History of Bolivia (1920–1964)
History of Bolivia |
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Bolivia portal |
Bolivia's defeat by
During World War II and the Korean War Bolivian tin had enjoyed high demand and prices. Even as the quality of the ores fell, the U.S. built a smelter able to handle low grade Bolivian ores and continued to buy Bolivian tin. Following the nationalization of the mines, with the Korean War over, tin prices fell and the U.S. no longer needed tin to support a war effort. Additionally, when the mines were nationalized, the foreign mining engineers and managers left the country, leaving the mines with a lack of skilled replacement.[1]
The Republican Party and the Great Depression
Republic of Bolivia Spanish: República de Bolivia | |||||||||
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1920–1936 | |||||||||
Daniel Salamanca Urey | |||||||||
• 1934-1936 | José Luis Tejada Sorzano | ||||||||
History | |||||||||
12 July 1920 | |||||||||
• Established | 13 July 1920 | ||||||||
• Chaco War begins | 9 September 1932 | ||||||||
• Chaco War ends | 12 June 1935 | ||||||||
• Disestablished | 17 May 1936 | ||||||||
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Today part of | Bolivia Paraguay |
The Liberal Party's long rule of Bolivia, one of the most stable periods in the country's history, ended when the Republicans seized the presidency in a bloodless coup d'état in 1920. Fernando Díez de Medina, a Bolivian writer, commented on the change: "Twenty years of privilege for one group ends, and ten years of privilege for another begins."
Republican Party soon split into two parties - one led by
During the Republican rule the Bolivian economy underwent a profound change. Tin prices started to decline in the 1920s. After peaking in 1929, tin production declined dramatically as the Great Depression nearly destroyed the international tin market. This decline was also caused by the decrease in the tin content of ore and the end of new investment in the mines in Bolivia.
As economic growth slowed, Republican presidents relied on foreign loans. Saavedra (1920–25) and
The rule of the Republican Party and its President Saavedra initially did not indicate any profound changes in Bolivian politics. The 1920s, however, was a period of political change. During the 1920s Bolivia faced growing social turmoil. Saavedra legalized the right to strike and introduced government arbitration in labour disputes. In 1922 he caused a general strike after banning night taxis. The strikers won and taxi services were resumed and railroad federation was recognized as representative of railroad workers.[3] Labor unrest, such as the miners' strike in Uncia in 1923, was brutally suppressed.
The unrest reached new heights of violence after the drastic reduction of the work force during the Great Depression. Indian peasants continued to rebel in the countryside, although they had been disarmed and their leaders had been executed after participating in the
The social legislation of the Republican governments was weak, however, because neither Saavedra nor Siles Reyes wanted to challenge the rosca (tin mining magnates' political representatives). Siles Reyes's four years of inconsistent rule and unfulfilled promises of radical changes frustrated workers and students. In 1930 he was overthrown when he tried to bypass the constitutional provision forbidding reelection by resigning in order to run again.
A military junta ruled until March 1931, when Republican leader Daniel Salamanca (1931–34) was elected as a candidate of Republican and Liberal coalition.[2] Although he was an esteemed economist before taking office, Salamanca was unable to suppress social unrest and to solve the severe economic problems caused by the Great Depression. Criticism of his administration mounted in all sectors of Bolivian society. Initially reluctant to enter into an armed conflict with Paraguay, he nevertheless led Bolivia into Chaco war, a move supported by the military and traditional groups.[2]
The Chaco War (1932-1935)
The
President Salamanca used one of the border incidents to break diplomatic relations with Paraguay and to increase Bolivia's military budget, even though the country had severe economic problems. Convinced that Bolivia's better-equipped, German-trained troops, which outnumbered the Paraguayan army, could win the war, Salamanca went to war in September 1932.[4]
The war raged for the next three years. The Bolivians suffered defeat in all major battles, and by the end of 1934 they had been driven back 482 kilometers from their original positions deep in the Chaco to the foothills of the Andes. Serious strategic errors, poor intelligence, and logistical problems in reaching the distant battle-lines contributed to the losses. In addition, the morale of the Bolivian troops was low, and the highland Indian troops could not adapt to the extreme climate in the low-lying Chaco. Despite the high command's decision to end the war, Salamanca was determined to continue at all costs. In 1934, when he traveled to the Chaco to take personal command over the war, Salamanca was arrested by the high command and forced to resign. His vice-president, José Luis Tejada Sorzano, who was known to favor peace, was installed as president (1934–36).[4]
