History of Tunisia under French rule
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The history of Tunisia under French rule started in 1881 with the establishment of the
Beylical reform, debt
As the 19th century commenced, the
During the rule of
European banks advanced funds to the Beylical government for modernizing projects, such as civil improvements, the military, public works, and development projects, but also they included money for the personal use of the Bey. The loans were frequently negotiated at unfavorable rates and terms. Repayment of this foreign debt eventually grew increasingly difficult to manage. In 1869, Tunisia declared itself
French regime
Establishment
Initially, Italy was the European country most interested in incorporating Tunisia into its
France, whose possession of Algeria bordered Tunisia, and Britain, then possessing the tiny island of Malta lying off its coast, were also interested. Britain wanted to avoid a single power controlling both sides of the Strait of Sicily. During 1871–1878, France and Britain had been co-operating to foreclose Italian political influence. Yet more often these two countries were keen rivals. "For most of their tenure [both began in 1855], Richard Wood and Léon Roches, the consuls respectively of Britain and France, competed fiercely with each other to gain an economic or political edge in Tunisia."[9]
The
In northwest Tunisia the
With her own substantial interests in Tunisia, Italy protested but would not risk a confrontation with France. Hence Tunisia officially became a French
The French progressively assumed more of the important administrative positions. By 1884 they directed or supervised the Tunisian administration of government bureaus dealing with
Economic advance
The
Tunisian
Under the Protectorate, the social
Regarding agriculture, French settlers and companies acquired farm lands in such quantities as to cause resentment among Tunisians. Habis rural properties (land held in religious trust or wafq), and also tribal lands held in common, were made available for monetary purchase due to fundamental changes in the land law legislated by the Protectorate. The social utility of farm lands, in extent and intensity, advanced, especially regarding production of olive groves and of vineyards.[33][34]
In rural areas the French administration strengthened the local officials (qa'ids) and weakened the independent tribes. Nationwide an additional judicial system was established for Europeans but available generally, set-up without interfering with the existing Sharia courts, available as always for the legal matters of Tunisians.[35]
Education reform
The French presence, despite its negatives, did present Tunisians with opportunities to become better acquainted with recent European advances.
Prior to the Protectorate the schools open to the majority of Tunisians were
Yet educational modernizing had preceded the French to a limited extent. The
During the French Protectorate, the goals of Tunisian educators in general developed, so as to include more the introduction of modern fields of study, namely, those leading toward the utilitarian knowledge practiced in Europe. Accordingly, in France such skills were well known, and a French technical vocabulary entered working use in Tunisia for various Protectorate projects, commercial and industrial. The French language was the favored medium in new schools set up by the French Church, initially established primarily for children of French settlers, such as Collège Saint-Charles de Tunis in 1875.[42] Yet many urban Tunisians also sought for their children learning opportunities oriented to the acquisition of modern skills useful in the workplace. The Tunisian elites struggled against Protectorate resistance to such access.[43] Over time, and not without contested issues, a new educational regime was created, including instruction in French open to Tunisians. This took place in the political context of the Protectorate, of course, affecting the existing Muslim institutions of learning,[44] secular Tunisian advancement, and the instruction of young French colons.[45]
The innovations in
Similar issues arose later in Tunisia, including the views of the national movement.In Tunisia the French in 1883 set up a Direction de l'Enseignement Public (Directorate of Public Education) to promote schools for teaching children of French officials and colons, and to further the spreading use of the French language. Its goals widened to include education in general. This Directorate eventually administered, or directed, all the different educational institutions and systems in Tunisia, which it sought to modernize, coordinate, grow and expand. Soon established in Tunis were the new mixed Collège Alaoui, and for women the new École Rue du Pacha and École Louise René Millet.[49][50][51]
Several separate educational systems eventually resulted under the Protectorate. Serving French colons and Tunisians was a primary and secondary system closely coordinated with Metropolitan France, using the French language. From here students might attend a
French context
France was not unfamiliar with rule over foreign lands, i.e., two distinct phases of expansion outside Europe, and one within: the 16th–18th century ventures in North America and in India, which lands were lost by the
The latter expansion began when the
In both the aristocrat and the peasant, religious practice generally remained strong. In the emergent middle class, religion competed with secular values backed by "scientism". Many urban workers began neglecting religious practice In the late 19th century, republican anti-clericalism peaked. The divergent viewpoints evident here, under various guises, continued to divide French society, whether subtly, or dramatically, or catastrophically, well into the 20th century.[60][61] A dissimilar though somewhat analogous social array may be discerned at work in the political dynamics of modern and independent Tunisia.[62]
In
France returned to popular sovereignty. After first turning to
In 1881 Jules Ferry (1832–1893), the republican premier and moderate anti-cleric, negotiated a political consensus to enable him to order the French army's conquest of Tunisia.[71][72] During the subsequent Protectorate a change in French domestic political fortunes could directly impact Tunisian issues. For example, the 1936 election of Léon Blum and the Front Populaire reportedly improved official French comprehension of Tunisian aspirations.[73][74]
During the 1920s Habib Bourguiba while studying for his law degree at the University of Paris astutely observed first hand how French politicians formulated and strategized their domestic agendas. Politically, Bourguiba's mind "had been formed in the Paris of the Third Republic."[75] As independence leader and later the first President of Tunisia, Habib Bourguiba (1903–2000) became the constitutional architect of the Republic.[76]
Tunisian politics
Relating chiefly to the status quo ante and early decades of the French Protectorate, the political factors discussed here persisted throughout the course of French rule in Tunisia. Their relative strengths, one to the other, however, changed markedly over time.
In appraising the marked significance of the French era on Tunisia, one explanatory reason might be the large number of Europeans who became permanent residents in the country. Compared with the Ottomans, who settled perhaps several tens of thousands from their empire in Tunisia, the French and their Italian 'allies' settled hundreds of thousands.[77]
Islamic context
Most Tunisians are accustomed to references made about the Muslim world, for spiritual inspiration, literary metaphor, historical analogy. Within Islam the three primary cultural spheres, each stemming from a world ethno-linguistic civilization, are:
Preceding the French protectorate in Tunisia, the Ottoman Turks exercised varying degrees of suzerainty, and the ruling strata of Tunisia once spoke Turkish. Under its Arabizing rulers, the quasi-independent
Arab culture has strongly affected Tunisia since the 8th century conquest and subsequent Arab migrations. Tunisia became an Arabic-speaking, Muslim country closely connected with the Mashriq (the Arab east).[82] Long before the recent rise of Europe, and for centuries sharing this distinction with distant China, Muslim Arab civilization led the world in the refinement and in the prosperity of its citizens.[83] Yet since, Turkish armies arrived from Central Asia and Turks eventually moved into leadership position at various Muslim polities, beginning about the 10th century. Thereafter, the Arabs ostensibly rested content under their foreign, albeit Islamic, rule. Moreover, about the year 1500 European Christians, once their rather opaque and trailing neighbors along the Mediterranean shore, "at last caught up with and overtook Islam, though the latter was quite unaware of what was happening."[84]
Nonetheless the Arabs still retained a well-acknowledged double esteem as (a) the creators of the ancient world's earliest civilizations (when most spoke another Semitic language, i.e.,
Inspiring and enigmatic, Jamal al-Din al-Afghani (1839–1897) traveled widely to rally the Muslim world to unity and internal reform. Later while in Paris in 1884 al-Afghani published with Muhammad 'Abduh (see below) a journal al-'Urwa al-wuthqa ["The Strongest Link"] to propagate his message. He himself sought a leading position in government to initiate reinvigorating reforms. He managed for a time to associate with an Ottoman Sultan, and later with a Shah of Iran, but to no effect. Although advocating a pan-Islamic solution, al-Afghani also taught the adoption of a universal reason under Islamic principles whereby Muslim societies might be reformed and then master the European sciences; industry and commerce would transform Muslim material culture. Such modernizing did not convince the more traditionist among the ulema, but did energize a popular following across Islam which became committed to reform agendas.[90][91][92][93] Such rational principles were often welcome by Tunisian nationalists.[94]
Another reformer with lasting influence in Tunisia was the Egyptian Shaykh
In Tunisia a reformer also arose.
