History of Bolivia (1964–1982)
Republic of Bolivia República de Bolivia | |||||||||
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1964–1982 | |||||||||
Motto: "¡La unión es la fuerza!" (Spanish) "Unity is Strength!" | |||||||||
Anthem: Himno Nacional de Bolivia (Spanish) " Luis Adolfo Siles Salinas | |||||||||
• 1969-1970 | Alfredo Ovando Candía | ||||||||
• 1970-1971 | Juan José Torres | ||||||||
• 1971-1978 | Hugo Banzer | ||||||||
• 1978 | Juan Pereda | ||||||||
• 1978-1979 | David Padilla | ||||||||
• 1979 | Alberto Natusch | ||||||||
• 1979-1980 | Lidia Gueiler | ||||||||
• 1980-1981 | Luis García Meza | ||||||||
• 1981-1982 | Celso Torrelio | ||||||||
• 1982 | Guido Vildoso (last) | ||||||||
Legislature | Junta of Commanders of the Armed Forces | ||||||||
Historical era | Cold War | ||||||||
• Coup d'état | November 4 1964 | ||||||||
• Disestablished | October 10 1982 | ||||||||
HDI (1980) | 0.494[1] low | ||||||||
Currency | Bolivian peso | ||||||||
ISO 3166 code | BO | ||||||||
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History of Bolivia |
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Bolivia portal |
The history of Bolivia from 1964 to 1982 is a time of periodic instability under various military dictators. On November 4, 1964, power passed from the elected leader of the Bolivian National Revolution, Víctor Paz Estenssoro to a military junta under vice-president General René Barrientos. Barrientos was elected president in 1966, but died suspiciously in a helicopter crash in 1969 while touring the countryside visiting the indigenous people of Bolivia. This led to a coup in September 1969 by General Ovando, who was overthrown in October 1970 by General
The Barrientos presidency
On November 4, 1964
Barrientos, Quechua-speaking general, insisted that his assumption of power was not a counterrevolutionary move and promised to restore the
The economy improved during the Barrientos regime at a growth rate averaging 6.5% per year. The rise of
In 1966 Barrientos legitimized his rule by winning the presidential election. He formed the Popular Christian Movement (Movimiento Popular Cristiano, MPC) as his base of support. Although the MPC was not very successful, he won the election with a coalition of conservative politicians, the business community, and the peasants.[2]
Barrientos's efforts to build support in the countryside succeeded at first with the signing in February 1964 of the
Determined to keep the labor sector under control, Barrientos took away most of the gains it had achieved during the MNR's rule. He placed Comibol under the control of a military director and abolished the veto power of union leaders in management decisions. The president also cut the pay of the miners to the equivalent of US$0.80 a day and reduced the mining work force and the enormous Comibol bureaucracy by 10%. Finally, he destroyed the
Barrientos could not completely silence the labor sector; miners led the growing opposition to his rule. The various groups opposing his rule joined in denouncing Barrientos's selling of natural resources to the United States under favorable terms. They resented his invitation to United States private investment in Bolivia because he offered greater privileges to foreign investors. The defection of Barrientos's close friend and minister of interior, Colonel
The death of Barrientos in a helicopter crash on April 27, 1969, initially left control in the hands of his vice president,
Revolutionary nationalism: Ovando and Torres
Ovando (co-president, May 1965 – January 1966, and president, January–August 1966 and 1969–70) annulled the elections scheduled for 1970, dismissed the Congress, and appointed a cabinet that included independent reformist civilians who had opposed the policies of Barrientos. Ovando hoped to gain civilian and military support with a program of "revolutionary nationalism", which he had outlined in the "Revolutionary Mandate of the Armed Forces".