Salamanca's overthrow proved a turning-point in the Chaco War. The Paraguayan troops were stopped by new, more capable Bolivian officers, who fought closer to Bolivian supply lines. On June 14, 1935 a commission of neutral nations (Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Peru and the United States) declared an armistice; a definite settlement was finally reached in 1938. Bolivia lost the Chaco but retained the petroleum fields, which Paraguay had failed to reach. Both countries suffered heavy losses in the war. Bolivia lost an estimated 65,000 people killed and 35,000 wounded or captured out of a population of just under 3 million.[4]
The humiliating disaster of the Chaco War had a profound impact in Bolivia, which saw the conflict as a watershed event in the history of the 20th century. The traditional oligarchy was discredited because of its inept civilian and military leadership in the war. Unable to deal with growing criticism, its members blamed the loss of the war on the low potential of the Bolivians and saw the earlier pessimistic assessment in Alcides Arguedas's famous novel Pueblo Enfermo (A Sick People) confirmed.[4]
After the war, a group of middle-class professionals, writers, and young officers questioned the traditional leadership. This group, which came to be known as the
Prelude to the National Revolution, 1935–52
Republic of Bolivia Spanish: República de Bolivia | |||||||||
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1936–1952 | |||||||||
Presidential republic under a military dictatorship | |||||||||
President | |||||||||
• 1936-1937 | David Toro | ||||||||
• 1937-1939 | Germán Busch | ||||||||
• 1939-1940 | Carlos Quintanilla | ||||||||
• 1940-1943 | Enrique Peñaranda | ||||||||
• 1943-1946 | Gualberto Villarroel | ||||||||
• 1946 | Néstor Guillén | ||||||||
• 1946-1947 | Tomás Monje | ||||||||
• 1947-1949 | Enrique Hertzog | ||||||||
• 1949-1951 | Mamerto Urriolagoitía | ||||||||
• 1951-1952 | Hugo Ballivián | ||||||||
History | |||||||||
• Established | 17 May 1936 | ||||||||
• Disestablished | 11 April 1952 | ||||||||
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Today part of | Bolivia |
Radical military government
On May 17, 1936 Colonel
Toro attempted to get civilian support with far-reaching social legislation and nominated a print worker as the first labor secretary in Bolivia. He also
Toro was unable to secure a lasting popular support. A group of more radical officers resented his reluctance to challenge the rosca, and they supported a coup by Colonel
Despite the weakness of the Toro and Busch regimes, their policies had a profound impact on Bolivia. Reformist decrees raised expectations among the middle class, but when they failed to be implemented, they contributed to the growth of the left. The constitutional convention gave the new forces for the first time a nationwide platform and the possibility of forming alliances. The military socialist regimes also prompted the conservatives to join forces to stem the growth of the left.[5]
The rise of new political groups
After a few months under the provisional presidency of General
The trend toward reform, however, could not be halted, and a number of new groups gained control of the Congress during Peñaranda's presidency. These groups, although very different in their ideological outlooks, agreed on the need to change the status quo. They included the
The rise of MNR
The most important opposition to the concordancia came from the
As the leader of the congressional opposition, the MNR denounced Peñaranda's close cooperation with the United States and was especially critical of his agreement to compensate Standard Oil for its nationalized holdings. The MNR members of the Congress also began an investigation of the
The MNR had contacts with reformist military officers, who were organized in a secret military lodge named the Fatherland's Cause (Razón de Patria, Radepa). Radepa was founded in 1934 by Bolivian prisoners of war in Paraguay. It sought mass support, backed military intervention in politics, and hoped to prevent excessive foreign control over Bolivia's natural resources.[6]
In December 1943 the Radepa-MNR alliance overthrew the Peñaranda regime. Major
Villarroel's government emphasized continuity with the reformist regimes of Toro and Busch. Paz Estenssoro, who served as minister of finance, hoped to get popular support with a budget that emphasized social spending over economic development. But the salary increase for miners did not bring about their consistent backing of the government and only managed to strengthen the ties between the MNR and miners.[6]
The Villarroel government also tried for the first time to get the support of the campesinos. In 1945 it created the National Indigenous Congress to discuss the problems in the countryside and to improve the situation of the peasants. However, most of the social legislation, such as the abolition of the labor obligation of the campesinos to their landlords, was never put in effect.[6]
Villarroel was overthrown in 1946. He had been unable to organize popular support and faced opposition from conservative groups and increasing political terrorism that included murders of the government's opponents. Rivalry between the MNR and the military in the governing coalition also contributed to his downfall. In 1946 mobs of students, teachers, and workers seized arms from the arsenal and moved to the presidential palace. They captured and shot Villarroel and suspended his body from a lamppost in the main square, while the army remained aloof in the barracks.[6]
The sexenio, 1946–52
The six years preceding the 1952 National Revolution are known as the sexenio. During this period, members of the Conservative Party tried to stem the growth of the left, but they ultimately failed, because they could not halt the economic decline and control the growing social unrest.