Later the Tunisian Shaykh Mahammad al-Sanusi led a group which "adhered to the ideology expounded by Jamal al-Din al-Afghani and Shaykh Muhammad 'Abduh." An alim in the service of the Bey before the Protectorate commenced in 1881, thereafter al-Sunusi traveled east on pilgrimage where he claimed to have entered "an anti-Western secret society" founded by al-Afghani. Soon 'Abduh visited Tunisia, where he was greeted by "reformist ulama" supporters of Khayr al-Din. During the next year 1885 occurred a formal protest to the Bey against tax and tariff measures of the new French regime. Involved were 60 notables, featuring al-Sanusi and public demonstrations; it likely constituted an "alliance between mosque and bazaar." Yet the protest was ineffective; the dispute was settled. In character this protest group differed from the nationalist movement to come, but adumbrated it. Banished by the French, al-Sanusi responded with "a concilliatory letter" and was reinstated. During its first two decades the subject people remained "content to pursue Tunisian development within the Protectorate framework."[106][107]
Alongside the pan-Islamic were conflated ethnic views, i.e., conflicting pan-Arab and pan-Turkic. Many Arabic-speaking countries under Ottoman rule had grown weary; a popular desire for self-rule under an Arab nationalism arose.[108] In this regard Tunisia differed: an Arabic-speaking country but already long liberated from the Ottomans, governed by an autonomous Bey where the imperial hand was merely ceremonial.[109] Tunisia experienced no fight against the Turkish empire, whereas during World War I many mashriq Arabs fought against Turkish armies for their independence.[110][111]
Yet in 1881 Tunisia fell under European rule, as did Egypt in 1882,[112] Morocco and Libya in 1912,[113] and Syria and Iraq in 1919.[114] Early in the 20th century the Tunisian resistance movement against France emerged. It later would enjoy two distinct sources of Islamic political culture. For Muslim fraternity, e.g., for a forum in which to compare ideas and programs, Tunisians could choose between: the Ottomans (latter Turkey), and the Arab world to the east (the Mashriq and Egypt).[115][116][117]
Nationalist origins
The
Indeed, many Tunisians at first welcomed the progressive changes brought about by the French,[
The learned Arabic weekly magazine al-Hādira [the Capital] was founded in 1888 by companions and followers of the reforming Beylical minister Khair al-Din. The weekly discussed politics, history, economics, Europe and the world, and was published until 1910. This moderate magazine of the Tunisian establishment articulated views that were often pitched to the baldiyya (merchants) and the
A radical weekly publication az-Zuhrah was openly critical of French policy, and ran from 1890 until suppressed in 1897. Another periodical uneasy with the status quo and terminated by French authorities was Sabil al-Rashad, 1895–1897. It was published by 'Abd al-'Aziz al-Tha'alibi, who was educated at Zaytuna. The young Tha'alibi, destined to play a leading intellectual role, was another directly inspired by 'Abduh of Cairo, and by earlier, local reformers, e.g., Mahmud Qabadu.[128][129][130]
In 1896 Bashir Sfar and other advocates of renewal from al-Hādira founded al-Jam'iyah Khalduniya [the Khaldun Society]; its charter was approved by a French decree.
Other Tunisian periodicals continued to enter the marketplace of ideas.
As French rule continued, it appeared increasingly determined to favor the French and Europeans over native Tunisians. Accordingly, the general tone of the Tunisian response grew bitter and hardened into a challenging resolve. Here professor Kenneth Perkins marks the "transition from advocacy of social change to engagement in political activism."[138] In 1911 civil disturbances were ignited by the Zaytuni university students. One result was that Bach Hamba and Tha'alibi reached an accord. A political party was begun, al-Ittihad al-Islami, which thus expressed pan-Islamic leanings.[139][140]
Late in 1911 issues concerning a Muslim cemetery, the
According to professor Nicola Ziadeh, "the period between 1906 and 1910 saw a definite crystallization of the national movement in Tunisia. This crystallization centered around Islam." By the eve of the First World War (1914–1918), Tunisian 'nationalists' had developed and it adherents encountered an opportunity to publicly define themselves, in terms not only domestic but in light of widespread trends and foreign events.
"The intellectuals, the bourgeoisie, the students and the proletariat reacted against the French administration and economic measures; they defended their right of work against the immigrants; they demanded legal equality with strangers; they wanted to maintain the principle of Tunisian sovereignty."[149]
The nucleus of the above naissant political party al-Ittihad al-Islami evolved into "The Evolutionist Party of Young Tunisians". Eventually it became simply Tunis al-fatat [Young Tunisians]. Yet loss of its leadership, due to the French crack-down in 1912, curtailed its effectiveness. Following the World War Tunis al-fatat developed into a loose term which encompassed a wide political-cultural spectrum of Tunisian opinion, from 'communists' to les Vieux Turbans [the Old Turbans]. In the 1920s there emerged its most vital, centrist element: a new alignment, the political party called Destour [Constitution]. The Destour "aimed to restore the Constitution of 1861".[150][151][152]
Settler positions
When the French army occupied Tunisia, few Europeans were resident there, most being from Italy.[153] In 1884 there were 19,000 Europeans, the majority Italians.[154]
In 1901 Europeans were 111,000, including 72,600 Italians, 24,200 French, and 12,000 Maltese (maltese-speaking from the nearby island, then a British colony). The French government soon sought to discover ways to increase the French population. Various incentives, chiefly economic, began to be offered to citizens who would relocate to Tunisia.[155] Since France itself enjoyed a higher standard of living, to be attractive the incentives to potential settlers had to be quite substantial when compared to Tunisian incomes.
Although always relatively small in numbers (peaking at about 250,000),
Tunisians chafed at being made second-class citizens in their own country. In French public relations, the major point that would win Tunisian favor was the French ability to modernize the economy and administration. Tunisians, however, wanted to share in the work and rewards of the new French-built enterprises. Eventually, the more far-seeing among resident French administrators were drawn to draft French development plans so as to include significant participation by the Tunisian people. Nonetheless, other French administrators were more inclined to award business and employment opportunities to French settlers, for both local political reasons and colonial policy.[162][163]
Usually, in response to any proposed economic development, French settlers would marshal their influence in order to reap the major benefits. For many French, such benefits were the raison d'être for their living in Tunisia. If the local French administrator on occasion decided against them, they would hasten to appeal to their political contacts in Paris. These they carefully cultivated, e.g., through the large, political pressure group Parti-Colonial.[165] A growing conflict naturally emerged between the interests of the settlers and those of Tunisians; a struggle which became increasingly sour. The French officials themselves were sometimes uncomfortably divided as to which course to take, and exactly how to take it.[166]
Settlers expressed their views in their political and cultural associations, and commercial trade groups. Newspapers and magazines in French were published by and for the settler communities, e.g., La Tunisie Française.
Even so, some French settlers became known for their countenance of, or support for,
French policy
Although the French often presented a united front in Tunisia, internally they had brought with them to North Africa their own long-standing national divisions. Despite such quarrels, many on the political left and in the Christian churches eventually agreed to cooperate in spreading the 'advantages' of French culture in Africa and Asia. Yet an anti-colonialist dissent persisted.