Revolutionary nationalism reflected the heritage and rhetoric of the military reformist regimes of the past, as well as the spirit of the 1952 Revolution. It also showed the influence of the Peruvian government of General Juan Velasco Alvarado. Many Bolivian officers believed that the military had to intervene in politics to lead the country toward reform because civilian governments had failed in that undertaking. They were convinced that it was in the main interest of the armed forces to end underdevelopment, which they saw as the cause of insurgency. The military would therefore fight on the internal frontiers against social injustice and economic dependence.[3]
Despite highly popular measures, such as the nationalization of the holdings of the Gulf Oil Company, Ovando failed to gain popular support. Popular enthusiasm over the nationalization was short lived. Disagreement over compensation, a boycott of Bolivian crude oil on the international market, and a general downturn in the economy became divisive factors. Even though Ovando legalized the COB and withdrew troops from the mining camps, lasting worker support for the regime was not ensured. Frustrated expectations, broken promises, and the massacre of miners by the military in Catavi in 1967 had radicalized the workers, who now refused to cooperate with the military government.[3]
While the left became radicalized, the right became weary of Ovando's vacillating statements, which included the suggestion that private property be abolished. Even when Ovando moved right during the last months of his regime, he was unable to enlist the support of the conservative groups in the country because this move only emphasized his weakness.[3]
Ovando's reform program also polarized the military. Reformist officers, concerned about the decline in popular support for the military since the Barrientos regime, shifted their support to the more radical General Juan José Torres (1970–71), whom Ovando had dismissed as his commander in chief; the right backed General Rogelio Miranda.
The chaos surrounding the overthrow of Ovando highlighted the division in the armed forces. Military officers demanded the resignation of Ovando and Miranda after a failed coup attempt by the latter on October 5, 1970. A triumvirate, formed on October 6, failed to consolidate support. On October 7, as the country moved toward civil war after the COB had declared a general strike, General Torres emerged as the compromise candidate and became president of Bolivia.[3]
The main feature of Torres's presidency was a lack of authority. Rather than taking the initiative on policies, Torres primarily reacted to pressure from different groups. His minister of interior, Jorge Gallardo Lozada, labeled the Torres government the "ten months of emergency".[3]
Torres hoped to retain civilian support by moving to the left. He nationalized some United States property, such as the waste-processing operation of the Catavi tin mines and the Matilde zinc mine, and he ordered the Peace Corps, a United States program, out of Bolivia. While limiting United States influence in Bolivia, Torres increased cooperation with the Soviet Union and its allies in the economic and technical sectors.[3]
Because of his lack of a clear strategy and political experience, however, Torres soon alienated all sectors of Bolivian society. He found it very difficult to organize groups on the left because they confronted him with demands that he could not meet, such as giving them half of all cabinet seats. The workers, students, and parties of the left wanted a socialist state and saw the Torres government only as a step in that direction. In June 1970, the Torres regime established the Popular Assembly (Asamblea Popular) in an attempt to form an alternative popular government. Consisting mainly of representatives of workers' and peasants' organizations, the Popular Assembly was intended to serve as a base for the radical transformation of society. However, the left remained divided by ideological differences and rivalry for leadership. They could not agree on controversial issues dealing with full worker participation in state and private enterprises, the creation of armed militias, and the establishment of popular tribunals having legal jurisdiction over crimes against the working class. No consensus was achieved, and many delegates, resenting the lack of power to enforce the resolutions and running short of funds, returned home prematurely. The Popular Assembly did, however, succeed in weakening the government by creating a climate in which popular organizations acted independently from the state.[3]
Torres's hope of placating conservative opposition by avoiding radical change did not win him the support of the right, especially of the powerful business community. Conservative groups unified in their opposition because they saw a chance for a political comeback in alliance with rightist officers. The military, in turn, became increasingly polarized because of their discontent with Torres's chaotic leadership. Torres had cut the defense budget to free money for education and allowed civilian interference in strictly military matters. He often permitted military disobedience to go unpunished. The last step of institutional decay was a manifesto written during the last weeks of the Torres regime by a group of junior officers who questioned military authority. It resulted in widespread military support for the coup on August 21, 1971, by Colonel
The Banzer regime