The labor sector did not cooperate with the government and the PIR became discredited because of its alliance with the conservative forces. In 1946 the workers endorsed the Thesis of Pulacayo, in which the miners called for permanent revolution and violent armed struggle for the working class. As the labor sector became more radical, the government resorted more and more to oppression, and confrontations increased. The dismissal of 7,000 miners and the brutal suppression of yet another uprising in Catavi in 1949 made any cooperation between the government and the workers impossible.[7]
The MNR emerged as the dominant opposition group. Although most of its leaders, including Paz Estenssoro, were in
The MNR's attempts to gain power during the sexenio were unsuccessful. Its 1949 coup attempt failed, although with the support of the workers and some military officers it succeeded in gaining control of most major cities except La Paz. The MNR's attempt to gain power by legal means in 1951 also failed. In the presidential election of May 1951, the MNR's Paz Estenssoro, who remained in exile in Argentina, ran for president and
By 1952 the Bolivian economy had deteriorated even further. The governments of the sexenio had been reluctant to increase taxes for the upper class and to reduce social spending, resulting in high inflation. The tin industry had stagnated since the Great Depression, despite short revivals during World War II. Ore content had declined, and the richer veins were depleted, increasing tin production costs; at the same time, tin prices on the international market fell. A disagreement with the United States over tin prices halted exports temporarily and caused a decline in income that further hurt the economy. The agricultural sector lacked capital, and food imports had increased, reaching 19% of total imports in 1950. Land was unequally distributed - 92% of the cultivable land was held by estates of 1,000 hectares or more.[7]
The social unrest that resulted from this economic decline increased during the last weeks before the 1952 National Revolution, when a
The Bolivian National Revolution, 1952
Republic of Bolivia Spanish: República de Bolivia | |||||||||
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1952–1964 | |||||||||
presidential republic | |||||||||
President | |||||||||
• 1952-1956 | Víctor Paz Estenssoro | ||||||||
• 1956-1960 | Hernán Siles Zuazo | ||||||||
• 1960-1964 | Víctor Paz Estenssoro | ||||||||
History | |||||||||
• National Revolution | 9 April 1952 | ||||||||
• Established | 11 April 1952 | ||||||||
• Disestablished | 4 November 1964 | ||||||||
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By the beginning of 1952 the MNR again tried to gain power by force, plotting with General Antonio Seleme, the junta member in control of internal administration and the National Police (Policía Nacional). On April 9, the MNR launched the rebellion in La Paz by seizing arsenals and distributing arms to civilians. This included a large number of indigenous miners and peasants.[8] Armed miners marched on La Paz and blocked troops on their way to reinforce the city. After three days of fighting, the desertion of Seleme, and the loss of some 600 lives, the army surrendered and Paz Estenssoro assumed the presidency on April 16, 1952.[7] The 1952 revolution influenced the supporters of Chilean President Carlos Ibáñez del Campo who saw it as a model of national populism to follow.[9]
Radical reforms
The "reluctant revolutionaries", as the leaders of the multiclass MNR were called by some, looked more to
The government then began the process of nationalizing all mines of the three great tin companies. First, it made the export and sale of all minerals a state monopoly to be administered by the state-owned Mining Bank of Bolivia (Banco Minero de Bolivia, Bamin). Then it set up the Mining Corporation of Bolivia (Corporación Minera de Bolivia, Comibol) as a semi-autonomous enterprise to run state-owned mines. On October 31, 1952 the government nationalized the three big tin companies, leaving the medium-sized mines untouched, and promising compensation. In this process, two-thirds of Bolivia's mining industry was turned over to Comibol.[10]