Under the French regime, a variety of activities were given encouragement. The Church sent missionaries, who were directed from the new cathedral in Tunisia, south across the Sahara to what became
The Tunisians populace appreciated the introduction of such improvements, but noticed the advantages the Protectorate bestowed on the European newcomers. Community leaders began to appeal to the self-proclaimed public virtues of the French state, e.g.,
Art and culture
Traditional arts continued in Tunisia, e.g., in music the
Chronology
Versailles 1919
Organized nationalist sentiment among Tunisians, driven underground by the French following the popular demonstrations in 1912, resurfaced after the
Encouragement came from many directions. In 1919, the
Tunisian Destour
Nationalists established the Destour (Constitution) Party in 1920. Called popularly Le Destour, the official name was Al-Hisb Al-Horr Ad-Destouri At-Tounsi or Le Parti Libre Constitutionnel Tunisien. Tha'alibi was a founding member. The party negotiated an informal alliance with the Bey, which annoyed the French. In 1922 Lucien Sanit, the new French Resident General, granted minor reforms: a Ministry of Justice under Tahir b. Khayr al-Din, and a Grand Council of Tunisia which was purely consultative and in which the French were over-represented. This setback provoked turmoil in the Destour Party. Under French threat, Tha'alibi left Tunisia in 1923. Nationalist attention focused on economic issues in 1924. A mutual aid society was begun, but did not survive an episode of economic disruption caused by a wave of strikes.[188][189]
The
The
World War II
As in the first World War, Tunisians troops were transported to France to fight against the German armies in World War II. Three infantry regiments, one after the other, disembarked at Marseille commencing in March, 1940, and entered the Battle of France. Following the French defeat they were back in Tunisia by September.[194] Yet Tunisian units fought again. By November 1942 the French forces in Tunisia were active on the Allied side.[195] Tunisian troops under the French flag then fought the German and Italian army in Tunisia. Later Tunisian units joined the Allied invasion of Italy, entering Rome; they then fought in the liberation of France. At war's end in 1945 the Tunisians were exhausted and in Stuttgart.[196]
Immediately following the 1940 fall of France, French authorities in Tunisia supported the
Near
Following the Allied landings in Morocco in late 1942, the governments of both Vichy France and of Tunisia had been taken over by German forces. During this period (November 1942 to May 1943)
Post-war context
Following World War II the French managed to regain control of Tunisia as well as other administered territories in North Africa. However, the struggle for national independence continued and intensified. This phenomenon was not particular to Tunisia, or to North Africa. Separately organized independence movements were becoming widespread throughout Asia and Africa.[208]
The stature of the Soviet Union, with its ostensibly 'anti-colonialist' ideology, was enhanced by its position as a primary victor in the war. Its doctrines demanded a harsh judgment on the French in North Africa. In this vein continued writers who may not have been communists. During the French presence, the maghriban resistance was articulated in sharper and more combative terms as the independence movements intensified. Especially bitter in accusation was the works of the iconic, anti-colonial writer of Algeria, Frantz Fanon.[209][210] The United States of America, the other major victor and power following the war, also articulated a stance against the continued existence of colonies, despite remaining in alliance with European colonial states. Yet within several years of the war's end, Syria, Lebanon, and Egypt had become independent, as had India and Pakistan and Sri Lanka, Burma, Indonesia, and the Philippines.[211][212]
In 1945 the Arab League was formed in Cairo which soon included Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, Saudi Arabia, Syria, and Yeman. Soon the Destour's Habib Bourguiba secretly traveled to Cairo where he took up residence while advancing political causes, e.g., the Maghreb Liberation Committee.[213][214][215] As the League of Nations had inspired an increase in the awakening of national conscienceness among subject peoples after the first World War, so also did the foundation of the United Nations in San Francisco following World War II. The U.N. provided a forum in which the issue of independence for nations could be advanced before 'world public opinion'. Hence the struggle for independence in Tunisia became part of the global conversation.[216][217]
Tunisian nationalism
Political struggle
Following World War II the
In Paris in 1950 Bourguiba had presented the French government a program for gradual independence.[222] Eventually the French proceeded to introduce limited reforms, e.g., in which the nationalist would receive half the seats in a legislative council, with the other half retained by French settlers. Due to the lack of significant progress during 1954 armed groups of Tunisians, called Fellagha, began to muster and conduct operations in resistance to French rule, beginning with attacks in the mountains.[223][224]
The Tunisians coordinated their national struggle with independence movements in
Internal conflicts
During subsequent Tunisian negotiations with France, a conflict erupted between the rival leaders of Neo-Destour.
Independence
Final negotiations
Ultimately, faced with simultaneous defeat at Dien bien Phu in Vietnam, and the upsurge of revolution in Algeria, France agreed to the end of the Protectorate in Tunisia. In the decades-long struggle for independence, Neo-Destour leaders were able to gain independence for Tunisia by maneuver and finesse.[228][229][230]
French withdrawal
In Tunisia Albert Memmi had voiced a less sanguinary view than Fanon's,[231] but nonetheless one not very sympathetic if less harsh in his appraisal of many French settlers. He writes of the colon that if "his living standards are high, it is because those of the colonized are low."[232] Memmi describes the settler's pecuniary motives and identity:
"The change involved in moving to a colony... must first of all bring a substantial profit. ... You go to a colony because jobs are guaranteed, wages high, careers more rapid and business more profitable. The young graduate is offered a position, the public servant a higher rank, the businessman substantially lower taxes, the industrialist raw materials and labor at attractive prices." *** Perhaps later "he is often heard dreaming aloud: a few more years and he will take leave of this profitable purgatory and will buy a house in his own country." *** Yet if in fact "one day his livelihood is affected, if 'situations' are in real danger, the settler then feels threatened and, seriously this time, thinks of returning to his own land."[233]
This presents a rather dismal portrait of the colon before his impending tragedy. After Tunisian independence in 1956, the new sovereign regime began to make distinctions between its citizens and foreigners living in Tunisia. Facing an existential choice, the majority of French residents, including families in Tunisia for generations, then made the arrangements to return to their "own land." Tunisians filled their vacated positions. "Between 1955 and 1959, 170,000 Europeans--roughly two-thirds of the total--left the country."[234] This disastrous ending belies the otherwise mixed but not unfavorable results of the French era. Jacques Berque writes, "Greater progress would have to be made, great sufferings undergone before either side would consent to admit the other's [place in history]." Berque later cautions that one should "abstain from facile anachronistic judgments in considering the things and the people of an epoch that is past."[235]
Reference notes
- ^ For geography and climate background, see History of Tunisia preview.
- ^ For referral to authorities, see text following.
- History of Ottoman era Tunisiaat the section "Era of modern reforms".
- ^ Kenneth J. Perkins, A History of Modern Tunisia (University of Cambridge 2004) at 10–36; Ahmad Bey at 12–17, Khaïreddine at 30–36, revolt at 29, 31.
- ^ A. Guellouz, A. Masmoudi, M. Smida, A. Saadaoui, Histoire Générale de la Tunisie, Tome III. Les Temps Modernes (941–1247 A.H./1534-1881) (Tunis: Sud Editions 2010) at 409–411.
- ^ Perkins, A History of Modern Tunisia (2004) at 31-32.
- ^ Lisa Anderson, The State and Social Transformation in Tunisia and Libya, 1830-1980 (Princeton Univ. 1986) at 70 (bankruptcy), 85-86 (commission), 96-97, 98-104 (Bey's economic policy).
- ^ An Italian colonial program was then repeatedly rejected. Left wing (Italian: Sinistra storica) Prime Ministers Agostino Depretis and Benedetto Cairoli were known opponents of any military adventure, in what was known as the "Clean hands" politics following the Congress of Berlin (1878). Latter, however, under Francesco Crispi, Italy would begin to seek its own colonies. Cf., Giuliano Procacci, History of the Italian People (Paris 1968; London 1970, reprint Penguin 1973), pp. 351–352, 357–358.
- ^ Kenneth J. Perkins, A History of Modern Tunisia (Cambridge University 2004), p. 36, quote, p. 17.
- ^ Ling, Dwight L. “The French Invasion of Tunisia, 1881” The Historian 22.4 (August 1960), 396-399. https://www.jstor.org/stable/24436566
- French Protectorate of Tunisia#Congress of Berlin.
- ^ Stanford J. Shaw & Ezel Kural Shaw, History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey (Cambridge University 1977) at II: 190.