Colonel Hugo Banzer (1971–78), a highly respected officer who had repeatedly attempted to overthrow the regime of Juan José Torres, ruled for six years, one of the longest continuous presidential term in recent Bolivian history. Banzer's presidency was characterized by relative political stability and unprecedented economic growth. At first he was supported by the Nationalist Popular Front (Frente Popular Nacionalista, FPN), an alliance between the MNR under Paz Estenssoro, who was allowed to return from exile in Lima, and the Bolivian Socialist Falange (Falange Socialista Boliviana, FSB) under Mario Gutiérrez. Both parties had been enemies until the chaos of the Torres regime gave them a chance for a political comeback in alliance with conservative elements in the armed forces.[4]
During the first years of the Banzer presidency the economy improved rapidly. Exports tripled between 1970 and 1974 because of increased production of petroleum,
Despite this economic growth, Bolivia reverted to the repression of earlier regimes. The new minister of interior, Colonel Andrés Sélich ordered a massive crackdown on the left, abolishing labor unions and closing the universities. The government brutally suppressed a general strike against the devaluation of the Bolivian peso in 1972. In 1974 price increases for basic goods and control of food prices resulted in roadblocks by peasants in the Cochabamba Valley and their subsequent massacre by the military.[4]
The governing alliance disintegrated almost immediately when the MNR and the FSB split. They proved an unreliable support for Banzer because only small factions remained in the FPN. The armed forces were also divided, and various factions tried to overthrow the regime. On June 5, 1974, younger officers belonging to the Generational Group (Grupo Generacional) and led by General Gary Prado Salmón attempted a coup, demanding that Banzer legitimize his rule. It failed, however, as did another on November 7 that was supported by military, MNR, and FSB elements in Santa Cruz.[4]
The
The government, however, soon began to face serious problems. The "economic miracle" turned out to be a myth, the production of petroleum declined sharply, and Comibol produced at a loss, despite high mineral prices, because it was subsidizing other state agencies. Cotton production also declined when world prices fell.[4]
The stability of the Banzer regime was superficial because the military remained divided by personal rivalry, ideological differences, and a generational gap. Growing civilian opposition was centered in the labor sector, despite the renewed military occupation of the mines. Radical students and the progressive sector of the
External factions contributed to the weakening of the Banzer regime as well. The negotiation with Chile for an outlet to the sea had raised hopes in 1974. When an agreement between Banzer and General
In 1977, with opposition from civilian groups and the military mounting and pressure from the United States increasing, Banzer announced a presidential election for 1980, hoping to remain in control, but labor unrest and hostility to his regime forced him to set the date for 1978.
General
Transition to democracy
Between 1978 and 1980, Bolivia was constantly in a state of crisis. The fragmentation of political forces made it impossible for any party to dominate. In the three elections held during this period, no party achieved a majority, and alliances of various groups could not break the deadlock. Social unrest increased as peasants began to agitate again on a large scale for the first time since their rebellion in the late colonial period. The Bolivian workers were more radical than ever, and in 1979, during the first congress of the
The division in the armed forces and the increasing visibility of paramilitary groups reflected the institutional decay of the military. A civilian investigation into human rights violations committed during the Banzer regime further demoralized the officer corps.[5]
After four months in office, General
1979 election, Guevara presidency, and Natusch coup
When none of the main presidential candidates gained a majority in the
Guevara was overthrown after a few months, however, by a bloody coup under Colonel
Gueiler interim presidency, 1980 election, and military juntas
The congressional ballot process was disrupted on July 17, 1980, by the violent
The ruthlessness, extreme corruption, and international isolation of the García Meza government completely demoralized and discredited the military; many officers wanted to return to democracy. However, the
Vildoso reconvenes the 1980 congress
In July 1982, after yet another attempt by the García Meza clique to return to power, a third
Rather than calling a new election, Vildoso decided to reconvene the 1980 Congress and respect the results of that year's presidential contest. When Congress reconvened on September 23, 1982, one of its first acts was to reconfirm the 1980 election results, which showed former president Hernán Siles well ahead, though short of a majority. In October Congress overwhelmingly elected Siles, who assumed the presidency on October 10, 1982.[5]
Notes
- ^ "Human Development Report 2014" (PDF). hdr.undp.org.
- ^ a b c d e f g h Maria Luise Wagner. "The Barrientos presidency". In Hudson & Hanratty.
- ^ a b c d e f g h Maria Luise Wagner. "Revolutionary nationalism: Ovando and Torres". In Hudson & Hanratty.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i Maria Luise Wagner. "The Banzer regime". In Hudson & Hanratty.
- ^ a b c d e f Maria Luise Wagner. "Transition to democracy". In Hudson & Hanratty.
References
- Rex A. Hudson and Dennis M. Hanratty. Bolivia: a country study. Library of Congress Federal Research Division (December 1989). This article incorporates text from this source, which is in the public domain.