A far-reaching agrarian reform was the final important step taken by the revolutionary government. In January 1953, the government established the Agrarian Reform Commission, using advisers from Mexico, and decreed the Agrarian Reform Law the following August. These reform programs were meant to include the breaking up of large estates into minifundio, or small parcels of land, that could be worked by either individual families or small villages.[11] The reforms were also meant to provide farmers with credit with which to buy tools, seed, and any other materials needed to operate their farms.[11] Further, the reforms were intended to include technical assistance to farmers in the form of teaching them to increase the productivity of their farms.[11] However, many of these reforms were never put into place, and as a result, many of the new minifundio farms were eventually taken over again by rich landowners.[11]
During the first years of the revolution, miners wielded extraordinary influence within the government. This influence was based on miners' decisive role in the fighting of April 1952. In addition, armed militias of miners formed by the government to counterbalance the military had become a powerful force in their own right. Miners immediately organized the
MNR eventually gained the support of the campesinos when the
The country faced severe economic problems as a result of the changes enacted by the government. High inflation, caused by increased social spending, also hurt the economy. The value of the peso fell from 60 to 12,000 to the United States dollar between 1952 and 1956, affecting primarily the urban middle class, which began to support the opposition.[12] The bankrupt economy increased the factionalism within the MNR. Whereas the left wing demanded more government control over the economy, the right wing hoped to solve the nation's problems with aid from the United States.
During the presidency of Hernán Siles Zuazo (1956–60), who won the election with 84% of the vote, United States aid reached its highest level. In 1957 the United States subsidized more than 30% of the Bolivian budget. Siles Zuazo's stabilization plan seriously damaged the coalition of MNR and COB. The COB called immediately for a general strike, which threatened to destroy an already disrupted economy; the strike was called off only after impassioned appeals by the president. In an effort to quell the unrest, Zuazo decided to rebuild the armed forces.[12] During his administration the strength of the armed forces grew as a result of a new concern for professionalism and training, technical assistance from the United States, and an increase in the size and budget of the military. In addition, the military's role in containing unrest gave it increasing influence within the MNR government.[12]
Conflicts within the MNR increased during Paz Estenssoro's second term of 1960–64. Together with the United States, the
In 1964 Paz Estenssoro decided to run again for president, and accepted General
References
Notes
- ^ Richard S. Thorn, "The Economic Transformation," In Beyond the Revolution: Bolivia Since 1952, James M. Malloy and Richard S. Thorn, eds, University of Pittsburgh Press, 1971, p. 173.
- ^ a b c d e Maria Luise Wagner. "The Republican Party and the Great Depression". In Hudson & Hanratty.
- ^ Bolivia: The Uncompleted Revolution
- ^ a b c d e f Maria Luise Wagner. "The Chaco War". In Hudson & Hanratty.
- ^ a b c d Maria Luise Wagner. "Radical military government". In Hudson & Hanratty.
- ^ a b c d e f g h Maria Luise Wagner. "The rise of new political groups". In Hudson & Hanratty.
- ^ a b c d e f g Maria Luise Wagner. "The sexenio (1946–52)". In Hudson & Hanratty.
- ^ Meade, Teresa (2016). A History of Modern Latin America: 1800 to the Present (Second ed.). Oxford, England: John Wiley & Sons, Inc. p. 234.
- .
- ^ a b c Maria Luise Wagner. "Radical reforms". In Hudson & Hanratty.
- ^ ISBN 978-1-118-77248-5.
- ^ a b c d Maria Luise Wagner. "The unfinished revolution". In Hudson & Hanratty.
Works cited
- Rex A. Hudson and Dennis M. Hanratty. Bolivia: a country study. Library of Congress Federal Research Division (December 1989). This article incorporates text from this source, which is in the public domain.