- ^ D. W. Brogan, The Development of Modern France. 1870–1939 (London: Hamish Hamilton 1940) at 224–227 (Tunisia); 228–231 (Egypt).
- ^ The French earlier had introduced to Egypt an Arabic printing press, during their occupation of 1798-1799. P. J. Vatikiotis, The Modern History of Egypt (New York: Praeger 1969) at 40.
- ^ Jamil M. Abun-Nasr, A History of the Maghrib (Cambridge University 1971), pp. 276–278.
- ^ Kassab and Ounaïes, L'Époque Contemporaine. 1881–1956 (Tunis: Sud Editions 2010), pp. 9–17.
- ^ a b Kenneth J. Perkins, A History of Modern Tunisia (Cambridge University 2004), pp. 10–12, 36–38.
- ^ Cooley, Baal, Christ, and Mohammed. Religion and Revolution in North Africa (New York 1965), pp. 193–196.
- ^ Richard M. Brace, Morocco Algeria Tunisia (Prentice-Hall 1964), pp. 36–37.
- ^ Jamil M. Abun-Nasr, A History of the Maghrib (Cambridge University 1971), pp. 278–282.
- ^ Kassab and Ounaies, L'Epoque Contemporaine 1881-1956 (Tunis 2010) at 10-17 (Bardo and la Marsa), 17-33 (armed resistance).
- ^ Jamil M. Abun-Nasr, A History of the Maghrib (Cambridge University 1971) at 280.
- ^ Kenneth L. Perkins, History of Modern Tunisia (Cambridge Univ. 2004), pp. 39–42 (French control, state debt).
- ^ A. Kassab & A. Ounaïes, L'Époque Contemporaine 1881–1956 (Tunis: Sud Editions 2010), pp. 143–145 (European population in Tunisia).
- ^ Nicola A. Ziadeh, Origin of Nationalism in Tunisia (Beirut: American Univ. of Beirut 1962), p. 33 (French population growth).
- ^ A. Kassab, A. A. Abdussalam, F. S. Abusedra, "The colonial economy: North Africa" 186–199, pp. 186–193, in General History of Africa, volume VII: Africa under colonial domination 1880–1935 (Paris UNESCO 1990), edited by A. Adu Boahen [abridged edition].
- ^ Perkins, History of Modern Tunisia (2004), pp. 57–60 (railroads), 60–61 (mining).
- ^ A. Kassab & A. Ounaïes, L'Époque Contemporaine 1881–1956 (Tunis: Sud Editions 2010) at Chap. III, "L'invasion de la production industrielle et la ruine de l'artisanat," 90–119, pp. 90–97.
- ^ Perkins, History of Modern Tunisia (2004), p. 55.
- ^ Cf., Ahmed Kassab & Ahmed Ounaïes, L'Époque Contemporaine 1881–1956 (Tunis: Sud Editions 2010) [Histoire Générale de la Tunisie, Tome IV] at Chapter V, "L'accroissement démographique et le fait urbain" 138–171, discussing the introduction of French urban design, including the juxtaposition of discreet modern city spaces and the architectural heritage of le ville arabe which inspired modern designs for new construction.
- ^ A. Kassab & A. Ounaïes, L'Époque Contemporaine 1881–1956 (Tunis: Sud Editions 2010), pp. 352–354 (irrigation, public health), p. 354 (population of Tunisia in 1956 at 3,800,000).
- ^ Richard M. Brace, Morocco Algeria Tunisia (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall 1964), p. 57: at start of the Protectorate in 1881 the Muslim population was about 1,500,000, and in 1946 it was 2,920,000. Brace cites Le Monde Économique (June 1, 1960), p. 109.
- ^ Perkins, History of Modern Tunisia (Cambridge University 2004), p. 49 (colon lands).
- ^ A. Kassab & A. Ounaïes, L'Époque Contemporaine 1881–1956 (Tunis: Sud Editions 2010), pp. 35–89.
- ^ Jamil M. Abun-Nasr, A History of the Maghrib (Cambridge University 1971), pp. 280–284.
- ^ Cf., chapter 6: "L'Enseignementet et l'evolution intellectuelle" at 172-196, in Ahmed Kassab and Ahmed Ounaïes, with Abdelkéfi, Louati, Mosbah, and Sakli, L'Époque Contemporaine 1881–1956. Histoire Général de la Tunisie, Tome IV (Tunis: Sud Éditions 2010).
- ^ H. Reese, Roberts, Bamford, Camp, McClanahan, Tompkins, Area Handbook for the Republic of Tunisia (Washington: American Univ. 1970) at chap. 9, "Education" 103–122, p. 104.
- ^ H. Djait, M. Talbi, F. Dachraoui, A. Dhouib, M. A. M'rabet, F. Mahfoudh, Le Moyen-Age. Histoire Général de la Tunisie, Tome II. (Tunis: Sud Éditions 2008), pp. 197–202.
- ^ Arnold H. Green, The Tunisian Ulama 1873-1915. Social structure and response to ideological currents (Leiden: Brill 1978) at 28-31.
- ^ Perkins, A History of Modern Tunisia (2004), p. 34.
- ^ Kassab et Ounaïes, L'Époque Contemporaine 1881–1956 (Tunis: Sud Éditions 2010) at 185-187, 191-192 (Zitouna); at 175, 182-183, 193-196 (Collège Sadiki); at pp. 172–173 (les Israélites et les Italiens).
- ^ Kenneth J. Perkins, A History of Modern Tunisia (Cambridge Univ. 2004), pp. 62–64. The Collège Saint-Charles de Tunis was renamed by the Protectorate in 1894 as Lycée Carnot.
- ^ Kassab and Ounaïes, L'Époque Contemporaine 1881–1956 (Tunis: Sud Éditions 2010) at 175-178, 182; for Muslim young women at 181-182.
- ^ Green, The Tunisian Ulama 1873-1915 (1978) at 137-142: Protectorate control extended to kuttabs, Collège Sadiki, and madrasas.
- ^ Perkins, A History of Modern Tunisia (2004) at 64, 66. Episode of colon resistance to education for Tunisians, at 67.
- ^ Theodore Zeldin, France 1848–1945. Intellect and Pride (Oxford University 1977, augmented 1980), chapter 4, "Education and Hope", 139–204, e.g., pp. 147–158, 177–185.
- ^ Roger Magraw, France 1815–1914. The bourgeois century (Oxford University 1983), pp. 216–219.
- ^ D. W. Brogan, The Development of Modern France 1870–1939 (London: Hamish Hamilton 1940), pp. 146–160.
- ^ Nicola A. Ziadeh, Origins of Nationalism in Tunisia (Beirut: American University 1962), pp. 52–54.
- ^ Perkins, A History of Modern Tunisia (2004), pp. 63–65, 66–67.
- ^ Kassab and Ounaïes, L'Époque Contemporaine 1881–1956 (Tunis: Sud Éditions 2010) at 173, 174, 176 (pro-French policy orientation); at 180-181 (excursus: school for women).
- ^ Reese, et al., Area Handbook for the Republic of Tunisia (1970), pp. 104–105.
- ^ Kassab and Ounaïes, L'Époque Contemporaine 1881–1956 (Tunis: Sud Éditions 2010) at 172-185.
- ^ Robert Aldrich, Greater France. A History of French Overseas Expansion (New York: St. Martin's Press 1996), especially at "Prologue. The First Overseas Empire", pp. 10–23. The Seven Years' War (1754–1763) saw French Canada go to Britain, with French Louisiana and the Mississippi ceded to Spain. Aldrich (1996), p. 12.
- ^ Most of the initially large French stake in India went to Britain in the 1763 treaty also. Vincent A. Smith, Oxford History of India (Oxford University 1911; 3d ed. 1958), chapter "English and French", pp. 455–464, 463–464.
- ^ Denis de Rougemont, Vingt-huit siècles d'Europe: la conscience européenne à travers les textes d'Hésiode à nos jours (Paris: Payot 1961), translated as The Idea of Europe (New York: Macmillan 1966), pp. 213–227.
