisis at the beginning of the twenty-first century." Horizontes antropológicos 24 (2018): 311–341. historiography [Visacovsky, Sergio E. "The days Argentina stood still. History, nation and imaginable futures in the public interpretations of the Argentine crisis at the beginning of the twenty-first century." Horizontes antropológicos 24 (2018): 311–341. online]

In Spanish

• Abad de Santillán, Diego. Historia Argentina (in Spanish). Buenos Aires: TEA (Tipográfica Editora Argentina).
• Anzorena, Oscar R. Tiempo de violencia y utopía (1966–1976), Editorial Contrapunto, 1987, p. 48 (in Spanish)
• Carlos A. Floria and César A. García Belsunce, 1971. Historia de los Argentinos I and II;
  ISBN 84-599-5081-6
• Cortes Conde, Roberto, and Gerardo Della Paolera, eds. Nueva Historia Econàmica de Argentina (Barcelona, Spain: EDHASA, 2018). Pp. 344.
• Tomás Eloy Martínez has written a number of books from the point of view of an Argentine journalist and intellectual affected by the entire Peron/Military period. A few have been translated into English (Santa Evita, The Peron Novel).
• ISBN 978-987-506-142-2
  .
• Pigna, Felipe, Los Mitos de la Historia Argentina, 3', 2006, ed. Planeta (in Spanish)
• ISBN 950-49-1110-2
  .

External links

• U.S. State Department Background Note: Argentina
• History World: History of Argentina
• British Settlers in Argentina and Uruguay—studies in 19th and 20th century emigration
• Democratic Transition in Argentina from the Dean Peter Krogh Foreign Affairs Digital Archives