- ^ Aldrich, Greater France. A History of French Overseas Expansion (New York: St. Martin's 1996), e.g., "The Maghreb", pp. 24–35.
- ^ Lucien Romier, L'Ancienne France: des Origines a la Révolution (Paris: Hachette 1948), translated and completed by A. L. Rowse as A History of France (New York: St. Martin's Press 1953), p. 381 (Algiers), 388–389 (Algeria); 381–384 (July Revolution); 383–384, 390–391 (social conflict). [The published French text ends at the Revolution of 1789. To complete the history Rowse translated a typescript left by Romier which continues until the Third Republic in 1885 (i.e., to page 433), and then Rowse wrote the remainder (pages 433–478).]
- Jacobins", often professionals). Also cf., section "The Making of the French Working Class?", pp. 91–106, who were called by some the classes dangereuses (at 106).
- ^ Cf., Lucien Romier, L'Ancienne France (Paris 1948), translated and completed by Rowse as A History of France (New York 1953), e.g., pp. 390–391 (1830), 395–399 (1848), 424–425 (1871), 436–440 (1890s), 468–471 (1930s).
- ^ David Thomson, Democracy in France since 1870 (Oxford University 1946, 5th ed. 1969; reprint Cassell 1989), pp. 39–74 (Chapter: "The Social Bases"), pp. 139–147 (anti-clericism in section "The Church").
- ^ Cf., for comparison with current situation in Egypt, Sheri Berman, "Marx's lesson for the Muslim Brothers" New York Times August 10, 2013.
- barricadeswhich were only taken by force of arms.
- ^ Roger Magraw, France 1815–1914. The Bourgeois Century (London: Wm. Collins 1983; Oxford Univ. 1986), pp. 136, 136–137 (1848 election results), 140–141 (1851 coup d'état).
- ^ Cf., Fareed Zakaria, The Future of Freedom. Illiberal democracy at home and abroad (New York: Norton 2003) pp. 64-66: In France the democratic franchise was expanded under republican and liberal influence, but the voters then elected authoritarian leaders.
- 1871 defeat, context described), pp. 55–74 (subsequent Paris Communerevolt).
- ^ Albert Hourani, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age 1798–1939 (Oxford University 1962, 1967), p. 349 (re Egypt).
- ^ Lucien Romier, L'Ancienne France (Paris 1948), translated and completed by Rowse as A History of France (New York 1953), pp. 439–440.
- ^ David Thomson, Democracy in France since 1870 (Oxford University 1946, 5th ed. 1969; reprint Cassell 1989), pp. 75–91 (legislature as sovereign in the constitution of the Third Republic), pp. 88–91 (Constitutional Laws of 1875), 101–102 (1870s election results).
- ^ D. W. Brogan, The Development of Modern France 1870–1939 (London: Hamish Hamilton 1940), p. 77 (Catholics normally "so weak in French political life"), 113 (Third Republic 1876 election results), 114 (French prosperity), 144–146 (republicans), 538–539 (1918 victory).
- ^ Romier, L'Ancienne France (Paris 1948), translated, completed by Rowse as A History of France (New York 1953), pp. 432–433.
- ^ D. W. Brogan, The Development of Modern France. 1870–1939 (London 1940), p. 225.
- ^ Aldrich, Greater France (New York: St. Martin's 1996), pp. 118–119.
- ^ Kassab and Ounaïes, with Abdelkéfi, Louati, Mosbah, and Sakli, L'Époque Contemporaine (1881–1956). Histoire Général de la Tunisie, Tome IV (Tunis: Sud Editions 2010), pp. 407–409.
- ^ Albert Hourani, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age 1798–1939 (Oxford University 1962, 1967), p. 366.
- ^ Kenneth J. Perkins, Historical Dictionary of Tunisia (Metuchen NJ: Scarecrow Press 1989), "Habib Bourguiba", pp. 28–35. In Paris Bourguiba studied the laws and political culture of France. There he also met and married Mathilde Louvain. Perkins (1989), p. 28.
- ^ Cf., Perkins, A History of Modern Tunisia (2004), p. 144.
- ^ Najib Ullah, Islamic Literature (New York: Washington Square 1963) pp. xi-xii, pp. 2–3 (map of Arabian sphere), pp. 214–215 (map of Iranian sphere), pp. 368–369 (map of Turkic sphere).
- History of Ottoman-era Tunisia. See, for example, the sections: Ottomans in the West, Janissary Deys, and Age of Reform: the Tanzimat. A brief review is also given hereinabove at Beylical debt.
- ^ Discussed previously in the History of early Islamic Tunisia.
- ^ Nikki R. Keddie, An Islamic Response to Imperialism. Political and religious writings of Sayyid Jamal ad-Din "al-Afghani" (Univ. of Calif. 1968) at 5-11: al-Afghani born and raised in Iran.
- ^ Cf., History of early Islamic Tunisia.
- ^ Cf., Marshall G. S. Hodgson, The Venture of Islam, Vol.1: The Classical Age (Univ.of Chicago 1961 [2v], 1974 [3v]) at I: 237.
- ^ John J. Saunders, "The Muslim Climate of Thought", p. 129, in his edited The Muslim World on the Eve of Europe's Expansion (Englewood Cliffs NJ: Prentice-Hall 1966).
- ^ Enayat, Modern Islamic Political Theories (University of Texas 1962) at 124:
"There are other Muslim nations [beside Iran] which have had varying degrees of attachment to their pre-Islamic legacies--the Egyptians to the Pharaonic, the Lebanese to the Phoenicians, the Tunisians to the Carthaginian, and the Iraqis to the Babylonian. But the temptations of these pristine glories have so far been offset by the countervailing pull of the Arabic language and culture, which, in their turn, can secure some kind of symbiosis between Arab nationalism and Islam."
- Aramaic and Coptic slowly switch to Arabic, beginning in the Umayyad Caliphate).
- ^ Nicholas Ostler, Empires of the Word. A language history of the world (HarperCollins 2005; 2006) at 58-68 (Akkadian); 78-86 (Aramaic).
- Sanusis(early 20th century, Libya).
- ^ George Lenczowski, editor, The Political Awakening in the Middle East (Prentice-Hall 1970), chapter "Fundamentalism and Reform" at 28-47, mentioning the Wahhabis, the Sanusis, and the Muslim Brotherhood of Egypt.
- ^ Nikki R. Keddie, An Islamic Response to Imperialism. Political and religious writings of Sayyid Jamal ad-Din "al-Afghani" (University of California 1968) at 16-97 (presentation of al-Afghani's career and views): at 24 (journal), at 26-27 (Nasir ad-Din Shah), at 29-31 (Sultan Abdulhamid), at 40-45 (anti-west yet modernizer), at 45-52 (Islamic philosophy), at 73-84 (materialism).
- ^ Albert Hourani, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age 1798–1939 (Oxford University 1970), pp. 108–129 (al-Afghani).
- ^ Wilfred Cantwell Smith, Islam in modern history (Princeton Univ. 1957) at 47-51 (Afghani).
- ^ Hamid Enayat, Modern Islamic Political Thought (Univ. of Texas 1982) re Asad-abadi (al-Afghani) at 41-42 (Islamic unity), at 47 (ijtihad), at 56 (pathfinder), at 83 (Muslim Brothers), at 135 (free will), at 185-186 (historical revision).
- ^ N. Ziadeh, Origins of Nationalism in Tunisia (Beirut 1962) at 62; at 99 (al-Afghani and the Tunisian politician Ath-Tha'alibi); cf., 67.
- ^ Keddie, An Islamic response to imperialism (1968) re 'Abduh as follower: at 24; cf., 93-95.
- British authorities, a public position in the official government... from which he could influence policy and public opinion. ... [H]e was ultimately interested in a religious reformation, i.e., ...interpretation of the religious law, the Sharia. This brought him into direct conflict with the Azhar hierarchy and other traditionalist elements in the country. His appointment to the office of Mufti[judge] of Egypt--the supreme interpreter of Sharia--was largely due to British influence."
- Mu'tazilites, pp. 11–12, cf. 123. 'Abduh stressed "the essential harmony of reason, revelation, and individual moral temperament" (at 109).
- ^ A. Hourani, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age 1798–1939 (Oxford Univ. 1970), pp. 130–160 ('Abduh), p. 147 (ijtihad).
- ^ Ziadeh, Origins of Nationalism in Tunisia (Beirut 1962) at 63-64, 68-69.
- ^ Leonard Binder, The Ideological Revolution in the Middle East (New York: Wiley 1964) at 60. Cf., professor Binder's comparison of 'Abduh with Ibn Khaldun of Hafsid Tunisia (at 67-72).
- ^ Elie Kedourie, Afghani and 'Abduh (London: Frank Cass 1966) cautions, however, that "with men like Afghani and 'Abduh... what is done has no necessary connection to what is said... ."
- History of Ottoman-era Tunisia#Age of modern reform.
- ^ Hourani, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age (Oxford University 1970), pp. 84–95 (Khayr al-Din).
- ^ Perkins, A History of Modern Tunisia (Cambridge University 2004), pp. 32–36 (Khair al-Din).
- ^ Guellouz, Masmoudi, Smida, Saadaoui, Les Temps Modernes 941-1247 H./1534-1881 (Tusis: Sud Editions 2010) at 412-428(Khaïreddine).
- ^ Green, The Tunisian Ulama 1873-1915 (Brill 1978) at 147-154; quotes at 147 ("adhered", "anti-"), 149 ("reformist"), 153 ("alliance", "content"), 154 ("letter").
- ^ Ziadeh, Origins of Nationalism in Tunisia (Beirut 1962) at 61-63: Shaykh Muhammad as-Sanusi, his travels, 'Abduh visit, the protest and demonstrations. A few years later the weekly al-Hādira was started (at 64), see below "Nationalist origins".
- ^ M. Șükrü Hanioğlu, A brief history of the late Ottoman Empire Princeton Univ. (2008) at 193: Syria called a "hotbed of Arab nationalist intellectual activity during the last years of the empire".
- ^ Abun-Nasr, A History of the Maghrib (1971) at 182-183, 184 (by 18th century Tunisia as independent of Ottomans).
- ^ Cf., T. E. Lawrence, Seven Pillars of Wisdom. A triumph (Geo. Doran Pub. Co. 1926; reprint, New York: Anchor 1991). A well-known, first-person English account of the revolt in Arabia against the Ottomans, leading to the fall of Damascus.
- ^ Samir al-Khalil (a.k.a. Kanan Makiya), Republic of Fear (University of California 1989; reprint New York: Pantheon) at 149-150: the Bedouin army "entered Damascus amidst scenes of unparalleled emotionalism."
- ^ P. M. Holt, Egypt and the Fertile Crescent 1516-1922. A political history (Cornell University 1966) at 213-216 (Egypt).
- ^ Abun-Nasr, A History of the Maghrib (1971) at 303 (Treaty of Fes); at 311 (Libya).
- A Peace to End all Peace. The fall of the Ottoman Empire and the creation of the modern Middle East(New York: Henry Holt 1989; reprint, NY: Avon), e.g., p. 493 (Syria), pp. 507–510 (Iraq).
- ^ Kerr, Islamic Reform. The Political and Legal Theories of Muhammad 'Abduh and Rashīd Ridā (1967) at 215-216, regarding reform of Islamic law: the Ottomans or Egypt as examples.
- ^ Cf., Abdallah Laroui, La crise des intellectuels arabes: traditionalisme ou historicisme? (Paris: Librairie François Maspero 1974) translated as The Crisis of the Arab intellectual. Traditionalism or historicism? (Univ. of Calif. 1976).
- ^ The French example remained an alternate model of political-economy. See above section: French context.
- ^ Perkins, A History of Modern Tunisia (2004), pp. 39–43.
- ^ Berque, French North Africa (1962; 1967) at 346-347, quote at 346 ("prodigality").
- ^ Anderson, The State and Social Transformation in Tunisia and Libya, 1830-1980 (Princeton Univ. 1986) at 96 text and note 2 (1864 revolt), quote at 117 ("obedience").
- ^ The Surest Path. The policial treatise of a nineteenth-century Muslim statesman. A translation of the Introduction to 'The Surest Path to Knowledge concerning the contition of countries' by Khayr al-Din al-Tunisi by Leon Carl Brown (Harvard Univ. 1967).
- ^ Guellouz, Masmoudi, Smida, Les Temps Modernes 941-1247 H./1534-1881 (Tunis: Sud Editions 2010) [Histoire Générale de la Tunisie, III] at 412-428.
- History of Ottoman-era Tunisia.
- ^ Perkins, A History of Modern Tunisia (Cambridge University 2004) at 65 (al-Hadira); at 33, 65 (Khair al-Din). Perkins refers to 'Abduh and the al-Hadira weekly as being socially conservative, inspired by salafiyya views (al-salaf, ancestors).
- ^ Nicola A. Ziadeh, Origins of Nationalism in Tunisia (Beirut: American University of Beirut 1962) at 64 (al-Hadirah, editorials); at 61-63 (as-Sanusi and 'Abduh), at 66, 68 ('Abduh's counsel); quote at 64.
- ^ Arnold Green, The Tunisian Ulama 1873-1915 (Leiden: Brill 1978) at 154 (Ibn Ashūr's conclusions). Shaykh al-Sanusi later "served briefly on the Mixed Property Court" created by the Protectorate, and wrote an 1887 book in Arabic to show the legitimacy of the French land law in terms of Muslim law, al-shar'i (at 146, 165).
- ^ Re 'Abduh's visit and al-Sanusi, see section: "Islamic context".
- ^ Laroui, History of Maghrib (Paris 1970; Princeton Univ. 1977), pp. 314–315, 353, 357–358 (Khair al-Din al-Tunsi); 359 (Qabadu).
- ^ Ziadeh, Origins of Nationalism in Tunisia (Beirut 1962), pp. 62–65, 67.
- ^ See above, section "Islamic context".
- ^ Ziadeh, Origins of Nationalism in Tunisia (Beirut 1962) at 65 (decree).
- ^ Laroui, History of Maghrib (Paris 1970; 1977) at 358–359 (three quotes).
- ^ Perkins, A Historyof Modern Tunisia (2004) at 66 (quote), 98 (Neo-Dustur).
- ^ Ziadeh, Origins of Nationalism in Tunisia (Beirut 1962) at 65-67; at 70 (foreign periodicals).
- ^ Ahmed Kassab & Ahmed Ounïes, L'Époque Contemporaine 1881-1956 (Tunis: Sud Editions 2010) [Histoire Générale de la Tunisie, IV] at 186-190.
- ^ Laroui, History of Maghrib (Paris 1970; Princeton Univ. 1977), pp. 358–361; 360 (opposition between Tha'alibi and Hamba [Hanba]).
- ^ Ziadeh, Origins of Nationalism in Tunisia (Beirut 1962) at 65–67, 74–75, 78–79; 99-100 (quotes: description of Tha'alibi, "attack on Islam", his trial).
- ^ Perkins, A History of Modern Tunisia (Cambridge University 2004), p. 68 (transition quote).
- ^ Laroui, History of Maghrib (Paris 1970; Princeton Univ. 1977), p. 361.
- ^ Ziadeh, Origins of Nationalism in Tunisia (Beirut 1962) at 79–82.
- ^ Laroui, History of Maghrib (Paris 1970; Princeton Univ. 1977) at 363 (1918 death of Hamba [Hanba] in Istanbul).
- ^ Ziadeh, Origins of Nationalism in Tunisia (Beirut 1962) at 83–85, 86 (Tha'alibi).
- ^ Ahmed Kassab & Ahmed Ounïes, L'Époque Contemporaine (Tunis: Sud Editions 2010), pp. 368–370.
- ^ Cf., Smith, Islam in Modern History (1957), e.g., pan-Islam at 80-84.
- ^ Nicola A. Ziadeh, Origins of Nationalism in Tunisia (Beirut: American University of Beirut 1962) at 80 (quote); 80–82 (Ottomans), 82 (Egypt).
- ^ Hanioglu, A brief history of the Late Ottoman Empire (2008) at 142, 161-162 (sultan: pan-Islam, deposed).
- ^ Hamid Enayat, Modern Islamic Political Thought (University of Texas 1982) at 52-56 (caliphate).
- ^ See also the above, section "Islamic context".
- ^ Felix Garas, Bourguiba et la naissance d'une nation (Paris 1956), p. 42; cited by Ziadeh (1962), pp. 85–86.
- ^ Perkins, A Modern History of Tunisia (2004) at 72 (loss of leadership).
- ^ Abdallah Laroui, L'Histoire du Maghreb: Un essai de sythèse (Paris: Librairie François Maspero 1970), translated as History of Maghrib. An interpretive essay (Princeton University 1977) at 346, 360–361, 363–364, quote at 364.
- ^ Ziadeh, Origins of Nationalism in Tunisia (Beirut 1962) at 82–83 (Tunis al-fatat), 110 (spectrum, Old Turbans).
- ^ Kassab & Ounaïes, L'Ėpoque Contemporaine 1881–1956 (Tunis: Sud Editions 2010), p. 143. [Histoire Générale de la Tunisie, Tome IV]
- ^ Italians in Tunisia (and Maghreb)
- ^ Lisa Anderson, The State and Social Transformation in Tunisia and Libya, 1830–1980 (Princeton University 1986), pp. 100, 151–153.
- ^ Aldrich, Greater France (1996) pp. 114, 115.
- ^ At Tunisian independence in 1956 the Europeans totalled about 250,000. Perkins, A History of Modern Tunisia (2004), p. 144.
- ^ Perkins, Historical Dictionary of Tunisia (1989), p. 39. The colons were also called Pied-Noirs.
- ^ E.g., qualification examinations for employment were given using the French language. Albert Memmi, Portrait du Colonisé précédé du Portrait du Colonisateur (Paris: Editions Buchet/Chastel-Corrêa 1957), translated as The Colonizer and the Colonized (Boston: Beadon Press 1967), e.g., p. 12. If a Tunisian "wants to obtain a job, make a place for himself" he must learn French. "In the linguistic conflict within the colonized, his mother tongue is that which is crushed." Memmi (1957, 1967), p. 107.
- ^ Jacques Berque, La Maghreb entre deux Guerres (Paris: Editions du Seuil 1962), translated by Jean Stewart as French North Africa (London: Faber and Faber 1967), pp. 44, 48 (land), 93 (economy), 99 (view of locals).
- ^ Kassab & Ounaïes, L'Ėpoque Contemporaine 1881–1956 (Tunis: Sud Editions 2010), p. 86 (agriculture), 90–92 (industry), 120–122 (commerce). [Histoire Générale de la Tunisie, IV].
- ^ Perkins, A History of Modern Tunisia (Cambridge University 2004), pp. 47–51 (colon dominance of agriculture and industry).
- ^ Nicola A. Ziader, Origin of Nationalism in Tunisia (Beirut: American University 1962), p. 58.
- ^ Cf., his posthumous autobiographical novel Le premier home (Paris 1994; 1995).
- ^ The Parti-Colonial was the major pressure group for all colonial matters, at 10,000 strong. Also, a large and "extremely influential" political lobby pressured government ministers and legislative commissions. Roger Magraw, France 1815–1914 (1983, 1986), p. 242.
- ^ Herbert Lüthy, Frankreichs Uhren gehen anders (Zürich: Europa-Verlag 1954), translated as A l'heure de son clocher. Essai sur la France. (Paris 1955), and as Luethy, France against Herself (New York: Praeger 1955), pp. 272–273, 274 (the 1950 settler 'revolt' against the reform agreement between the French colonial administration and Tunisian nationalists).
- ^ La Tunisie Française was a daily newspaper founded in 1892 "to represent the views of the French colons." It did so for over half a century. Perkins, Historical Dictionary of Tunisia (Metuchen NJ: Scarecrow Press 1989), p. 133.
- ^ Cf., Robert Aldrich, Greater France. A history of French overseas expansion (New York: St. Martin's 1996), pp. 138–146.
- ^ Camus, L'Estranger (Paris: Librairie Gallimard 1942; transl. as The Stranger Knopf, New York 1946).
- ^ Camus sought connections to do the difficult work for "peace and understanding" between different communities during Algeria's independence struggle. John K. Cooley, Baal, Christ, and Mohammed. Religion and Revolution in North Africa (New York: Holt Rinehart Winston 1965), pp. 317–318.
- ^ Cf., Jacques Berque in his book La Maghreb entre deux Guerres (Paris: Editions du Seuil 1962), translated as French North Africa. The Maghrib between two World Wars (London: Faber and Faber 1967), p. 15.
- ^ Berque, French North Africa (1962; 1967), p. 254.
- ^ Cf., Frantz Fanon, L'An Cinq de la Révolution Algérienne (Paris: François Maspero éditeur 1959), translated as A Dying Colonialism (New York: Grove Press 1965), pp. 157–162.
- ^ Robert Aldrich, Greater France. A history of French overseas expansion (New York: St. Martin's Press 1996), p. 114 (quote).
- ^ Berque, French North Africa (Paris 1962; 1967), pp. 64-68 (undercurrents of French administration), at 333 (Jews).
- ^ Perkins, A History of Modern Tunisia (2004) pp. 47-61 (European settlers); 46, 98 (Jews on an unhappy margin of European and Tunisian); 44, 48, 53 (Italians).
- ^ Berque, French North Africa (Paris 1962; 1967), pp. 220 (Congress); 39-42 (transport).
- ^ Perkins, A History of Modern Tunisia (2004) pp. 197 (Congress), 57-61 (public works).
- ^ Berque, French North Africa (Paris 1962; 1967), pp. 28-29, 65-72 (French colonial policy).
- ^ Robert Aldrich, Greater France. A history of French overseas expansion (New York: St. Martin's Press 1996), pp. 89–121, 163-198.
- ^ Ruth M. Davis, Ma'lūf. Reflections on the Arab Andalusian music of Tunisia (Lanham, MD: Scarecrow Press 2004), p. 48: Sidi Bou Said near Tunis was a traditional center of art, and of Ma'lũf performance.
- ^ Perkins, A History of Modern Tunisia (2004) pp. 8-9, 99-101, 114-115, 176-184; film: 9, 177-180, 198-201.
- ^ Kassab & Ounaïes, L'Epoque Contemporaine 1881-1956 (Tunis: Sud Editions 2010), pp. 217-232 (literature: traditional poetry, the novel, and theater), 255-283 (traditional music), 283-295 (painting, with color reproductions). Histoire Général de la Tunisie, Tome IV.
- ^ Ziadeh, Origins of Nationalism in Tunisia (Beirut 1962), pp. 90-92.
- ^ Perkins, History of Modern Tunisia (2004), pp. 74-76, 76-80.
- ^ Aldrich, Greater France (1996) pp. 266-268.
- ^ Ziadeh, Origins of Nationalism in Tunisia (Beirut 1962), pp. 85-97.
- ^ Perkins, A History of Modern Tunisia (2003) at 76-89 (Destour), 89-95 (intra-party conflict).
- ^ Kassb and Ounaïes, L'Époque Contemporaine (Tunis 2010) at 375-400 (Le Destour).
- ^ Perkins, History of Modern Tunisia (2004) at 85: CGTT created, which drained Tunisian workers away from the French labor union CGT.
- ^ Kassb and Ounaïes, L'Époque Contemporaine (Tunis 2010) at 510-518: CGTT.
- ^ Perkins, A History of Modern Tunisia (2004) at 95-102.
- jail.
- ^ Kassab and Ounaies, L'Epoque Contemporaines 1881-1956 (Tunis 2010) at 430.
- ^ Eisenhower, Crusade in Europe (1948) at 124.
- ^ Kassab and Ounaies, L'Epoque Contemporaines 1881-1956 (Tunis 2010) at 430-431.
- ^ David Thomson, Democracy in France since 1870 (Oxford University 1946, 5th ed. 1969; reprint Cassell 1989), pp. 213–229 (Vichy).
- ^ Before Vichy lost control in the Maghrib, persecution of the Jews had begun there. Cf., Robert Satloff, Among the Righteous. Lost stories from the Holocaust's long reach into Arab lands (New York: Public Affairs 2006).
- ^ Perkins, A History of Modern Tunisia (2004), pp. 105–106.
- ^ Rommel later joined the German military's plot to kill Hitler; Rommel's preference was to arrest him and try him for war crimes. Wm. L. Shirer, Rise and Fall of the Third Reich (New York: Simon and Schuster 1960), pp. 1030–1032; North African warfare, pp. 911–913, 919–925.
- ^ The British evidently respected the Afrika Corps because "it fought according to the rules". And there were no S.S. divisions in the desert. Desmond Young, Rommel: The Desert Fox (London: Collins 1950; reprint Berkley 1962), p. 128.
- ^ Robert Rinehart, "Historical Setting", 1–70, pp. 44–47, in Nelson, ed., Tunisia. A Country Study (3d ed. 1986).
- ^ Dwight D. Eisenhower, Crusade in Europe (New York: Doubleday 1948), p. 137.
- ^ Hooker Doolittle, experienced in North African politics since 1933, was the American consul in Tunis, 1941–1943. He "openly criticized the Free French for their treatment of the Arabs" following the Allied defeat of Germany in Tunisia, and "his contacts with the leaders of the Neo-Dustur led France to demand his dismissal." He was reassigned to Egypt. Perkins, Historical Dictionary of Tunisia (1989), p. 44.
- ^ Perkins, A History of Modern Tunisia (2004), pp. 106–107, 111; quote, p. 106. Perkins comments that Moncef Bey was not pro-German, but rather he was against the French Protectorate; certainly Tunisian independence was his first objective.
- ^ Rinehart, "Historical Setting", p. 47, in Nelson, ed., Tunisia. A Country Study (3d ed. 1986). The French colons themselves had once been "generally sympathetic to the Vichy regime". Ibid., p. 44. The war created difficult choices for the French.
- ^ Perkins, A History of Modern Tunisia (2004), pp. 104, 107–110.
- ^ Kassab and Ounaïes, L'Époque Contemporaine (Tunis 2010) at 441-448 (Asia), 448-453 (Africa), 453-468 (specifically North Africa).
- ^ Frantz Fanon, Les damnés de la terre (Paris: François Maspero éditeur 1961), translated as The Wretched of the Earth (New York: Grove Press 1968). The colonized locals "find out on the spot that all the piles of speeches on the equality of human beings do not hide the commonplace fact that the seven Frenchmen killed or wounded at Col de Sakamody kindles the imagination of all civilized consciences, whereas... the massacre of whole populations... is not of the slightest importance." Fanon (1961, 1968), p. 89.
- ^ Following Tunisian independence in 1956, Fanon became based in Tunis, working for "the free Algerian press service and the FLN [Front de Libéracion Nationale] paper, El Moudjahid." David Caute, Frantz Fanon (New York: Viking 1970), p. 47.
- ^ Kassab and Ounaïes, L'Époque Contemporaine (Tunis 2010) at 440-441 (UN, USA, USSR, and post-war decline of colonialism).
- ^ Robert Aldrich, Greater France (1996) at 282 (countries independent).
- ^ Kassab & Ounaïes, L'Époque Contemporaine (2010) at 454 (Arab League, Bourguiba's move).
- ^ Pierre Rossi, La Tunisie de Bourguiba (Paris: Editions Kahia 1967) translated as Bourguiba's Tunisia (Tunis: Kahia 1967) at 35 (in Cairo re the M.L.C). Rossi states that Bourguiba resided in Cairo 1945-1949.
- ^ Jacques Baulin, The Arab role in Africa (Harmondsworth: Penguin 1962) at 118-119, 123-125: Bourguiba's years (1946-1949) in Cairo caused him later to be suspicious of Nasser in Egypt and his domination of the Arab League.
- ^ Rossi, Bourguiba's Tunisia (Paris; Tunis: Kahia 1967) at 37: October 1952 the Tunisian question on the agenda at United Nations.
- ^ Kassab and Ounaïes, L'Époque Contemporaine (Tunis 2010) at 534: hearings on the 'Tunisian question' at U.N., December 1954.
- ^ See section above "Tunisian Destour".
- ^ Perkins, History of Modern Tunisia (2004) at 85: CGTT created, which drained Tunisian workers away from the French labor union CGT; at 112-114: UGTT created to be nationalist alternative to communist-led French unions.
- ^ Kassb and Ounaïes, L'Époque Contemporaine (Tunis 2010) at 510-518: CGTT; at 518-530: UGTT.
- ^ Perkins, History of Modern Tunisia (2004) at 115-117.
- ^ Howard C. Reese, et al., Area Handbook for the Republic of Tunisia (Washington 1970) at 37.
- ^ Perkins, History of Modern Tunisia (2004) at 123-124 (limited reforms); 124, 125 (guerrillas).
- ^ Kassb and Ounaïes, L'Époque Contemporaine (Tunis 2010) at 468-475. 'La résistance armée' mustered its strength following the massive arrests of Neo-Destour leaders by French authorities in January 1952. Its origins dated to 1949. Recruiting from army veterans as well as boy scouts, organized groups were scattered across the country. Its presence and activities menaced the security of the French colons.
- ^ Abdullah Laroui provides a very abstracted summary this sequence of events in Tunisia (cultural reformism, political reformism, political activism), noting that the parallel sequence in Algeria and Morocco differed somewhat. He then abstracts for the entire Maghrib: secular political reformism (moderate both in ideology and action), religious reformism (radical in ideology but moderate in action), and political activism (moderate in program, extremist in methods of action). Laroui, History of Maghrib (1970; 1977), pp. 363–364, 366, 367.
- ^ Perkins, History of Modern Tunisia (2004) at 128-129.
- ^ Perkins, Historical Dictionary of Tunisia (Metuchen: Scarecrow 1989) at 26.
- ^ Richard M. Brace, Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia (Prentice-Hall 1964), pp. 39–52, 95–97.
- ^ Perkins, History of Modern Tunisia (2004) at 117-129.
- ^ Anun-Nasr, A History of the Maghrib (1971) at 350-354.
- ^ See above, section "Post-war Context".
- ^ Albert Memmi, Portrait du Colonisé précédé du Portrait du Colonisateur (Paris: Editions Buchet/Chastel-Corrêa 1957), translated as The Colonizer and the Colonized (Boston: Beadon Press 1967), p. 8. This work widely circulated following independence.
- ^ Memmi, The Colonizer and the Colonized (Paris 1957; Boston 1967), pp. 4, 5, 6.
- ^ Perkins, A History of Modern Tunisia (Cambridge University 2004), p. 144.
- ^ Berque, French North Africa (Paris 1962; London 1967), p. 99 ("Greater progress"), at 383-384 ("abstain from").
Further reading
- Perkins, Kenneth. A History of Modern Tunisia (2nd edition, 2014)
- Roberts, Stephen A. History Of French Colonial Policy 1870-1925 (2 vol 1929) vol 2 pp 259–301 online
See also
- History of Tunisia
- Hafsid dynasty
- Barbary Coast
- List of Beys of Tunis
- Italian Tunisians
- French conquest of Tunisia
- Tunisia Campaign
- Tunisia
- History of Africa